Mohawk River Research Articles

Importance of Ultrasonic Field Direction for Guiding Juvenile Blueback Herring Past Hydroelectric Turbines

AbstractPopulations of Blueback Herring Alosa aestivalis, an important anadromous forage fish in the northeastern USA, have declined from historic levels. Measures to reduce mortality from many sources, including entrainment by hydroelectric turbines, are cited by fishery managers to be important to restoring populations. At the Crescent Hydroelectric Project (Crescent) on the Mohawk River, New York, pulsed ultrasound (122–128 kHz) was used to deter adult and juvenile Blueback Herring migrating out to sea from entering the intake channel to the headrace and turbines, where mortality may occur. To increase the deterrence rate, the sound field was extended further upriver to expose juvenile Blueback Herring to an increasing sound gradient as they migrate downriver and allow them more time to avoid the intake channel. When juvenile Blueback Herring were present upstream of Crescent and exposed to an ultrasound field, mean catch per unit effort (CPUE) by pelagic trawling in the main channel downriver of the ultrasound was 94% of the mean CPUE in the upriver trawl region and 250% of the mean CPUE in the intake channel. Repeated mobile echo sounder surveys revealed that the abundance of juvenile Blueback Herring averaged 35 times higher in the downriver main channel region than in the intake channel region. During the peak migration period of September 20 through October 14, 2012, continuous fixed‐location horizontal echo sounding showed the percentage of net downstream passage of juvenile Blueback Herring that bypassed the intake channel significantly increased from 31.1% to 76.5% after redirecting the ultrasonic field upriver. These results demonstrate that pulsed ultrasound, when properly directed, can be used effectively as a fish deterrent system to provide safe downstream passage of juvenile Blueback Herring at hydropower dams. At Crescent, this could increase annual survival by tens of thousands of fish or more.Received October 4, 2013; accepted August 26, 2014

The earliest low and high δ18O caldera-forming eruptions of the Yellowstone plume: implications for the 30–40 Ma Oregon calderas and speculations on plume-triggered delaminations

We present new isotopic and trace element data for four eruptive centers in Oregon: Wildcat Mountain (40 Ma), Crooked River (32–28 Ma), Tower Mountain (32 Ma), and Mohawk River (32 Ma). The first three calderas are located too far east to be sourced through renewed subduction of the Farallon slab following accretion of the Yellowstone-produced Siletzia terrane at ~50 Ma. Basalts of the three eastern eruptive centers yield high Nb/Yb and Th/Yb ratios, indicating an enriched sublithospheric mantle source, while Mohawk River yields trace element and isotopic (δ18O and εHf) values that correlate with its location above a subduction zone. The voluminous rhyolitic tuffs and lavas of Crooked River (41 x 27 km) have δ18Ozircon values that include seven low δ18Ozircon units (1.8–4.5 ‰), one high δ18Ozircon unit (7.4–8.8 ‰), and two units with heterogeneous zircons (2.0–9.0 ‰), similar to younger Yellowstone-Snake River Plain rhyolites. In order to produce these low δ18O values, a large heat source, widespread hydrothermal circulation, and repeated remelting are all required. In contrast, Wildcat Mountain and Tower Mountain rocks yield high δ18Ozircon values (6.4–7.9 ‰) and normal to low εHfi values (5.2–12.6), indicating crustal melting of high-δ18O supracrustal rocks. We propose that these calderas were produced by the first appearance of the Yellowstone plume east of the Cascadia subduction zone, which is supported by plate reconstructions that put the Yellowstone plume under Crooked River at 32–28 Ma. Given the eastern location of these calderas along the suture of the accreted Siletzia terrane and North America, we suggest that the Yellowstone hotspot is directly responsible for magmatism at Crooked River, and for plume-assisted delamination of portions of the edge of the Blue Mountains that produced the Tower Mountain magmas, while the older Wildcat Mountain magmas are related to suture zone instabilities that were created following accretion of the Siletzia terrane.

Records of Bryozoans in the Freshwater Reach of the Hudson River Estuary

We collected statoblasts of the bryozoans Pectinatella magnifica, Lophopodella carteri, and Cristatella mucedo from multiple locations within the Hudson River Estuary and at the confluence of the Mohawk and the Hudson Rivers during benthic invertebrate sampling activities October 2009-November 2011. We identified both P. magnifica and L. carteri at geographically separated locations within the estuary. Although these animals are exclusively freshwater organisms, we found P. magnifica and L. carteri statoblasts in both freshwater and brackish water environments; only P. magnifica is considered indigenous to New York. Based upon the distribution of statoblasts, it is unknown whether C. mucedo is resident in the estuary. However, our findings indicate that the estuary and the Mohawk River have established populations of L. carteri and P. magnifica.

