Modernist Trend Research Articles

The Professional Literary Agent in Britain, 1880–1920 (review)

Reviewed by: The Professional Literary Agent in Britain, 1880–1920 Aaron Jaffe (bio) The Professional Literary Agent in Britain, 1880–1920, by Mary Ann Gillies. Toronto: Toronto University Press, 2007. 304 pp. $69.00. As Peter Keating, Mark S. Morrisson, James C. Davis, and others have noted, the twentieth century began with conditions of overproduction in the markets for literary goods.1 The flooding of the book market was already being noted in trade journals at the end of the nineteenth century. In broad strokes, the modernist production model functions as a dialectical response to these conditions, a negative image of underproduction. Lawrence Rainey proposes for modernism “a tripartite publication program—journal, limited edition, and public or commercial edition,” putting a lot of emphasis on the importance of the second term, the exquisite limited editions that effectively made every reader a patron of the modernist author.2 The insulation of modernism in the collecting culture these editions enabled serves as a kind of indemnity against market risk. Yet, for all the rarified, small houses willing to preserve authorial privilege at all costs—presses such as the Hours, Black Sun, Cuala, Hogarth, Egoist, and other boutique operations recalling an arts-and-crafts ethos of the prior century—there were many more publicity-savvy firms, new and old, that kept modern, literary lists significantly invested in modernist trends. The rise of the most famous publishers of modernist texts, with their attendant links to emergent advertising and publicity techniques, also testifies to a transition in consumer culture that enabled modernist risks and rewards for firms like B. W. Huebsch, Alfred A. Knopf, Boni and Liveright, Charles Scribner’s Sons, Harcourt Brace, Random House, Viking Press, and New Directions in the United States and Elkin Matthews, John Lane, Bodley Head, J. M. Dent, William Heinemann, Chatto and Windus, Faber and Faber, [End Page 399] Methuen, Secker & Warburg, and Penguin in Great Britain. Dent’s Everyman Library was one such scheme, as was the Modern Library that Bennett Cerf bought from Boni and Liveright for Random House. Boni and Liveright’s fortunes—used to publish and promote Jean Toomer’s Cane, for instance—were made by packaging miniature volumes of William Shakespeare’s texts into Whitman’s chocolates.3 Beyond modes of production per se, two professional developments are germane to any consideration of this developing aspect of literary production in an age of literary oversupply: first, the rise of the literary publicist-figure, like Edward Bernays, who knew how to help publishers survive by leveraging one kind of book on others, and, second, the advent of the literary agent-figure, like J. B. Pinker, who knew how to negotiate these anxious conditions for authors. Concerned with the latter, Mary Ann Gillies’s The Professional Literary Agent in Britain: 1890–1920 offers the kind of focused approach to the diverse material practices of modernist production that only a topic-, rather than author-, driven monograph can provide. The rise of the professional literary agent cuts across the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. On the whole, this superb text, which draws on book history and new bibliographic studies, relates the professionalization of the interactions between authors and publishers. The professional literary agent—who synthesized the skill set of a publisher’s reader, literary journalist, bookkeeper, copyright lawyer, and editor—promised the author expert knowledge in different horizontal publishing niches, the so-called “planes” of publishing.4 The power of agents as cultural intermediaries between authors and publishers rested on their demonstrated knowledge in creating value through publication and publicity in different markets delivering different literary demographics, on the one hand, and maintaining a stable of talented and reliable authors on the other. Agents were proficient not just in securing favorable book deals but also in slicing up the burgeoning periodical marketplace for their clients, making serialization deals and, perhaps most critically, knowing how to navigate the benefits of complex new copyright laws for their stable of authors. The two main protagonists of this study are A. P. Watt, the first professional agent, who was active from the 1880s until his death in 1914, and Pinker, who was active from the mid-1890s until he died in...

