Movement In Canada Research Articles

Building the social prescribing student movement in Canada.

Social prescribing is defined as "a means for trusted individuals in clinical and community settings to identify that a person has nonmedical, health-related social needs and to subsequently connect them to nonclinical supports and services within the community by co-producing a social prescription-a nonmedical prescription, to improve health and well-being and to strengthen community connections." Globally, there is growing interest in social prescribing as a holistic approach to health and well-being, with almost 30 countries involved in the social prescribing movement. In Canada, great strides are being made in social prescribing research, policy and practice, with all of this work being supported by the Canadian Institute for Social Prescribing.

Media discourse in Canada on trans youth and parent advocacy

ABSTRACT News reporting on transgender youth between 2011 and 2019 in Canada is increasingly affirming of transgender identities, experiences, and needs. These news stories are also increasingly initiated by parent/caregiver advocates of trans youth. We trace the recent history of news coverage of transgender youth to provide for the first time a history of parent advocacy as a social movement in Canada. This movement began in urban centres by cis, white, professional women, but is increasingly representative of rural, Black, Indigenous, and people of colour (BIPOC), and diverse caregiver advocates of transgender youth.

Remembering Lutheran Campus Ministry For the Sake of the Gospel

This Article was created from the “Remembering Campus Ministry” video (posted November 15, 2022) and shown via Zoom–Share Screen during Webinar 2. Watch the video at <a href="https://youtu.be/mcna_jp3iEM">https://youtu.be/mcna_jp3iEM</a>. The video was followed by reflections by Rev. Dr. Bishop Donald W. Sjoberg and Rev. Dr. Bishop Susan C. Johnson, both of whom were active in Lutheran Campus Ministry and the Lutheran Student Movement in Canada. See also “Gathering and Sending: Welcome, Greetings, Blessings Webinar 2 (Donald W. Sjoberg, Susan C. Johnson)” in this issue.

Creating, archiving and exhibiting disability history: The oral histories of disability activists of the Carleton University Disability Research Group

Building a disability archives that is accessible is an ongoing challenge. At Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada, this work began a decade ago with the formation of a modest collection of scholars interested in disability issues. The Carleton University Disability Research Group developed as a collective of scholars, graduate students, and non-governmental organisation workers from the fields of social work, engineering, history, library, and archives, including people with disabilities. Since 2013, it has worked to collect, archive, discuss and display histories of disability in Canada, using various media. This paper documents and analyzes the aspects of this work linked to information studies, from the role of archivists and librarians to the making of archives and exhibits with, for, and about people with disability. It presents innovative decisions, introduces unexpected benefits for all in the light of the project of a critical disability archival method and discusses the potential of universities as a site of practice. It takes its most recent project, the Oral histories of activists in the disability rights movement in Canada (1970–2020) as the main case.

Imagining Neurodivergent Futures from the Belly of the Identity Machine: Neurodiversity, Biosociality, and Strategic Essentialism.

Several critiques have emerged of the neurodiversity paradigm and of claims made by activists in the Neurodiversity Movement. These critiques include concerns that the Neurodiveristiy movement downplays the differences between Autistic people. In this article, I argue that the neurodiversity paradigm is a strategically adopted response to current realities. Sometimes, it is strategically necessary to appeal to existing narratives about Autism, or to emphasize solidarity within the Autistic community over the autism spectrum's internal diversity. At times, this can lead activists to neglect a more nuanced articulation of the Neurodiversity paradigm, which allows for the diversity of our community while still calling for solidarity in the face of shared experiences of discrimination. I compare this strategy with strategies of strategic essentialism utilized in the Indigenous Rights movement in Canada. I also explore the ways in which discourses of ableism and racism have historically been intertwined. Both Autistic people and Indigenous people represent diverse communities that must grapple with externally imposed identities to access legal rights, and both identities have been denigrated as mentally inferior by non-Autistic and colonial powers. I conclude that it is sometimes necessary to employ these types of strategies to secure needed resources and protections. I call for both scholars and advocates to take a more intersectional approach to understanding how strategic essentialism is being deployed within the Neurodiversity Movement.