A Peculiar Mixture: German Language Cultures and Identities in Eighteenth-Century North America.

A Peculiar Mixture: German Language Cultures and Identities in Eighteenth-Century North America.

An Efficient Prediction Model for Water Discharge in Schoharie Creek, NY

Flooding normally occurs during periods of excessive precipitation or thawing in the winter period (ice jam). Flooding is typically accompanied by an increase in river discharge. This paper presents a statistical model for the prediction and explanation of the water discharge time series using an example from the Schoharie Creek, New York (one of the principal tributaries of the Mohawk River). It is developed with a view to wider application in similar water basins. In this study a statistical methodology for the decomposition of the time series is used. The Kolmogorov-Zurbenko filter is used for the decomposition of the hydrological and climatic time series into the seasonal and the long and the short term component. We analyze the time series of the water discharge by using a summer and a winter model. The explanation of the water discharge has been improved up to 81%. The results show that as water discharge increases in the long term then the water table replenishes, and in the seasonal term it depletes. In the short term, the groundwater drops during the winter period, and it rises during the summer period. This methodology can be applied for the prediction of the water discharge at multiple sites.

Colonial Houses and Cultural Identity in New York State’s Mohawk River Valley

In the mid-eighteenth century, the Mohawk River Valley was the colonial frontier in New York, and different social, political, and cultural groups were creating their identity through action and material culture, including the built environment. Two houses, built in 1749 and 1750, are compared in relation to identity and social position of their owners. The landscape was investigated using archaeogeophysics and targeted excavation to determine how the houses and their landscapes expressed cultural identity in colonial New York. The houses and landscapes reveal how specific identities were created by the owners of the houses as part of their efforts to improve their social, political, and economic standing on the frontier while also providing a defensive structure in the face of potential French raids into the region.

Speculators in Empire: Iroquoia and the 1768 Treaty of Fort Stanwix by William J. Campbell (review)

Reviewed by: Speculators in Empire: Iroquoia and the 1768 Treaty of Fort Stanwix by William J. Campbell Timothy J. Shannon (bio) Speculators in Empire: Iroquoia and the 1768 Treaty of Fort Stanwix. By William J. Campbell. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2012. Pp. 278. $39.95 cloth) Historians have typically described the Fort Stanwix Treaty of 1768 as a land swindle. Although not as infamous as Peter Minuit’s purchase of Manhattan, it was more consequential, for it involved much more territory (parts of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, and Virginia) and left a far bloodier legacy. The British Crown had expected the Stanwix treaty to cement and pacify the boundary line established between colonial and native populations by the Proclamation of 1763. Instead, the treaty accelerated a frenzy of land speculation and alienated powerful Indian nations in the Ohio country who had been locked out of the proceedings. In Speculators in Empire, William J. Campbell sets out to rehabilitate the reputation of the Stanwix treaty. He describes Sir William Johnson, the royal Indian superintendent charged with conducting the negotiations, as a loyal imperial official who did his best to balance Crown interests with those of the Iroquois Confederacy. Likewise, Campbell depicts the Iroquois chiefs who were Johnson’s counterparts as canny, independent diplomats, not powerless dupes preyed upon by colonial land speculators. As Campbell tells the story, the British Crown and the Iroquois Confederacy worked as partners at Fort Stanwix in 1768: “Both parties knew that where Iroquois authority could be established so too might a British colonial system be extended—and eventually an effective trade network established and land sold, settled, and improved” (p. 69). Campbell is right to emphasize the partnership that Johnson and his allied chiefs forged to bolster each other’s power, but his analysis falls short of ushering the Stanwix treaty into the light of respectability. [End Page 235] As the book title indicates, land speculators played an important role in the treaty, creating a union between private interests and public policy that caused many Native Americans and even the British ministry to question the legitimacy of the treaty land cessions. The question is: who should take the blame? Previous historians have assigned it to Johnson. He purposefully departed from his royal instructions to extend the boundary line in ways that benefited his own speculative interests and those of his well-connected friends. Campbell is more generous to Johnson, describing his manipulations of the boundary line as well-intentioned improvisations meant to strengthen his office and protect Iroquoian homelands. Campbell blames the more sordid elements of the treaty on George Croghan, Johnson’s deputy commissioner, who pursued speculative schemes with a brazen chicanery that makes one wish he were alive to share a jail cell with Bernie Madoff. Campbell, however, lets Johnson off too easily. Johnson may have exhibited more concern for Indians than Croghan, but when it came to using their public roles to acquire native land, the difference between the two men was one of degree, not kind. Although he does a good job of explaining Iroquoian motives for participating in the Stanwix treaty, Campbell misses the opportunity to present other important native perspectives on it. He never fully explains why so few Ohio Indians (Delawares, Shawnees, Miamis, Wyandots) attended a treaty negotiation that sold away so much of their land. Likewise, he tends to speak of the six Iroquois nations collectively, slighting the local perspective of the Oneidas and Mohawks. Campbell claims that when Johnson extended the boundary line from the Susquehanna River to the Oneida Carry (the portage between the Mohawk River and Wood Creek guarded by Fort Stanwix), he was trying to protect eastern Iroquois homelands. Yet this extension left the Mohawks and many of the Oneidas east of the new boundary, rendering their territory less, not more, secure from speculators and squatters. In this case, Johnson appears to have been more concerned with protecting Croghan’s and his own land claims in the region rather than those of his Indian neighbors. [End Page 236] Among the strengths of the book, Campbell provides an excellent summary of the geopolitical significance of the Oneida Carry and the way in which...

