Morphosyntactic Processing Research Articles

Morphosyntactic Production and Verbal Working Memory: Evidence From Greek Aphasia and Healthy Aging.

The present work investigated whether verbal working memory (WM) affects morphosyntactic production in configurations that do not involve or favor similarity-based interference and whether WM interacts with verb-related morphosyntactic categories and/or cue-target distance (locality). It also explored whether the findings related to the questions above lend support to a recent account of agrammatic morphosyntactic production: Interpretable Features' Impairment Hypothesis (Fyndanis, Varlokosta, & Tsapkini, 2012). A sentence completion task testing production of subject-verb agreement, tense/time reference, and aspect in local and nonlocal conditions and two verbal WM tasks were administered to 8 Greek-speaking persons with agrammatic aphasia (PWA) and 103 healthy participants. The 3 morphosyntactic categories dissociated in both groups (agreement > tense > aspect). A significant interaction emerged in both groups between the 3 morphosyntactic categories and WM. There was no main effect of locality in either of the 2 groups. At the individual level, all 8 PWA exhibited dissociations between agreement, tense, and aspect, and effects of locality were contradictory. Results suggest that individuals with WM limitations (both PWA and healthy older speakers) show dissociations between the production of verb-related morphosyntactic categories. WM affects performance shaping the pattern of morphosyntactic production (in Greek: subject-verb agreement > tense > aspect). The absence of an effect of locality suggests that executive capacities tapped by WM tasks are involved in morphosyntactic processing of demanding categories even when the cue is adjacent to the target. Results are consistent with the Interpretable Features' Impairment Hypothesis (Fyndanis et al., 2012). https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.6024428.

Predictive processing of syntactic information: evidence from event-related brain potentials

ABSTRACTSeveral recent event-related potential (ERP) studies have observed a left (anterior) negativity (L(A)N) in (morpho)syntactically well-formed but semantically anomalous sentences, which are often referred to as semantic reversal anomalies (e.g. The window closes someone). Such a L(A)N elicitation for semantic reversal anomalies is not expected under the widely held assumption that LANs are associated with morphosyntactic processing loads and are insensitive to semantic anomalies. This raises the empirical question of why semantic reversal anomalies elicit a L(A)N effect. One possible explanation for this observation can be presented in relation the multi-stream processing model, according to which the independent semantic processing stream challenges an analysis outputted by the morphosyntactic processing stream, leading to a misperception of morphosyntactic ill-formedness. Alternatively, the L(A)N effect may reflect a mismatch between expected and actual syntactic structures. As an inanimate subject triggers the expectation of an intransitive structure rather than an active transitive structure, the input of a transitive verb should violate such an expectation. The present study tests these two hypotheses by manipulating the temporal predictabilities of verbs to examine the underlying cognitive processes of L(A)N effects in semantic reversal anomalies. The results reveal a L(A)N effect for semantic reversal anomalies only when prediction of a verb type was possible, in favour of the latter prediction-based view. The implications of this finding are discussed with respect to predictive processing mechanisms and the architecture of processing systems.

Direct object pronoun sentence processing in Spanish-English children with/without Specific Language Impairment and adults: A cross-modal priming study

PurposeThis paper examines whether bilingual children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI) showed limited comprehension of Direct Object (DO) pronoun sentences and/or morphosyntactic priming compared to children with Typical Language Development (TLD) and adults. We analyzed the relation of these morphosyntactic processes to other psycholinguistic abilities, according to the MUC (Memory-Unification-Control) model. MethodTen bilingual native Spanish-speaking children with SLI (8;3–10;6) and 10 age-matched children with TLD (7;6–10;10) received a psycholinguistic evaluation in Spanish-English. The 20 children and 10 adults (19–34) performed an on-line cross-modal pronoun task. They listened to long distance animate DO pronoun sentences, and filler sentences without any pronoun. At the offset of the pronoun in each pronoun sentence, a picture of an animal for the antecedent (match condition), another animal for the second noun (mismatch), or an unrelated object (neutral) was displayed on the screen. In the filler sentences, a picture of an object that depicted the first noun, appeared at the offset of another later noun. Participants decided whether that pictured item was “alive”/“not alive” by pressing two keys on the computer keyboard. Immediately after, they answered an oral comprehension question about the DO pronoun sentence. ResultsBilingual children with SLI showed significantly poorer comprehension of DO pronoun sentences than bilingual children with TLD. Pronoun sentence understanding in the overall children correlated significantly with oral sentence completion, expressive vocabulary abilities, auditory story comprehension, and the non-word repetition task, all in Spanish. Adults showed significantly the highest pronoun sentence comprehension, and the fastest animacy decisions across conditions; it was the only group showing a significant behavioral morphosyntactic priming effect. All groups exhibited high accuracy in the animacy decisions across conditions, although children with SLI showed lower accuracy and more variability. ConclusionBilingual Spanish-English children with SLI showed significant limitations in understanding long distance animate DO pronoun sentences. The deficits were also related to weak morphosyntactic, lexical, and/or phonological representations stored in their memory. These processes may be harder to combine in the unification process, and also to control for answering the comprehension questions. Clinical and educational implications are discussed.