A Multilingual Modernist: Avraham Shlonsky between Hebrew and Yiddish

From the early years of his long and prolific writing career, Hebrew poet Avraham Shlonsky continually wrote and rewrote himself into the early twentieth-century cultural scene as consummate artist and ideologue. Affiliating his artistic persona with a new Zionist language, ideology, and land, Shlonsky challenged the styles and themes of his Hebrew poetic predecessors. At the same time, he experimented with the modernist forms and aesthetics that held sway in European culture in the first decades of the twentieth century, mixing aspects of Symbolism, Futurism, Expressionism, and Imaginism to create his own idiosyncratic Hebrew modernism. At the center of his modernist poetry and manifestoes is a chameleon-like lyrical “I” that dominates the text as it unfolds.Shlonsky brilliantly used a new literary Hebrew to create himself as a revolutionary modernist poet. Like many of his fellow staunch Zionists, he argued passionately that Hebrew should be the language of the emerging national culture and that Yiddish, the language of Jewish life in Eastern Europe, should be abandoned to the Diaspora. But, strangely enough, Shlonsky's early poetry and manifestoes are infused with Yiddish influences and inflections, an implicit poetics that stands in opposition to his explicit pronouncements. Over the course of his long career, Shlonsky and his critics largely erased from his canonical image the Yiddish resonances and rhythms that surface in his early poetry, as well as the affiliations with contemporary Yiddish modernisms.In this article, I analyze the contradictions that emerge in Shlonsky's deft self-inventions during the 1920s in the context of contemporary modernist trends and the emerging Hebrew literary center in Palestine. I read his flamboyant authorial images as a particular kind of self-fashioning in and in-between languages. Recovering the traces of Yiddish in Shlonsky's early poetic self-inventions in his poetry, manifestos, and criticism, I argue, reveals the complex negotiations of language and identity that have been largely overlooked both in Shlonsky's canonical image and Hebrew literary history. Almost despite himself, Shlonsky demonstrates a multilingualism that exists within the national canon.

THE DUY TAN MOVEMENT IN THE 20th CENTURY, ITS CHARACTERISTICS AND THE LESSONS TO THE CURRENT EDUCATION IN VIETNAM

This paper covers two main areas of content: 1.An analysis of the characteristics of the early 19th Century Duy Tan Movement in Viet Nam focusing on patriotism, the sensitivity and dynamism of the Viet people and their ability to integrate into the modernist trend, in tune with the awakening of Asia in the early 20th Century. 2. The analysis of the lessons and experiences drawn from the outstanding enlightened and reform activities of the Duy Tan Movement with reference to the current education reform in Viet Nam.

Modernist Trends In Estonian Musicology In The 1970s–1980s And The Study Of Folk Melodies

Estonian musicology as an academic field of research is rather young, but the tradition of contemplating and writing about music in the Estonian language goes back to the formative period of Estoni...

Futurist mediterraneità between Emporium and Imperium

Futurist mediterraneità between Emporium and Imperium Claudio Fogu "In the golden years of rationalist architecture, Mediterranean-ness became our polar star" (Carlo Belli, cited in Danesi, 25). Thus architectural and art critic Belli recalled in 1976 the key role that the idea of mediterraneità (Mediterranean-ness) had come to play for both avant-garde Italian artists and rationalist architects in the early 1930s. Whether identified with a modern sense of the "classic" intended as an art of "intimacy cum narrative depth"—which accommodated equally the abstractism of Milanese painters, the "scuola Romana" of Giuseppe Capogrossi, Emanuele Cavalli e Corrado Cagli, and "les Italiens de Paris" united around Giorgio De Chirico—or with the "solar-ness" of Italian-rationalist architecture, Mediterranean-ness became the most effective line of defense in the Italian-modernist town (Vescovo 24). It allowed Italian modernists under Fascism to unify around a common discursive strategy in order to simultaneously distinguish themselves from their Northern European rivals, and to fence off the increasingly worrisome accusations of esterofilia (love of everything foreign) levied against them by the ever more vocal proponents of an official fascist style responding to the idea of romanità (ancient Roman-ness) (Benzi 30). Already between 1928 and 1929, Italian emigré painters in Paris, from the ex-futurist Gino Severini to the sui generis novecentisti Massimo Campigli and Filippo De Pisis, gathered around De Chirico, father of the most intuitively Mediterranean style in painting (metafisica), to combine "magical realism" and "abstract classicism" in order to create a Mediterranean alternative to the Surrealist "appeals to the unconscious, unexplored lands, and elementary forces"(Benzi 31).Similarly, in 1931, [End Page 25] the rationalist architects known as Gruppo 7 began their polemic against the "cold rationalism" and "socialistic" tendencies of Bauhaus architecture, opposing to it the "solar" and "spontaneous" rationalism of Southern Italian and Greek islands architecture (Danesi 25). Pointing to the geographical consistency of the connection between sun, Mediterranean sea, and white walls-architecture, and linking it to the diachronic consistency of climate and natural landscape across the Mediterranean area, the adherents to the most foreign-inspired modernist trend—rationalist architecture—could thus construct, a posteriori, a most convenient national-natural foundation for their daring architectural choices. Modern architecture was projected to be a natural outgrowth of Mediterranean climate and that had always been there in the combination of solar whiteness and sezione aurea (Golden section), characterizing even the so-called spontaneous architecture of Mediterranean islands. But was mediterraneità anything more than a politically convenient strategy for carving a vital space for the avant-garde under Fascism, while at the same time continuing to feed the cultural mill of Italian-ness? Did, for example, Malaparte-Libera's architectural masterpiece in Capri, or the villa Oro (Golden villa) by Luigi Cosenza in Naples, share substantial traits with both the centuries-old spontaneous architecture of the Corricella harbor in the island of Procida and the "marine landscapes" that became a statistically relevant reality of Italian-modernist painting in the second half of the 1930s? (Vescovo 20). To these questions, Belli's friend Edoardo Persico responded throughout the 1930s from the pages of the influential journal Casabella with a resounding "no." For Persico the idea of mediterraneità was as vague, rhetorical, and banal as its more official and conservative counterparts such as romanità, latinità, italianità. Worse still, a serious brand of Latin-Mediterranean modernist architecture existed, but not in Italy. It was, of course, Le Corbusier's (Danesi 25). Surely Persico's opinion was just one. But even if one were to connect more architectural and artistic dots than he was prepared to recognize as avant-garde, would the mediterraneità of Italian rationalism and metafisica amount to much more than a certain suggestion of the naturalness of the classic, an idea of natural purity distilled from the sea and bathed in light, an abstract genealogy without the burden of history? Where, in other words, was the "modern" element in this Mediterranean-ness? This question was never addressed by Persico, nor by champions...