Tree macrofossils of Younger Dryas age from Cohoes, New York State, USA

Tree macrofossils dating from the middle to end (about 1000 years, ca. 12 600–11 600 cal years BP) of the Younger Dryas chronozone were found in an organic deposit on the southwest side of the Mohawk River, near its junction with the Hudson River in Cohoes, New York, USA. The fossils included substantial wood fragments, associated plant remains, and pollen, which indicate a forest of white spruce ( Picea glauca ), balsam fir ( Abies balsamea ), and tamarack ( Larix laricina ). The presence of white, rather than black ( P. mariana ) or red ( P. rubens ) spruce in the Younger Dryas was probably due to a riparian-type environment, confirmed by its location and American beaver tooth marks on some of the wood fragments. The clusters of wood radiocarbon dates indicate periodic changes in erosion and deposition at the site. One possible but very short decline (temperature reversal?) may be indicated by tree-ring growth, but in general, the ring widths of the trees and their growth responses suggest variable but slowly improving conditions over time, possibly from warming temperatures, before the end of the Younger Dryas.

Target Strength Measurements of Juvenile Blueback Herring from the Mohawk River, New York

Target strength (TS) was estimated from in situ and ex situ measurements of juvenile blueback herring Alosa aestivalis during their fall downriver migration at the Crescent Hydroelectric Project in the Mohawk River, New York. The blueback herring is an ecologically important anadromous species that must transit fish passage facilities at hydroelectric dams. Measurements of TS are necessary to distinguish juvenile blueback herring from other fishes as well as to scale echo integration results to numerical fish densities during hydroacoustic studies. This study presents the first measurements of TS for juvenile blueback herring. The TS measurements were collected from an echosounder operating at 420 kHz with two split-beam transducers (one down-looking and one side-looking). Single echo detections associated with tracked fish echoes and the echoes at the periphery of schools in the headrace of the powerhouse were used in estimating in situ TS. Mean total length (TL) of 192 individuals captured by cast net was 75 mm. A single dead fish (70 mm TL) was tethered and suspended by monofilament line in both transducer beams, each orientated down; the mean TS of this fish was −52.3 decibels (dB) for the 15° beam and −52.8 dB for the 6° beam. The mean in situ TS was −46.0 dB in the down-looking beam and −48.6 dB in the side-looking beam. The in situ TS estimates were similar to those reported for similar-sized fish from published TS–TL relationships. The mean in situ TS for the down-looking beam was 0.1–0.5 dB higher than the predicted TS for similar-sized alewives A. pseudoharengus measured at 70 kHz in two studies. Results indicate that blueback herring and alewives have similar TSs and emphasize the importance of swim bladder condition and body orientation in influencing TS estimates for scaling acoustically derived fish density estimates. Received July 17, 2011; accepted December 30, 2011

Downriver Passage of Juvenile Blueback Herring near an Ultrasonic Field in the Mohawk River