Error Type and Lexical Frequency Effects: Error Detection in Swedish Children With Language Impairment.

The first aim of this study was to investigate if Swedish-speaking school-age children with language impairment (LI) show specific morphosyntactic vulnerabilities in error detection. The second aim was to investigate the effects of lexical frequency on error detection, an overlooked aspect of previous error detection studies. Error sensitivity for grammatical structures vulnerable in Swedish-speaking preschool children with LI (omission of the indefinite article in a noun phrase with a neuter/common noun, and use of the infinitive instead of past-tense regular and irregular verbs) was compared to a control error (singular noun instead of plural). Target structures involved a high-frequency (HF) or a low-frequency (LF) noun/verb. Grammatical and ungrammatical sentences were presented in headphones, and responses were collected through button presses. Children with LI had similar sensitivity to the plural control error as peers with typical language development, but lower sensitivity to past-tense errors and noun phrase errors. All children showed lexical frequency effects for errors involving verbs (HF > LF), and noun gender effects for noun phrase errors (common > neuter). School-age children with LI may have subtle difficulties with morphosyntactic processing that mirror expressive difficulties in preschool children with LI. Lexical frequency may affect morphosyntactic processing, which has clinical implications for assessment of grammatical knowledge.

Addressee Identity and Morphosyntactic Processing in Basque Allocutive Agreement.

Information about interlocutor identity is pragmatic in nature and has traditionally been distinguished from explicitly coded linguistic information, including mophosyntax. Study of speaker identity in language processing has questioned this distinction, but addressee identity has been less considered. We used Basque to explore how addressee identity is processed during morphosyntactic analysis. In the familiar register hika, Basque has obligatory allocutive agreement, where verbal morphology represents the gender of a non-argument addressee. We manipulated the gender of the allocutive verb and the congruence of addressee gender in conversations between two interlocutors. Items with person agreement manipulations were included as a control comparison. Basque speakers familiar with hika completed speeded acceptability judgments and unspeeded, offline naturalness ratings for each conversation. Results showed a main effect of addressee identity congruence for naturalness ratings, but there was no main effect for addressee identity congruence for reaction times or accuracy in the acceptability judgment. Interactions and correlations with biographical data showed that the effect of congruence was modulated by the gender of the allocutive verb and that hika proficiency was related to participants' performance for the acceptability judgment. These results show an interaction between morphosyntactic and pragmatic information and are the first experimental data of allocutive processing. In comparison, clear effects were seen for the person agreement condition, indicating that person disagreement is more disruptive to processing than addressee identity incongruence. This study has implications for investigation of the role of extralinguistic information in morphosyntactic processing, and suggests that not all such information plays an equal role.