Jean Paulhan and the Nouvelle Revue française: Modernist Editor, Modernist Review?

The Nouvelle Revue francaise: a Modernist Review? Jason Harding, the opening pages of his book on T.S. Eliot's The Criterion, the review created by the poet 1922, writes: in common with Nouvelle Revue francaise, whom it resembled appearance, was set inside the case of a great European review. (1) This provides a clear example of the ready assumption that the French monthly review La Nouvelle Revue francaise constituted a clear and unambiguous model for Eliot to emulate his quest to propagate his own brand of experimental The fact that the NRF had been founded Paris by writers around Andre Gide, late 1908 and into 1909, a pivotal moment the history of European was sufficient for an Anglo-American writer and critic such as Eliot to recognize the NRF as a beacon of European modernism. Moreover, the Columbia University professor Justin O'Brien, his introduction to a book of translated extracts celebrating the 50th anniversary of the review's foundation, wrote that no other periodical symbolized the modern European twentieth century better than the NRF. (2) Eliot, celebrated since as a paragon of European paid tribute to the NRF by basing his own periodical on the French review, to which he himself submitted three Lettres d'Angleterre May and December 1922, and again November 1923. One may--and should--challenge Harding's assertion, because the words experimental beg many questions. Modernism is a word charged with different emphases, nuances or meanings. But let us continue for a moment. In the words of the critic Michael Levenson, If we look for a mark of modernism's coming of age, the founding of the Criterion 1922 may prove a better instance than The Waste Land, better even than Ulysses, because it exemplifies the of the movement, the accession to legitimacy. (3) Once again, as Harding himself asserts, much of this sentence is problematic. Apart from the chronological assumptions, the terms institutionalization and cultural legitimacy invite debate. It is true that relativism represents an underlying problem here, which may be exemplified by a point raised by Michel Beaujour at the conference New York and reported Le Monde. Why should the history of the NRF be conceived according to American critical canons, especially that of modernism, asked Beaujour. It is precisely because the Anglo-Saxon world [sic] looked specifically to Paris and at some of the reviews published there, to keep abreast of modernist trends. (4) In spite of the problematic nature of this relativism, differences which have led some French commentators to avoid the word modernisme altogether and to prefer the word modernite, let us consider it within the context of European as does Walter Gobbers his bilingual introduction to a voluminous collection of work on the question. (5) Here Gobbers draws a distinction between the and modernism which is helpful for our discussion of the NRF: Cette opposition entre modernite/modernisme et avant-garde permet evidemment d'accentuer davantage les nuances, voire les differences entre les deux : l'avant-garde se distinguerait alors par son extremisme et son nihilisme radical, par le caractere absolu de son experimentalisme et surtout par le progressisme de son engagement et de sa contestation socio-politique ; la litterature moderniste, par contre, serait plus intellectualiste, plus rationnelle et plus psychologisante que celle de l'avant-garde. (6) So if, by 1922, the NRF is recognized by Eliot as a significant arbiter and mediator of the modern, or of as we shall see it also retained conservative, traditional, even anti-modernist elements (one example of this is the space given to Julien Benda (7)). …