At the Crescent Hydroelectric Project (Crescent), New York, the Mohawk River is impounded by two dams separated by an island, which creates two channels; the turbine channel conveys water to the hydroelectric turbines, and the main channel conveys water around the turbines. Our objective was to determine whether ultrasound could be used to divert juvenile blueback herring Alosa aestivalis from entering the turbine channel during their fall downriver migration. Fixed-location hydroacoustics (420 kHz) was used to continuously monitor fish passage in the main channel upriver and downriver of the 122–128-kHz ultrasonic projectors. A relative index of abundance was derived from echo integration of acoustic backscatter collected from three horizontally aimed single-beam transducers sampling across each channel, while the proportion and speed of fish moving downriver were estimated from upward-facing split-beam transducers. The presence of juvenile blueback herring was verified by castnetting. Fish migrated downriver episodically for periods of hours rather than days. The mean daily number of downstream migrants (Nd) in the main channel was estimated to be 4.2 times higher at the upriver site than at the downriver site. The estimate for Nd at the main-channel downriver site (NDM) was compared with the expected Nd (NEDM) based on the proportion of total river flow moving through the main-channel downriver site as measured by acoustic Doppler current profilers. The mean daily difference between NDM and NEDM was significantly different from zero. The estimated proportion of fish that passed the main-channel downriver site (31.3%) was almost three times greater than the proportion expected (11.5%). If it is valid to assume that water flow directly influences entrainment and impingement, then the significantly higher-than-expected number of blueback herring that migrated downriver in the main channel could be an indication that ultrasound at Crescent was partially effective in diverting fish. Received July 17, 2011; accepted February 2, 2012

The Flemish Bastard and the Former Indians: M�tis and Identity in Seventeenth-Century New York

The Flemish Bastard and the Former IndiansMétis and Identity in Seventeenth-Century New York Tom Arne Midtrød (bio) In 1709 the English Board of Trade recommended the settlement of three thousand Palatine migrants on the Hudson and Mohawk rivers in New York. The officials expressed confidence that these colonists would not only produce naval stores for the fleet but also intermarry with the Indians "as the French do" and lay the foundation for an expanding fur trade. They knew well that French Canadians had long mingled with Indians and produced children of mixed ancestry, or métis. What they perhaps did not know was that New York had long had métis of its own.1 Compared to Canada, New York never had a large métis population, and some historians have commented upon the social distance between Dutch and Indians. Nevertheless, intimacy resulting in métis children does not seem to have been uncommon in this colony. Dutch observers charged Indians with lack of sexual restraint, and liaisons between Dutch men and Native women sometimes worried the authorities. In 1638 the Dutch council prohibited adultery with blacks and Indians and at least occasionally took legal action. Manor lord and patroon Kiliaen van Rensselaer warned his nephew Arent van Curler and forbade his tenants from sleeping with Indian females. Sexual promiscuity with Indian women was among the charges levied against provincial secretary Cornelis van Tiehnoven by his political enemies in the 1640s. Prosecutions of colonists impregnating Indian women are known from the early English period.2 Native people probably thought these relations should involve a degree of reciprocity and mutual obligation. Historians have stressed that many Native peoples saw marriage and other intimate relations as means [End Page 83] of incorporating outsiders, and an early Dutch observer alluded to the existence of this practice among Native traders in New Netherland. Such intimacy created a bond between strangers, and in 1643 a Long Island chief deplored Dutch violence by recalling how his people had let early Dutch visitors sleep with their daughters. In 1659 Mohawk envoys complained that Dutchmen involved with Native women who had passed away did not honor obligations to the relatives of the deceased. In some cases colonists may have married Native women according to local custom, and in 1683 a Long Island Englishman married a Native woman according to English law.3 To most métis born from these relationships, European ancestry was probably just a relatively minor biological fact. They followed their mothers—normally in charge of children—and became for all practical purposes fully Indian. In 1680 a Dutch visitor to New York alluded to these people when he wrote of the fruits of Dutch immorality, and the Long Island chief mentioned above charged the Dutch with killing their own blood, since "there roved many an Indian begotten by a Swanneken [Dutchman]." While in Mohawk captivity in 1653 Frenchman Pierre Radisson found that his adoptive brother was courting a light-haired young woman "who, by report of many, was bastard to a Flemish." Radisson's observation seems to indicate some interest in this woman's Dutch father, but it also suggests that her biologically mixed background did not set her much apart from the rest of her community. This is, of course, not to suggest that most métis people were oblivious of the fact that they had European fathers, only that their mixed ancestry did not have much of an impact on their social standing. How much a distant European father shaped a person's self-perception is now impossible to determine, but perhaps many European fathers gave their Indian children no more than slightly light features and possibly made them the topic of occasional conversation in Native settlements.4 But some métis maintained ties to European relatives, and these were perhaps the only ones who were métis in any socially or culturally meaningful sense of the word. Scattered evidence indicates ongoing contact between métis persons and the society of their fathers. When a French force in January 1666 captured a métis boy in Mohawk country, local Dutch officials persuaded the French commander to hand him over...