Processing DOM in relative clauses

AbstractEarly heritage bilinguals have been repeatedly found to differ from late bilinguals and from monolinguals (e.g.,Montrul, 2008,2011). In the realm of Spanish Differential Object Marking (DOM), both early heritage bilinguals (Montrul et al., 2015) and late bilinguals (e.g.,Bowles & Montrul, 2008;Guijarro-Fuentes, 2012) exhibit difficulties. DOM in a complex structure such as relative clauses (RCs) provides an ideal setting to differentiate early from late bilinguals, but it has only been explored offline (Perpiñán & Moreno-Villar, 2013). This study fills this gap by examining the role of word order (SVO, OSV, OVS), optionality (obligatory vs. optional contexts), and saliency (bound vs. unbound morphology) on the processing of DOM in embedded RCs in Spanish, by Spanish monolinguals, and advanced early heritage and late bilinguals of Spanish. The results of a word-by-word non-cumulative self-paced reading task revealed that all participants were more accurate but were slower in subject than object RCs, and in OSV than OVS RCs. Slower RTs in subject RCs were due to the presence of DOM, and in OSV to interpreting OVS as SVO. Also, all participants were both more accurate as well as faster in obligatory than optional DOM, unbound than bound morphology, and masculine than feminine RC NPs. These findings reveal that processing difficulties in RCs result from the interaction of word order and DOM, and that processing DOM depends on both salience and, to a lesser extent, gender. Finally, this study shows that early heritage bilinguals are closer to monolinguals than late bilinguals in terms of morphosyntactic processing patterns.

The role of nonverbal working memory in morphosyntactic processing by children with specific language impairment and autism spectrum disorders

BackgroundBoth children with autism spectrum disorders (ASD) and children with specific language impairment (SLI) have been shown to have difficulties with grammatical processing. A comparison of these two populations with neurodevelopmental disorders was undertaken to examine similarities and differences in the mechanisms that may underlie grammatical processing. Research has shown that working memory (WM) is recruited during grammatical processing. The goal of this study was to examine morphosyntactic processing on a grammatical judgment task in children who varied in clinical diagnosis and language abilities and to assess the extent to which performance is predicted by nonverbal working memory (WM). Two theoretical perspectives were evaluated relative to performance on the grammatical judgment task—the “working memory” account and the “wrap-up” account. These accounts make contrasting predictions about the detection of grammatical errors occurring early versus late in the sentence.MethodsParticipants were 84 school-age children with SLI (n = 21), ASD (n = 27), and typical development (TD, n = 36). Performance was analyzed based on diagnostic group as well as language status (normal language, NL, n = 54, and language impairment, LI, n = 30). A grammatical judgment task was used in which the position of the error in the sentence (early versus late) was manipulated. A visual WM task (N-back) was administered and the ability of WM to predict morphosyntactic processing was assessed.ResultsGroups differed significantly in their sensitivity to grammatical errors (TD > SLI and NL > LI) but did not differ in nonverbal WM. Overall, children in all groups were more sensitive and quicker at detecting errors occurring late in the sentence than early in the sentence. Nonverbal WM predicted morphosyntactic processing across groups, but the specific profile of association between WM and early versus late error detection was reversed for children with and without language impairment.ConclusionsFindings primarily support a “wrap up” account whereby the accumulating sentence context for errors positioned late in the sentence (rather than early) appeared to facilitate morphosyntactic processing. Although none of the groups displayed deficits in visual WM, individual differences in these nonverbal WM resources predicted proficiency in morphosyntactic processing.

The contribution of surgical brain mapping to the understanding of the anatomo-functional basis of syntax: A critical review.

A wide range of studies on language assessment during awake brain surgery is nowadays available. Yet, a consensus on a standardized protocol for intraoperative language mapping is still lacking. More specifically, very limited information is offered about intraoperative assessment of a crucial component of language such as syntax. This review aims at critically analyzing the intraoperative studies investigating the cerebral basis of syntactic processing. A comprehensive query was performed on the literature, returning a total of 18 studies. These papers were analyzed according to two complementary criteria, based on the distinction between morphosyntax and syntax. The first criterion focused on the tasks and stimuli employed intraoperatively. Studies were divided into three different groups: group 1 included those studies that overtly aimed at investigating morphosyntactic processes; group 2 included studies that did not explicitly focus on syntax, yet employed stimuli requiring morphosyntactic processing; and group 3 included studies reporting some generic form of syntactic deficit, although not further investigated. The second criterion focused on the syntactic structures of the sentences assessed intraoperatively, analyzing the canonicity of sentence structure (i.e., canonical versus non-canonical word order). The global picture emerging from our analysis indicates that what was investigated in the intraoperative literature is morphosyntactic processing, rather than pure syntax. The study of the neurobiology of syntax during awake surgery seems thus to be still at an early stage, in need of systematic, linguistically grounded investigations.