The gender dimension of the activity of the Ukrainian women's movement in Canada and Australia

The article is devoted to the study of the organized women's movement abroad. The Ukrainian women's movement, which arose and began to develop in all the countries where Ukrainians immigrated and lived, became the continuation and development of the Ukrainian women's movement on Ukrainian lands and had the goal of gaining women's rights in access to education and solving all public affairs. The reason for the emigration of Ukrainians was unfavorable political circumstances in the empires, to which at the end of the 19th century included all Ukrainian lands, as well as the economic decline and slow and ineffective development of the economy of both empires.
 The organized Ukrainian women's movement has always relied on the principles of equality of people regardless of gender. The activity of Ukrainian women's organizations was based on the idea of gender equality. It is obvious that the concept of "gender equality" refers to modern legal terminology, and at the beginning of the formation of the organized Ukrainian women's movement, such a term did not exist. Equality of people, regardless of gender, was outlined by the concept of "women's emancipation". What is interesting in the development of the Ukrainian women's movement in the free world is the difference with the women's movement of Canadians or Australians, which had a feminist component at its core, that is, it was based on the opposition of the sexes. Such antagonism between the sexes arose in those peoples who had their own state and were not subjected to national oppression.
 The activities of women's organizations were aimed at identifying discriminatory social practices and fighting for women's rights. Since Ukrainians did not have their own state and were oppressed, both men and women, there could be no conflict between the sexes. Therefore, for the Ukrainian women's movement, the basic values were the acquisition of women's rights, the preservation of national identity, traditions, the education of youth, and the preservation of the church. It should be noted that Ukrainian men supported women in their endeavors. Therefore, the activity of the organized Ukrainian women's movement is outlined in the context of gender equality.

State-Funded Feminism: A Methodology for the History of Public Funding for Canada’s Voluntary Sector

Evolving digital tools are opening new avenues of inquiry for historical research. This research note provides a methodology for collecting historical data on government grants to non-governmental organizations. State funding has had a profound impact on the voluntary sector since the 1960s. The women’s movement, in particular, has been deeply impacted by the state’s intervention into the voluntary sector. Using grants data has the potential to provide unique insights into the dynamics between the state and civil society. Among other things, it enables historians to track organizations over time periods and jurisdictions; to document the diversity of organizations in the voluntary sector; to identify new organizations for historical research; and to compare funding trends among organizations or governments by region, time period, and issue area. The methodology presented in this study includes the use of digital tools to collect, process, and analyze grants data from multiple levels of government while sharing some preliminary findings on the impact of state funding on the women’s movement in Canada since the 1960s. The data reveal, among other things, how state funding has fostered the proliferation of voluntary organizations and privileged certain organizations within the movement as well as vast disparities in funding among regions within Canada.

“A So-Called Tenants’ Union”: Defining the Organizational Power of Tenants within and outside the Law

How is a tenants’ union defined within the parameters of the law? How have tenants been defining themselves as a union outside of the law? This paper will examine the answers to these questions by laying out the historical context of the current rental regime in Ontario, analyzing the current case law on tenant associational activity, and highlighting the organizational tactics that tenants’ associations have used to build power where the law has failed to protect their interests. While advancing a legal case for robust tenant associational rights may force landlords to the bargaining table, the future of tenants’ associations in and outside of the law should draw on lessons learned from the labour movement in Canada with a “whole-worker organizing” approach in mind.

Maintaining the Carceral Echo Chamber: Tensions Within the Anti-Trafficking Movement in Canada

The anti-trafficking movement in Canada has grown rapidly since thelate 2000s, branding itself as a feminist human rights-based effort to eliminatehuman trafficking and taken up by the Government of Canada to position itselfas a benevolent leader on the international stage. Focusing on the membershipof an anti-trafficking coalition in Toronto, Canada, this article explores how themovement creates moral spaces that validate a wide range of anti-traffickingefforts. In unpacking how tensions between members are navigated throughthe suppression of direct conflict and an ethos of collaboration, it demonstrateshow carceral feminist approaches to imagining and eliminating humantrafficking continue to remain dominant despite a growth in the efforts ofindividual members to promote harm reduction and reduce the criminalizationof marginalized communities.