Sedimentologic Observation and Stratigraphic Interpretation of the Lower Devonian (Lochkovian) Manlius Formation along the Mohawk River Valley in Upstate New York: A Reply

Abstract Observations from nine measured sections through the lower Helderberg Group across upstate New York suggest that component rock units within the Manlius Formation extend laterally over 150 km across upstate New York, the most notable being a meter‐thick zone of microbial bioherms at the base of the formation. Overlying this zone of microbial bioherms is a 5–10‐m‐thick zone of wavy‐ and lenticular‐bedded ribbon rocks that grade up into microbial‐laminated mudstones that are, in turn, overlain by disrupted dolomitic mudstones deposited in playalike supratidal flats. The upper 10–15 m of the Manlius Formation comprises meter‐thick cycles of nodular‐bedded, stromatoporoid‐bearing thin sets that grade up into microbial‐laminated mudstones. Much of this succession of rock types is traceable across nearly the entire basin and strongly suggests that lower beds of the Manlius Formation do not pass laterally westward into, nor are they coeval with, the underlying Rondout Formation. This, in turn, necessita...

Sedimentologic Observation and Stratigraphic Interpretation of the Lower Devonian (Lochkovian) Manlius Formation along the Mohawk River Valley in Upstate New York: A Discussion

Previous articleNext article No AccessDiscussion and ReplySedimentologic Observation and Stratigraphic Interpretation of the Lower Devonian (Lochkovian) Manlius Formation along the Mohawk River Valley in Upstate New York: A DiscussionJames R. Ebert, Damon K. Matteson, and Randall Wilson James R. EbertEarth Sciences Department, Ravine Parkway, SUNY College at Oneonta, Oneonta, New York 13820‐4015, U.S.A.(e‐mail: [email protected]) Search for more articles by this author , Damon K. MattesonEarth Sciences Department, Ravine Parkway, SUNY College at Oneonta, Oneonta, New York 13820‐4015, U.S.A.(e‐mail: [email protected]) Search for more articles by this author , and Randall WilsonEarth Sciences Department, Ravine Parkway, SUNY College at Oneonta, Oneonta, New York 13820‐4015, U.S.A.(e‐mail: [email protected]) Search for more articles by this author Earth Sciences Department, Ravine Parkway, SUNY College at Oneonta, Oneonta, New York 13820‐4015, U.S.A.(e‐mail: [email protected])PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Geology Volume 118, Number 3May 2010 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/651385 Views: 30Total views on this site Citations: 3Citations are reported from Crossref HistoryReceived October 19, 2009 © 2010 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Aneta Hušková, Ladislav Slavík In search of Silurian/Devonian boundary conodont markers in carbonate environments of the Prague Synform (Czech Republic), Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 549 (Jul 2020): 109126.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.palaeo.2019.03.027Jeremy M. Weremeichik, An Obstructed Cave Passage in the Cobleskill Plateau: A Gravimetric Study, AIMS Geosciences 1, no.11 (Jan 2015): 80–98.https://doi.org/10.3934/geosci.2015.1.80Jason Smith and Robert V. Demicco Sedimentologic Observation and Stratigraphic Interpretation of the Lower Devonian (Lochkovian) Manlius Formation along the Mohawk River Valley in Upstate New York: A Reply J. Smith and R. V. Demicco, The Journal of Geology 118, no.33 (Jul 2015): 339–339.https://doi.org/10.1086/651386

Sedimentologic Observation and Stratigraphic Interpretation of the Lower Devonian (Lochkovian) Manlius Formation along the Mohawk River Valley in Upstate New York