Morpho-syntactic processing of Korean case-marking and case drop

This study examines whether the mental representation of sentences contains a morphological representation of case marking, using a priming technique....

How right is left? Handedness modulates neural responses during morphosyntactic processing

Most neurocognitive models of language processing generally assume population-wide homogeneity in the neural mechanisms used during language comprehension, yet individual differences are known to influence these neural mechanisms. In this study, we focus on handedness as an individual difference hypothesized to affect language comprehension. Left-handers and right-handers with a left-handed blood relative, or familial sinistrals, are hypothesized to process language differently than right-handers with no left-handed relatives (Hancock and Bever, 2013; Ullman, 2004). Yet, left-handers are often excluded from neurocognitive language research, and familial sinistrality in right-handers is often not taken into account. In the current study we used event-related potentials to test morphosyntactic processing in three groups that differed in their handedness profiles: left-handers (LH), right-handers with a left-handed blood relative (RH FS+), and right-handers with no reported left-handed blood relative (RH FS−; both right-handed groups were previously tested by Tanner and Van Hell, 2014). Results indicated that the RH FS− group showed only P600 responses during morphosyntactic processing whereas the LH and RH FS+ groups showed biphasic N400-P600 patterns. N400s in LH and RH FS+ groups are consistent with theories that associate left-handedness (self or familial) with increased reliance on lexical/semantic mechanisms during language processing. Inspection of individual-level results illustrated that variability in RH FS- individuals’ morphosyntactic processing was remarkably low: most individuals were P600-dominant. In contrast, LH and RH FS+ individuals showed marked variability in brain responses, which was similar for both groups: half of individuals were N400-dominant and half were P600-dominant. Our findings have implications for neurocognitive models of language that have been largely formulated around data from only right-handers without accounting for familial sinistrality or including left-handers, and moreover highlight that there is systematic – and often ignored – variability in language processing outcomes in neurologically healthy populations.

Productivity and Diachronic Evolution of Adjectival and Participial Compound Pre-modifiers in English for Specific Purposes

This article studies the ways in which adjectival and participial compound pre-modifiers are used in scientific texts in the field of biology. We do not attempt to strictly classify thesepre-modifiers within the class of adjectival compounds or dispute the fluctuating terminology in this field of morpho-syntactic analysis. Instead, we aim to provide detailed and reliable statistical data on the productivity of this phenomenon which we claim is an undeniable characteristic of at least two genres of the scientific register: research articles and monographs. Using data derived from several specialised and reference corpora, scientific journal archives and monograph collections we show that this type of construction is significantly more frequent in English for Specific Purposes (ESP), at least in the fields of Biology and Earth Sciences, than in English for General Purposes (EGP) and that it has become so especially over the last half-century. The article is structured as follows: Section 1 reviews a number of aspects related to Adjectival and Prepositional Compound Pre-modifiers (APCPs) discussed in the literature. While justifying terminological and orthographic choices, the article discusses the types of morpho-syntactic process which are at play in the production of APCPs as well as the role these compounds play in building information structure. Section 2 presents the resources used in the statistical study of the phenomenon while section 3 measures the productivity of APCPs using several qualitative and quantitative measures both synchronically (in specialised vs. reference corpora) and diachronically (over the last 100 years).

The Feasibility of Content and System Morpheme Hierarchy in the Analysis of Tamazight Bilingual Corpora: The Case of Kabyle and Mzabi Bilingual Speech in Oran

This study examines the empirical validity of the hierarchy of system and content morphemes on Tamazight bilingual corpora. This dichotomy is one of the underlying principles of the Matrix Language Frame model and the 4-M model as they have been advocated by Myers- Scotton in 1997, 2002 and 2016. These socio-psychologically based syntactic models have been used by contact linguists as viable alternatives in the investigation and interpretation of the morphosyntactic processes underlying bilingual corpora. The present paper investigates Kabyle and Mzabi bilingual data; it focuses on these two Berber or Tamazight varieties as they are in contact with Algerian Arabic, Standard Arabic and French in an Algerian context, namely Oran city. The study of the communities under light here reveals that the languages composing the verbal repertoire of these Tamazight minorities living in Oran overlap at different linguistic levels including the morpho-syntactic one.