The Foundation of Modernism: Japanese Cinema in the Year 1927

The Foundation of Modernism:Japanese Cinema in the Year 1927 Hiroshi Komatsu (bio) The Great Kanto Earthquake of 1 September 1923 created a definitive break in the history of Japanese silent cinema. There is a profound difference in content and form in the cinema before and after the earthquake. Although some directors like Norimasa Kaeriyama and Yoshiro Edamasa had tried to make Japanese cinema conform to an Occidental form of film structure and content in the late teens, there was still a strong general resistance to this modernisation of Japanese cinema. The fundamental change was caused by the earthquake. It destroyed Tokyo not only materially but also culturally and ideologically. And it gave Tokyo the opportunity to reconstruct itself. It was the beginning of the modernist trend that would flourish in the latter half of the twenties and the early thirties in the reborn metropolis of Tokyo. This rather abrupt change has been characterized as the assimilation of cultural institutions that had already been seen clearly during the Meiji Restoration. The idea promoted by the Pure Motion Picture Drama Movement in the late teens was substantially realized by the unexpected disaster. Thus the Great Kanto Earthquake provided the impetus for Japanese cinema to assimilate foreign cinema. Foreign cinema here does not necessarily mean American cinema. In other words, Japanese silent cinema after 1924 did not advance directly toward imitating Hollywood cinema. What happened, then, when Japanese cinema tried to assimilate foreign cinema? The result of this assimilation could be seen in the films and in the situation of the cinema in the year 1927. The transformation of Japanese cinema after the earthquake is clearly revealed there. More than three years had passed since the earthquake. Japanese cinema had reached its high point as the art of silence, as elsewhere in the world's major film-producing countries. The menacing shadow of the future form called sound cinema surely existed, but most people never imagined that it would change the entire film world. On the contrary, greater possibilities for cinema as the art of silence were actively considered and discussed in theoretical writings. The cinema was the most popular mass entertainment in Japan in 1927, and at the same time few people doubted any more that it was an art form. On 25 December 1926, Yoshihito, the Taisho Emperor, died and the Showa era began. The first year of Showa lasted only six days, until 31 December 1926. Therefore 1927, technically the second year of the Showa era, was effectively its first year. During the last half of 1926, the transition between the old and the new could be seen clearly. The world's first complete edition of the works of Marx and Engels was translated and published in Japan. Young intellectuals were stimulated by this new ideology, and at the same time they eagerly absorbed the latest art and culture. In September 1926 two obituaries and a film industry item were published on the same page of the film magazine Kinema Jumpo that symbolized the transition from the old to the new in this period. The obituaries marked the deaths of Kisaburo Kurihara and Matsunoske Onoe, while the film industry reported that the star Tsumasaburo [End Page 363] Bando had signed a contract with the American studio Universal Pictures.1 Kisaburo Kurihara had worked under Thomas H. Ince in the United States and then returned to Japan where he began to produce Americanized Japanese films in the late teens. He was one of the earliest artists who tried to reform Japanese cinema in both form and content. But he belonged fundamentally to the older era of filmmaking, and he could not follow the radical changes in Japanese cinema after the 1923 earthquake. By 1926 Kurihara, who directed Japanese films between 1918 and 1923, had been nearly forgotten as a film director. The premature death of this reformer (he was 41 years old when he died) had a symbolic meaning in this period when Japanese cinema no longer needed reform. Matsunosuke Onoe was, needless to say, the superstar of Japanese cinema in the early period. He had appeared in many Old School films since 1909. In the late teens he was...