Observations from nine measured sections through the lower Helderberg Group across upstate New York suggest that component rock units within the Manlius Formation extend laterally over 150 km across upstate New York, the most notable being a meter‐thick zone of microbial bioherms at the base of the formation. Overlying this zone of microbial bioherms is a 5–10‐m‐thick zone of wavy‐ and lenticular‐bedded ribbon rocks that grade up into microbial‐laminated mudstones that are, in turn, overlain by disrupted dolomitic mudstones deposited in playalike supratidal flats. The upper 10–15 m of the Manlius Formation comprises meter‐thick cycles of nodular‐bedded, stromatoporoid‐bearing thin sets that grade up into microbial‐laminated mudstones. Much of this succession of rock types is traceable across nearly the entire basin and strongly suggests that lower beds of the Manlius Formation do not pass laterally westward into, nor are they coeval with, the underlying Rondout Formation. This, in turn, necessitates that the time‐transgressive model of Manlius and Coeymans limestone deposition proposed by Rickard is incorrect and that the Helderberg succession of Manlius–Coeymans–Kalkberg–New Scotland formations instead comprises one third‐order stratigraphic sequence. The lower sequence boundary may comprise the disrupted dolomitic mudstones overlying the microbial‐laminated mudstones in the middle of the Manlius Formation, an interval that appears to correlate with a disconformity between the top of the Manlius Formation and the Coeymans Formation in the section exposed at Schoharie, New York. This interpretation of stratigraphic relations within the Manlius Formation necessitates reevaluation of possible correlations among meter‐thick shallowing‐upward successions in the formation.

Exotic species in Lake Champlain

The Lake Champlain basin contains substantially fewer exotic species ( N = 48) than the Great Lakes ( N > 180), in part due to its isolation from commercial traffic. Exotic species have been introduced by authorized and unauthorized stocking, bait buckets, use of ornamental plants, and through the Champlain and Chambly canals that link the lake to the Hudson River, Mohawk River, Erie Canal, and the Great Lakes. Several species, such as water chestnut and zebra mussels, have had severe ecological, economic, and nuisance effects. The rate of appearance of new species increased in the 1990s, potentially as a result of increasing activity in the basin, improved water quality in the Champlain Canal, and increased sampling. Efforts to slow the introduction of new species have focused on public education and legislation to reduce bait bucket introductions and quarantine undesirable plants; however, the major remaining vector for introductions is the Champlain Canal. An estimated 20 species have entered the lake via canals, of which at least 12 used the Champlain Canal, and numerous species in the connected drainage systems could still enter via this route; some are already in the Erie Canal. Most recently (2008), the Asian clam was discovered two locks below Lake Champlain. The Lake Champlain canals also function as a conduit for exotic species exchange between the Hudson River, St. Lawrence River, and Great Lakes. The potential for future introductions could be reduced by a biological barrier on the Champlain Canal, and additional emphasis on public education.

Bridging the Energy Gap: Anadromous Blueback Herring Feeding in the Hudson and Mohawk Rivers, New York

AbstractAdult blueback herring Alosa aestivalis (N = 116) were collected during the 1999, 2000, and 2002‐2004 spawning runs from sites on the Hudson and Mohawk rivers, and gut contents were analyzed. Thirty‐four fish (33% of those examined) were found to contain food material. Food items were present in 41% of Mohawk River samples and 11% of Hudson River samples; all Hudson River fish containing food were captured in small tributaries above the head of tide. Hudson River fish predominantly consumed zooplankton, while Mohawk River fish consumed benthic aquatic insects in large quantities, including Baetidae, Ephemeridae, and Chironomidae. Using stable isotope analysis and a mixing model, we found that fish collected later in the season had significantly decreased marine‐derived C. Condition indices of later‐season fish were equal to or greater than those of fish collected earlier in the season. Blueback herring in this system may face increased energy requirements as they migrate farther upstream during spawning runs, and feeding may provide energy subsidies needed to maintain fitness over their expanded migratory range.

First Record of Central Stoneroller (Campostoma anomalum) in the Tidal Hudson River

We document the discovery of Campostoma anomalum (Central Stoneroller) in the tidal mouth of the Poestenkill, a Hudson River tributary in Troy, NY. This is the first record of the species from a tidal habitat and is a range extension of approximately 68 km downstream from the Mohawk River.