The ‘healthy parks–healthy people’ movement in Canada: progress, challenges, and an emerging knowledge and action agenda

The ‘healthy parks–healthy people’ movement in Canada: progress, challenges, and an emerging knowledge and action agenda

Indigenous Knowledge Is Crucial to Confronting Climate Change and Supports Psychiatric Practice

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article Climate ChangeFull AccessIndigenous Knowledge Is Crucial to Confronting Climate Change and Supports Psychiatric PracticeJoseph Neidhardt, M.D.Joseph NeidhardtSearch for more papers by this author, M.D.Published Online:28 Feb 2022https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.pn.2022.03.3.6AbstractMy career arc includes having a long-time practice in preventive and environmental medicine. Over the years, I have become increasingly concerned about the impacts of the climate crisis. My wife, Mary Roessel, M.D., a Navajo psychiatrist and APA Area 7 Trustee, introduced me to Navajo healing, ceremony, and philosophy from which I learned that “we are part of nature.” I redirected my professional focus to climate and health. I read extensively and consulted Indigenous leaders about their perspectives.This led me to become interested in the interface between Indigenous knowledge and climate change, eventually leading to the creation of the book Groundswell: Indigenous Knowledge and a Call to Action for Climate Change. The book combines the writings of Indigenous people with those of experts on climate change. This merging of two perspectives crystallized the relationship between two systems: Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Western science.We recently made a presentation at COP26 in Glasgow. COP26 stands for the 26th Conference of the Parties. My collaborators and I formulated questions for our presentation: How can Indigenous knowledge be utilized to address the climate crisis? How can complexity science and traditional ecological knowledge assist our search for new solutions? How can Indigenous futurism impact our perspective? The title of our presentation was “Walk in Beauty—Future Dreaming Through Indigenous Knowledge and Western Science.” Our intent was to persuade others that applying Indigenous knowledge can change the world.Our presentation resonated with attendees and other presenters at COP26. Many participants were young and enthusiastic and offered creative solutions. We attended fascinating presentations by and about the Sami people from Finland, Russia, and Norway and Indigenous people in Canada and discussed the “Yellowstone to the Yukon” project and nature-based solutions to climate change. There was significant support for the Land Back movement in Canada and the Amazon. Indigenous people could add significantly to nature-based solutions, especially if the Land Back movement takes hold and leads to the return of stolen lands.The marches and public expressions of urgency were high points of the COP26 experience. The Youth March was filled with enthusiasm; many young people gave compelling speeches, leading us to hope that young people may break through current leaders’ inability to keep global warming increases under 1.5 C.The final governmental agreement, the most publicized component of this massive conference, was simultaneously significant and disappointing. Although there were some major commitments to reduce methane and to continue the pursuit of other forms of carbon reduction, the overall lack of concrete global commitments and the absence of meaningful reparations and protections for more endangered nations (which are not major contributors to climate change) were glaring omissions from the final agreement that emerged from the conference.Psychiatry plays significant roles in responding to the climate crisis. An obvious use of our expertise is to recognize, prevent, and treat the traumatic impacts of extreme weather events, the neuropsychiatric consequences of heat and pollution, and eco-anxiety and mood disorders attributable, in part, to climate change.As we expand our perspective, we can address denial, disavowal, and “green washing” of the scientific facts about the harms of continued extraction and consumption of fossil fuels. As health professionals, we have ethical obligations to speak up about health threats to individuals and the community. More frequent extreme climatic and weather events must be recognized as not just “another bad storm.” The extensive loss of coral reefs and measurable sea-level rise must be brought to our society’s attention.Eco-anxiety, denial, and dissociation are within the purview of psychiatry. We must address these with our patients. We are good at reframing and motivating our patients to change, and we have excellent treatments for anxiety. Unfortunately, I did not encounter these topics at COP26.Our collective has decided to engage with young people with some emphasis on artists who are members of minority groups. They are among those affected “first and worst” by the climate crisis and may benefit the most if the world makes the necessary changes to mitigate, prevent, and reverse the causes and harms of global warming. Taking action is one of the best ways to address eco-anxiety. We can simultaneously foster prevention, help those with eco-anxiety, and make changes that mitigate the climate crisis (see www.envisionthebigpicture.com).Following the lead of our Indigenous allies will produce reciprocity with nature. It would assist in changing our consumer, extraction economy. It will foster equity and equality within our diverse society to reverse nature-based injustice. ■Joseph Neidhardt, M.D., practices in Santa Fe, N.M. He has worked for tribal health programs and is the author of Groundswell: Indigenous Knowledge and a Call to Action for Climate Change. ISSUES NewArchived

Women in the Uyghur Advocacy Movement in Canada: The Making of a Political “Activist"

