THE relation of stability to other factors has been considered from various points of view in recent anthropological literature. Gluckman (1950) advances thesis that it is unusual for there to be a high payment in a system with unstable marriage, and therefore high payments are unusual in nonagnatic systems. He bases this idea on his postulate that divorce is rare among societies with extreme and frequent and easy in other types. In other words, descent system-or rather its structural type-is a major determinant of divorce rate and amount of bride-wealth payments in any human society. Fallers (1957) conducted a test of these relationships on Soga marriage. His investigation led him to restate original thesis. According to Fallers, tends to stabilize a woman through complete transfer of her child-bearing properties or by other means, is socially absorbed into her husband's lineage . . . (1957:121). On other hand, he found that where wives are not absorbed but remain members of lineage into which they were born, patrilyny tends to divide marriage, by dividing loyalty of spouses (1957:121). Stenning concludes that economic interests and moral sanctions had and still have an influence on stability of Woc[aaBe marriage (1959:193), and agnatic corporateness of lineage structure contributed to this stability in precolonial times. In his discussion of this same question, Leach (1957) claims that between 'ordinary Jingpaw' on one hand and Lakher (and to some extent Gawri) on other, there is no difference in nature of institution of marriage (1957:53). Leach's material seems to cast some doubt upon Gluckman's thesis or at least upon his approach to problem. In doing so, Leach demonstrates relevance of economic and political factors as determinants of stability and instability in institution. Both Fallers and Leach seem to accept Gluckman's original indicator of divorce rate as measure of stability. That is to say, all of above mentioned workers are really concerned with explanation of breakups as compared with situations where marriages do not appear to be so brittle. In contrast to these exclusively structural approaches, Schneider (1953) claims that question of a divorce rate is complex in that it involves several different levels of analysis all operating at once, and all determinative of rate. This is due to fact that the divorce rate is a consequence of persons' actions. It cannot follow directly from social structure. Immediately