Mohawk Saint: Catherine Tekakwitha and the Jesuits (review)

Reviewed by: Mohawk Saint: Catherine Tekakwitha and the Jesuits Christopher Vecsey Mohawk Saint: Catherine Tekakwitha and the Jesuits. By Allan Greer. (New York: Oxford University Press. 2005. Pp. xvi, 249. $30.00.) Allan Greer is Professor of American Colonial History at the University of Toronto, with several works to his credit. Here he focuses upon the life of the seventeenth-century Mohawk Christian convert, Catherine (Kateri) Tekakwitha, whom he claims to be the most fully documented Indian in New World colonial history. Almost all of that documentation is hagiography. Greer's goal is to create history from hagiography; therefore, he analyzes the hagiographers as well as their subject and their mutual contexts. Greer takes especial interest in the figure of Tekakwitha's biographer, Jesuit Claude Chauchetière; indeed, this is a "dual biography" (p. x) of the Mohawk and the Jesuit. After three years of association, Chauchetière observed Tekakwitha's "beautiful death" in 1680 at Kahnawake, south of Montreal, and upon reflection, he came to see her "as his spiritual superior and view his encounter with her as a transformative moment" (p. 5) in his troubled, mystical life. Her tranquil last words, "I will love you in heaven" (p. 17), moved him to wonder: might she have been a saint? He and his fellow Jesuit, Pierre Cholenec, could not believe it at first, for "the fact that she was an Indian" (p. 22). Jesuit martyrs could be saints, but surely not a savage woman, even a fervent convert! Over time, however, they became convinced of her sanctity; both penned spiritual biographies of her and spread her fame. Based upon their writings, Greer tells of Tekakwitha's life, from her 1656 birth to an Algonquin mother, possibly an adopted captive of the Mohawks, who was said to have been a "devout, baptized Catholic" (p. 25). In the orbit of Dutch trade and French attack in the Mohawk River valley, her village underwent "major crises . . . affected by the colonial presence" (p. 31). Greer attests to her childhood handiwork, typical of Mohawk women—crafting utensils and preparing meals. Greer does a fine job in matching the Jesuits' testimony about her life to ethnographic sources, demonstrating her growing acumen as an industrious Iroquois woman. But if she was typical in most ways, she stood out in several, including her conversion. Her first encounter with a Catholic missionary was in her eighteenth year, as the French Jesuits had entered her village, beginning in 1667. It took her eight years to show her interest in their program, but when she did, in 1675, her impulse impressed Father Jacques de Lamberville, and she was baptized in 1676. What attracted her, and how did she change, once she was baptized? Greer suggests [End Page 548] that the greatest attraction—and the greatest change—was the proffered migration from the Mohawk to the St. Lawrence valley, into the heart of Canadian New France, a seal of "politico-religious affiliation" (p. 50). She was one of many Mohawks in the 1670's whom the Jesuits encouraged to leave their home villages and re-establish themselves as French Catholic allies. Those who left constituted a "faction rallying around the cross and the French alliance" (p. 56), and their leaving weakened the Mohawks; however, their migration did not make them any less Mohawk. This is Greer's primary point about Tekakwitha: even as a Christian, "she needs to be recognized as a Mohawk girl, her existence framed by the life of the Mohawk longhouse, her fate bound up in the vagaries of Mohawk history" (p. 57). Greer describes her in 1677: "So she came, at the age of twenty-one, a baptized Christian who had never seen a church, never tasted a communion wafer, never met more than two or three Europeans, to the banks of the St. Lawrence River and the newly constructed Iroquois village where she would spend the rest of her days" (p. 58). What was this place to which she came, about the same time as Chauchetière? It was "both a Jesuit mission, that is to say an instrument of directed religious change, and a self-governing Catholic Iroquois community" (p. 90). The place maintained "a...

Worked Over: The Corporate Sabotage of an American Community (review)