Iraq's Modern Arabic Literature in English Translation 1950-2003

Iraqi literature has attracted in recent years a growing number of general readers, not only because Iraq has been at center of world events. The literature itself reveals a fairly impressive range of styles and themes, with notable modernist trends, particularly in poetry. It is with this interest in mind, and need for a guide to Iraq's literature that this bibliographical survey was undertaken. The bibliography covers Iraq's modem Arabic literature as published in English translation during last fifty years-19502003. It includes also relevant studies and interviews, but no attempt was made to cover book reviews. Iraqi literature written in other languages such as Kurdish, Turkmen or Hebrew, is not included in this survey. Jewish Iraqi writers who were noted for their literary efforts during pre-1950 period are cited only if their translated works were originally written in Arabic and published before their departure from Iraq (e.g. Ya'qib Balbiul and Anwar Sha'ul). It should be pointed out that their writings are recognized, often in positive terms, as an integral part of Iraq's Arabic literature. The 1988 anthology of Iraqi Short Stories, a government-sponsored publication, refers, for example, to the sincere earnest efforts made by writers of that period [the 1930s], namely Mahmoud Ahmed Al-Sayyid, Anwar Shaoul, Dhul-Noun Ayyoub, Abdul-Haq Fadhil, Yousif Matti, Shalmon [Shalom] Darweesh and others. (p. 10).2 Other works written by Iraqi writers in different Western languages and their translations into English were also excluded.

AMSS Regional Conference

On April 12, 2003, the Association of Muslim Social Scientists (AMSS), incollaboration with the Muslim Students' Association (MSA) of theUniversity of Utah, held its first regional conference in Salt Lake City,Utah. The day-long conference, "The Place of.Islam in America," includedpanel discussions and workshops. The first panel dealt with "Images andPerceptions of Islam in America," and the second panel focused on "TheEmerging Muslim Community: Opportunities and Challenges." Toward theend of the program, both the panelists and the audience participated in threeworkshops: "Challenges of Raising a Muslim Child," "Examining the UtahMuslim Community," and "Muslim Youths Dealing with Temptations andPeer Pressure." Louay Safi (president, AMSS) and Sayyid M. Syeed (generalsecretary, ISNA) gave the two keynote addresses.At the beginning of the conference, Abdul-Qayum Mohmand, programcoordinator, welcomed the panelists and the guests and stated that: "Sincethe Muslim community is part of the social and political construct of thissociety and contributes to the build up of this society in many aspects, it isvital for them to find out where they are placed in this society."In his opening remarks, Safi talked about the importance of the Muslims'political and social positioning in the United Stated and pointed out that"American Muslims have a great opportunity to develop Islamic thought andinstitutions for modern-day society." He stressed that "faced with new socialchallenges stemming from modernist trends, American Muslims possess aUthe ingredients they need to develop solutions with far-reaching impact onimproving the quality of life both in the U.S. and throughout the Muslimworld." He expressed confidence that the conference deliberations are part ofthe Muslim American struggle to better the human condition.In the first panel, James Toronto (associate professor oflslamic studies,Brigham Young University, Utah) focused on the challenges and responsi bilitiesof the American Muslim community. Calling upon its members to ...

The Studies in Art Education Invited Lecture, 2001: The Escuelas de Pintura al Aire Libre in Mexico: Freedom, Form, and Culture

The Escuelas al Aire Libre in Mexico (1913 and 1920 through 1933) can be identified as the only modernist trend in the teaching of art that deliberately and programmatically integrated the idea of art as free expression and as culture. Therefore, this Mexican movement can be considered an anticipation of postmodernism, using its ideas of production and culture as a kind of ideological umbrella.

Lichenized association between Septonema tormes sp. nov., a coccoid cyanobacterium, and a green alga with an unforeseen biopreservation effect of Villamayor sandstone at ‘Casa Lis’ of Salamanca, Spain

‘Casa Lis’ is the most characteristic building in Salamanca, Spain, belonging to the modernist trend. It was built with Villamayor sandstone from nearby Salamanca, which has high porosity providing an easy medium for water absortion and capillarity. During a restoration process on the southern wall, near an underground water flow, two well defined, naturally developed layers were observed on the sandstone surface: an outer, hard crust with greyish shades and whitish salt patches resulting from rising damp, and an inner, green layer with organic material linking the sandstone to the inorganic crust. The microbiological study of this biofilm showed an ecologically obligate, stable mutualism between a dematiaceous mitosporic fungus ( Septonema tormes sp. nov.), a coccoid cyanobacterium ( Cyanothece -group) and a green alga ( Gloeocystis rupestris ), with the accumulation of different metabolites excreted by these microorganisms. The case reported here is one of the few studies where a microbial mat, in association with the external crust, avoids a further weathering of the stone because of an unforeseen biopreservation effect due to the maintenance of humidity at constant levels under the crust avoids changes in clay swelling and subsequent surface arenization of the sandstone. The lichenized complex of a mitosporic mycobiont and two photobionts, in this case, has not been reported before as a stable association on this kind of substrate.