Left inferior frontal gyrus mediates morphosyntax: ERP evidence from verb processing in left-hemisphere damaged patients

Neurocognitive models of language comprehension have proposed different mechanisms with different neural substrates mediating human language processing. Whether the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) is engaged in morpho-syntactic information processing is currently still controversially debated. The present study addresses this issue by examining the processing of irregular verb inflection in real words (e.g., swim > swum > swam) and pseudowords (e.g., frim > frum > fram) by using event-related brain potentials (ERPs) in neurological patients with lesions in the LIFG involving Broca's area as well as healthy controls. Different ERP patterns in response to the grammatical violations were observed in both groups. Controls showed a biphasic negativity-P600 pattern in response to incorrect verb inflections whereas patients with LIFG lesions displayed a N400. For incorrect pseudoword inflections, a late positivity was found in controls, while no ERP effects were obtained in patients. These findings of different ERP patterns in the two groups strongly indicate an involvement of LIFG in morphosyntactic processing, thereby suggesting brain regions' specialization for different language functions.

First Language Attrition Induces Changes in Online Morphosyntactic Processing and Re‐Analysis: An ERP Study of Number Agreement in Complex Italian Sentences

First language (L1) attrition in adulthood offers new insight on neuroplasticity and the role of language experience in shaping neurocognitive responses to language. Attriters are multilinguals for whom advancing L2 proficiency comes at the cost of the L1, as they experience a shift in exposure and dominance (e.g., due to immigration). To date, the neurocognitive mechanisms underlying L1 attrition are largely unexplored. Using event‐related potentials (ERPs), we examined L1‐Italian grammatical processing in 24 attriters and 30 Italian native‐controls. We assessed whether (a) attriters differed from non‐attriting native speakers in their online detection and re‐analysis/repair of number agreement violations, and whether (b) differences in processing were modulated by L1‐proficiency. To test both local and non‐local agreement violations, we manipulated agreement between three inflected constituents and examined ERP responses on two of these (subject, verb, modifier). Our findings revealed group differences in amplitude, scalp distribution, and duration of LAN/N400 + P600 effects. We discuss these differences as reflecting influence of attriters’ L2‐English, as well as shallower online sentence repair processes than in non‐attriting native speakers. ERP responses were also predicted by L1‐Italian proficiency scores, with smaller N400/P600 amplitudes in lower proficiency individuals. Proficiency only modulated P600 amplitude between 650 and 900 ms, whereas the late P600 (beyond 900 ms) depended on group membership and amount of L1 exposure within attriters. Our study is the first to show qualitative and quantitative differences in ERP responses in attriters compared to non‐attriting native speakers. Our results also emphasize that proficiency predicts language processing profiles, even in native‐speakers, and that the P600 should not be considered a monolithic component.

Acquisition and consolidation of novel morphology in human neocortex: A neuromagnetic study

Research into neurobiological mechanisms of morphosyntactic processing of language has suggested specialised systems for decomposition and storage, which are used flexibly during the processing of complex polymorphemic words (such as those formed through affixation, e.g., boy + s = noun + plural marker or boy + ish = noun plus attenuator). However, neural underpinnings of acquisition of novel morphology are still unknown. We implicitly trained our participants with new derivational affixes through a word–picture association task and investigated the neural processes underlying formation of neural memory traces for new affixes. The participants' brain activity was recorded using magnetoencephalography (MEG), as they passively listened to the newly trained and untrained suffixes combined with real word and pseudoword stems. The MEG recording was repeated after a night's sleep using the same stimuli, to test the effects of overnight consolidation. The newly trained suffixes combined with real stems elicited stronger source activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) at ∼50 msec after the suffix onset than untrained suffixes, suggesting memory trace formation for the newly learned suffixes already on the same day. The following day, the suffix learning effect spread to the left superior temporal gyrus (STG) where it was again manifest as a response enhancement, particularly at ∼200–300 msec after the suffix onset, which might reflect an additional effect of overnight consolidation. Overall, the results demonstrate the rapid and dynamic processes of both immediate build-up and longer-term consolidation of neocortical memory traces for novel morphology, taking place after a short period of exposure to novel morphology and involving fronto-temporal perisylvian language circuitry.