This study analyzes the life stories of three female Uyghur political activists. Born and raised in East Turkestan/Xinjiang, all three chose to emigrate to the West. Today they live in Canada, advocating for the rights of Turkic peoples in their “Homeland” and raising public awareness of the CCP’s campaign against the Uyghurs, a campaign which is currently recognized as genocidal by seven countries as well as a number of human rights organizations. This study adopts a narrative analysis of these life stories, which were collected as a form of oral history. The narratives focus on the experiences of ethnic Uyghurs living, studying, and working in China in the 1980s–2000s during the ongoing crackdowns and “strike hard” campaigns in East Turkestan/Xinjiang. Through the techniques of narrative analysis, we investigate and analyze the tensions, turning points, and motivations which led to their personal transformations and decision to become publicly involved in creating social and political change for their community. While the political statements of Rukiye Turdush, Arzu Gul, and Raziya Mahmut have been widely circulated in Canadian government and media reports, this study focuses on their personal lives and the troubling, traumatic events in their youth which triggered their choice to leave China. We ultimately argue that a narrative analysis of their stories helps us perceive these narratives as a continuation of their activism.

They Call Me George: The Untold Story of Black Train Porters and the Birth of Modern Canada

They Call Me George: The Untold Story of Black Train Porters and the Birth of Modern Canada

Women Rally for Action 1976: Politically Engaged Feminism in British Columbia

This article situates a 1976 feminist rally in Victoria, British Columbia, Women Rally for Action, within the context of Canada’s national feminist movement. The rally was a legislative lobbying event aimed at the newly elected Social Credit government and their cuts to the social services that supported gender equality in the province. By tracing the development of the second wave feminist movement in Canada and in BC, this article explores how the organizers of the BC rally employed a national feminist strategy of organized political pressure. In doing so, they worked towards the politicization of the women’s movement on a national and provincial level, and developed an invaluable framework for future women’s organizing in BC.

Local Food: Charting Meaning Emergence Through the Dynamics of Discourse, Rhetoric and Framing

This study seeks to understand how new meanings emerge in the context of institutional change. Existing research seeking to understand shifts in meaning has primarily accessed meaning, across numerous contexts, via the three key constructs of discourse, rhetoric, or framing. Within the context of the emergence of the local food movement in Canada, I employ a mixed methods approach using term frequencies, topic modelling and qualitative content analysis, within a computational grounded theory framework for Big Data analysis. My data consists of all articles containing any mention of the term “local food” in popular Canadian press over 37 years from 1978-2014, a database totalling 31,421 articles. My results show that firstly, new meanings pertaining to local food emerged rapidly over the 37-year period. Secondly, unexpected actors were found to significantly impact the propulsion of meaning change, by establishing new vocabularies surrounding the term “local food”. Finally, I find evidence that supports a strong role for both micro-processes of rhetoric and framing and macro-processes of discourse. I demonstrate how these processes occur through the dynamic intersection of rhetoric, framing and discourse. I propose an emergent process model of meaning change.

The Institutional Position of Athletes in the Governance Networks of the Olympic Movement in Canada, Germany and the United Kingdom

Athletes are increasingly playing a role as actors within the sport political arena. Against this backdrop, questions regarding the representation and power of athletes as stakeholders of the Olympic Movement have been raised by academics as well as the media and, above all, the athletes themselves. The aim of this study is to add to the discussion on athlete representation and power by investigating the institutional position of athletes in the governance networks of the Olympic Movement in three different national contexts. Traditional forms of athlete bodies, i.e. Athletes’ Commissions, as well as independent organizations are analyzed regarding their current manifestations and historic developments. To paint a comprehensive picture of institutional power of athletes, Social Network Analysis is utilized to assess power from a network perspective. The qualitative and quantitative results reveal differing degrees of inclusion of athletes into the decision-making structures of National Sport Governing Bodies. From the comparative design of the study, it is possible to show that the underlying principles defining a national sport system influence the position and role of athletes in terms of board membership in National Sport Governing Bodies and the manifestation of organizations representing the athletes’ interest.

Collaboration Consequences: New Public Management and Police-Academic Partnerships

With increasing pressure on public organizations to demonstrate accountability, police services and public universities are being tasked with demonstrating how their institutional strategies are effective and economically efficient. In this paper, we draw on our own research collaborations with two different Canadian police services (Bluewater and Greenfield) on a similar community crime prevention strategy, Situation Tables. We illustrate how new public management practices are embedded in the political, economic, and organizational contexts that have inspired police-academic partnerships and invigorated the evidence-based policing movement in Canada. Our analysis illustrates how our partnerships were influenced by the performance strand of new public management that prioritizes the quantification of measures of outputs over qualitative evaluations of impact. We argue that these practices, if not interrogated, can jeopardize the integrity of evidence-based practice and policy development. Academic freedom must be retained when partnering with the police to ensure an examination of the implications of police practices.