Reviewed by: Worked Over: The Corporate Sabotage of an American Community Howard R. Stanger Worked Over: The Corporate Sabotage of an American Community. By Dimitra Doukas. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003. 199 pp. $18.95 paper. Worked Over tells the story of the ascendancy of corporate ownership over family-based capitalism during the 1880s. The Remington family and their manufacturing companies anchor this ethnographic study, which is told from the perspective of 'ordinary' people in four canal towns in central New York's Mohawk River Valley: Herkimer, Mohawk, Frankfort, and Ilion. According to Dimitra Doukas, "It is a [cultural anthropological] study of great transformations at close range, through the lives of working people, the people most exposed to risk at the front lines of social [and economic] change." Drawing on oral interviews, local archives, and corporate records, the author finds that people in "The Valley", who are largely white and working class, do not subscribe to the mainstream American cultural principles of individualism, optimism, and upward mobility. While residents then and now "speak" this language, in fact they act on a different set of ideals which are rooted in "producerist" thought—strong sanctions against conspicuous consumption, respect for hard work, commitment to the integrity of the community, and neighborliness. The rise and dominance of corporate capitalism in the region created economic, social, and cultural fractures which are still evident in contentious public debates and mistrust between many residents and the towns' politicians and elites. From the 1810s to 1886, E. Remington & Sons—notably "The Arms" and "The Typewriter"—undergirded the local economy and acted symbiotically with its skilled mechanics and surrounding farms. The Remingtons often gave support to the community during hard times. In 1886, a cash-flow crisis and political chicanery forced them to relinquish ownership to the Winchester "gun trust." We learn that the family paid workers in company scrip and received cash infusions from prominent citizens for over a decade: "The Remingtons had unlimited credit because they had [End Page 129] unlimited credibility . . . because they acted on the egalitarian values that held the moral high-ground in the nineteenth-century United States: everybody works hard and everybody gets the fruit of their labor." However, under the new corporate regime of the gun trust, wealth-making separated from the community, and a new culture emerged to sustain it. This culture was rooted in the Darwinian logic, "survival of the fittest," and was promoted by local business organizations and through civic celebrations and reinterpretations of local history. From the outset, the gun trust demanded special privileges and, if denied, threatened plant closures. It and other corporations also instigated labor conflict, beginning in 1909, by installing labor control devices such as scientific management and later the infamous "Mohawk Valley Formula." Culture wars infiltrated labor relations, too. A 1947 CIO-led wage strike became a battle between "Americanism" and "Totalitarianism" during which both sides employed symbolic and other public relations devices to show their loyalty to the United States. The region experienced a short-lived post-World War Two economic boom, but by the late 1950s, remnants of the old Remington businesses struggled to stay viable. By 1976, when the last of the Remington works shut its doors, the region was in distress and without sound redevelopment prospects. Still the opposing cultures continued to fight over whose values and vision would create future prosperity. One of the book's shortcomings is its failure to address how the dominant American consumer culture was either bested by The Valley's producerist culture or able to co-exist with it. Would local residents be more open to consumerism if they had higher incomes? And if consumerism made little headway in The Valley, can the book's findings generalize to other settings? Worked Over makes for interesting reading, but it is of limited value for labor education purposes since it spends little time on labor unions. It is, however, a story with great relevance to working people and their communities affected by economic transformation. Howard R. Stanger Canisius College Copyright © 2005 the West Virginia University Press, for the United Association for Labor Studies

Sedimentologic and palynologic records of the last deglaciation and Holocene from Ballston Lake, New York

Continuous pollen and sediment records from two ∼8.5-m-long cores document late Pleistocene and Holocene sedimentation and vegetation change in the Ballston Lake basin, eastern New York State. Pebbles at the base of both cores and the geomorphology of the watershed reflect the presence of the Mohawk River in the basin prior to ∼12,900 ± 70 cal yr B.P. Ballston Lake formed at the onset of the Younger Dryas (YD) by an avulsion of the Mohawk River. The transition from clay to gyttja with low magnetic susceptibility (MS), low bulk density, and high organic carbon indicates rapid warming and increased lake productivity beginning 11,020 cal yr B.P. MS measurements reveal that the influx of magnetic particles, associated with pre-Holocene clastic sedimentation, ceased after ∼10,780 cal yr B.P. The pollen record is subdivided into six zones: BL1 (12,920 to 11,020 cal yr B.P.) is dominated by boreal forest pollen; BL2 (11,020 to 10,780 cal yr B.P.) by pine ( Pinus) forest pollen; BL3 (10,780 to 5290 cal yr B.P.) by hemlock ( Tsuga) and mixed hardwood pollen; BL4 (5290 to 2680 cal yr B.P.) by mixed hardwood pollen; BL5a (2680 cal yr B.P. to 1030 cal yr B.P.) by conifer and mixed hardwood pollen; and BL5b (1030 cal B.P. to present) by increasing ragweed ( Ambrosia) pollen. A 62% decrease in spruce ( Picea) pollen in <320 cal years during BL1 reflects rapid warming at the end of the YD. Holocene pollen zones record more subtle climatic shifts than occurred at the end of the YD. One of the largest changes in the Holocene pollen spectra began ∼5300 cal yr B.P., and is characterized by a marked decline in hemlock pollen. This has been noted in other pollen records from the region and may record preferential selection of hemlock by a pathogen or parasites.