The dissociability of lexical retrieval and morphosyntactic processes for nouns and verbs: A functional and anatomoclinical study

Nouns and verbs can dissociate following brain damage, at both lexical retrieval and morphosyntactic processing levels. In order to document the range and the neural underpinnings of behavioral dissociations, twelve aphasics with disproportionate difficulty naming objects or actions were asked to apply phonologically identical morphosyntactic transformations to nouns and verbs.Two subjects with poor object naming and 2/10 with poor action naming made no morphosyntactic errors at all. Six of 10 subjects with poor action naming showed disproportionate or no morphosyntactic difficulties for verbs. Morphological errors on nouns and verbs correlated at the group level, but in individual cases a selective impairment of verb morphology was observed.Poor object and action naming with spared morphosyntax were associated with non-overlapping lesions (inferior occipitotemporal and fronto-temporal, respectively). Poor verb morphosyntax was observed with frontal-temporal lesions affecting white matter tracts deep to the insula, possibly disrupting the interaction of nodes in a fronto-temporal network.

The time-course of morphosyntactic and semantic priming in late bilinguals: A study of German adjectives

How do late proficient bilinguals process morphosyntactic and lexical-semantic information in their non-native language (L2)? How is this information represented in the L2 mental lexicon? And what are the neural signatures of L2 morphosyntactic and lexical-semantic processing? We addressed these questions in one behavioral and two ERP priming experiments on inflected German adjectives testing a group of advanced late Russian learners of German in comparison to native speaker (L1) controls. While in the behavioral experiment, the L2 learners performed native-like, the ERP data revealed clear L1/L2 differences with respect to the temporal dynamics of grammatical processing. Specifically, our results show that L2 morphosyntactic processing yielded temporally and spatially extended brain responses relative to L1 processing, indicating that grammatical processing of inflected words in an L2 is more demanding and less automatic than in the L1. However, this group of advanced L2 learners showed native-like lexical-semantic processing.

How should we approach the study of fluency? A corpus analysis

How should we approach the study of fluency? A corpus analysis

Licensing Novel Role-Governed Categories: An ERP Analysis.

Markman and Stilwell (2001) argued that many natural categories name roles in relational systems, and so they are role-governed categories. This view predicts instantiating a novel relational structure licenses the creation of novel role-governed categories. This paper supports this claim and helps to specify the mechanisms underlying this licensing. Event-related potentials were recorded while participants read passages of text. Participants instantiated novel relational representations by interpreting novel verbs derived from nouns during reading. Sentences later, comprehension of novel role terms derived from the novel verb was facilitated relative to a control condition where the novel verb was paraphrased using the root noun in its familiar form. This comprehension facilitation was marked by a reduced negativity elicited from the role term in the Novel Verb condition relative to the Paraphrase from 400 to 500 ms post-stimulus-onset. This relative difference in negativity is consistent with both the N400, which is a marker of semantic integration, and the Nref effect, which reflects the working memory load required to resolve reference. Additionally, because this increased negativity persisted until 670 ms post-stimulus-onset, and not that the Paraphrase condition elicited an increased positivity (i.e., the P600), we ruled out that the licensing effect is rooted in morphosyntactic processes.

Prolonged L2 immersion engenders little change in morphosyntactic processing of bilingual natives.

Bilingual and monolingual language processing differ, presumably because of constant parallel activation of both languages in bilinguals. We attempt to isolate the effects of parallel activation in a group of German first-language (L1) attriters, who have grown up as monolingual natives before emigrating to an L2 environment. We hypothesized that prolonged immersion will lead to changes in the processing of morphosyntactic violations. Two types of constructions were presented as stimuli in an event-related potential experiment: (1) verb form combinations (auxiliaries+past participles and modals+infinitives) and (2) determiner-noun combinations marked for grammatical gender. L1 attriters showed the same response to violations of gender agreement as monolingual controls (i.e. a significant P600 effect strongest over posterior electrodes). Incorrect verb form combinations also elicited a significant posterior P600 effect in both groups. In attriters, however, there was an additional posterior N400 effect for this type of violation. Such biphasic patterns have been found before in L1 and L2 speakers of English and might reflect the influence of this language. Generally, we interpret our results as evidence for the stability of the deeply entrenched L1 system, even in the face of L2 interference.