РОЗКОЛ В УКРАЇНСЬКОМУ КОМУНІСТИЧНОМУ РУСІ КАНАДИ В 1930-Х РР.

The article substantiates the reasons of the split in the Ukrainian communist movement in Canada in the mid-1930s at the peak of its popularity. They consisted of acquainting of its supporters with information about dekulakization, the Holodomor of 1932–1933, the Bolshevik repressions on the territory of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, and so on. It clearly describes how this conflict took place in the Ukrainian labour-farmer temple association, which united Ukrainian communists, how it was perceived by its members, what consequences it led to and how it affected on spreading of communist views among Ukrainians in Canada. The society was divided into those who unquestioningly believed or knew the truth and equally supported Stalin's policy in Ukraine and those who condemned it and saw a different way of further life in the workers 'and peasants' state. It shows how the communist movement developed in the 1930s, how the so-called socialist segment stood out from it, who its supporters were and what ideas they professed. It is worth noting that for some time the "opportunists", that formed Federation of Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Organizations, could not decide on their socio-political position and hesitated on whose side to stand and whether to join the Ukrainian national-patriotic bloc of organizations or to function separately, despite the small number. The leading members of the newly created organization were D. Lobay, T. Kobzey, S. Khvaliboga, Y. Elendyuk, and M. Zmiyovsky. In August 1928, M. Mandryka arrived to Canada, delegated by the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries in Prague to seek financial support for Ukrainian socialist institutions in Czechoslovakia. It was to be a short-term mission, that transformed into a permanent staying overseas. M. Mandryka managed to unite Ukrainian socialists who had nothing to do with the ULFTA. The research also describes the directions of activity of Ukrainian socialists in Canada, their ties with other public organizations, political parties and future relations with former like-minded people. An attempt is made to evaluate the socialist movement and establish its significance for the social and political life of the diaspora.

Finding Viola: the untrue, true story of a groundbreaking female African Nova Scotian entrepreneur

ABSTRACT Viola Desmond is now considered a forerunner in the civil rights movement in Canada. Lesser known is her role as a groundbreaking and successful African Nova Scotian entrepreneur. In this paper, the author pursues two objectives: (1) elevate the entrepreneurial accomplishments and lessons of Viola Desmond, and (2) explore a unique feminist approach to critical historiography, which fuses prowoman polemical writing, with fictocritical strategies and autoethnography. The research question guiding this study is: How can the application of a novel feminist approach help reveal an overlooked historical female figure who has been marginalized by a web of interlocking discourses? The paper makes three related contributions: (1) achieving recognition for Viola Desmond as an overlooked contributor to our understanding of female leadership in black entrepreneur; (2) promoting an understanding of her lost lessons and accomplishments; and (3) providing a plausible explanation for why Viola Desmond was omitted from the conceptualization of the field.

Raising a Pacific Anti-Nuclear Consciousness in Canada

The capability to enact devastation that defied borders of the nation-state begged larger ethical and existential questions of nuclear power. Iterations of these moral questions found a place at the epicentre of the anti-nuclear movement in Canada from the 1950s-1990s. The South Pacific People’s Foundation (SPPF) was established in 1975 in Victoria, British Columbia in response to the growing presence of nuclear violence in the Pacific world. It propagated tenets of Indigenous sovereignty, solidarity, anti-colonialism, and peace within the Pacific. While anti-nuclear activism was already well established in Canada, it was limited in its focus on the potential threat that nuclear power posed to Canadians and neglected to confront Canadian participation in nuclear testing throughout the world. In 1982, the SPPF began publishing the journal Tok Blong (talk belongs). This paper argues that the SPPF brought an acutely Pacific perspective to the anti-nuclear movement in Canada as demonstrated through their work in Tok Blong. Particular attention is given to the SPPF’s coverage of Canadian shelling of the sacred Hawaiian island, Kaho’olawe, and representations of the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement. The paper is situated within post-colonial scholarship on Kaho’olawe as well as secondary literature on the anti-nuclear movement within Canada drawing particular parallels with the movement to make Canada a Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zone. The paper will disrupt the associations of youth, whiteness, and Canadian passivity that often get assigned to anti-nuclear activism in Canada and counterculture more broadly.