Cruelty and Affirmation in the Postmodem Theater: Antonin Artaud and Hanoch Levin

The absence of a chapter on theater in several major books on postmodernism suggest that drama's place in the debate regarding the relations between modernism and postmodernism remains open. This debate, which centers on the question of whether postmodernism represents a complete break with modernism, or is merely a radicalized form of modernist trends, has apparently been taciturn with respect to the theater. And in the relatively few instances where theater is discussed, the tendency is to reassess the canon of modernist drama in light of postmodern theory, rather than to focus on new postmodern dramatic works. This situation implies that theater either has not produced major contemporary playwrights to match the fertility and diversity of modernism (Stanislavsky, Strindberg, Pirandello, Brecht, Artaud, Genet, Beckett, Ionesco, Dürrenmatt, and many more), or that we have failed to recognize within modernist theater the advent of postmodernism.

The Modernist Trend in Persian Literature and Its Social Impact

For over a thousand years imaginative Persian literature has more directly and comprehensively than any other art medium reflected and nurtured distinctively Iranian cultural themes and orientations and has more than any other single indigenous phenomenon defined Iranian culture for literate Iranians themselves, who through the centuries have often pointed to this literature as a sign of their special place in and distinctive contributions to human cultural expression.Now the phrase “imaginative Persian literature” can refer to various distinct traditions on the Iranian plateau. There is a folk tradition that emerged upon the heels of the appearance of the neo-Persian language in the 9th century. Then there is the better known belletristic court tradition that began in the same era and that persists today, albeit without court patronage, in the writings, particularly verse, of literary traditionalists who feel that the norms, forms, and themes of poets from Rudaki (d. 940) to Jami (d. 1492) constitute still relevant prescriptive standards.

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry: A Collection of Representative Poems of the Modernist Movement and the Reaction

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry: A Collection of Representative Poems of the Modernist Movement and the Reaction

Leoš Janáček and the Avant-garde of the Twenties

A brief consideration of Janáček's connections with the modernist trends in the music of the twenties involves an exact analysis of his later work. In the work of this composer who was born in the fifties of the last century we find a number of the fundamental problems of modern music, such as melodies and chords of the forth, the whole-tone scale, the loss of tonality and tonal centre, some characteristics of tetrachordal groups, the beginnings of bitonality, an original use of macro- and micro-techtonics often operating with the so-called constant montage, and finally the beginnings of working with two desparate layers at the same time. The author tries to show the relation of Janáček, composer and man, to the avant-garde of the twenties. His relation to Schönberg was intensest in 1920 when he studied his »Harmonielehre« in detail; later, however, it assumed a critical aspect, as can be seen from his observations on the book mentioned and on certain compositions of Schönberg (Serenade in Venice 1925). After the encounter of both composers in Berlin (1926) Janáček wrote to Max Brod: »Schreker and Schönberg came to me to compliment me on the opera Káta Kabanova. This gave me the greatest pleasure . . .« He emphasized consciously his relation to the avant-garde in the speech on the occasion of his promotion on January 28tn, 1925, when he said: ». . . The moderns Schreker, Schönberg, Debussy feel in the same manner as I . . .« In the last two years of his life Janáček came to know the work of Berg also. He realised intuitively the profound significance of the genius of the Austrian musical dramatist and commented in the following manner: ». . . He is a dramatist of astounding significance, of deep truth. Let him speak! . . . his every note has been steeped in blood . . .« The author draws attention to the apparent ideological similarity of »Wozzeck« and of Janáček's last opera »From the House of the Dead«. The paper brings some additional evidence of Janáček's connections with the avant-garde. The author points out that Paul Hindemith first performed Janáček's violin sonata in 1923 and that he prepared some further performances. His relation to Béla Bartók is indicated by the concert arranged by Janáček in Brno on March 3rd, 1925. Janáček heard, analysed and criticised also a number of compositions by Igor Stravinsky. Further the enthusiasm of the younger generation for Janáček's work is documented: the two letters of Paul Dessau, the visit of the American experimentalist Henry Cowell who later nominated Janáček together with Bartók, Hába, Křenek, Berg and so on as honorary members of the New Music Society of California, the sincere relation of the Prague Society for Modern Music to the composer who had been its honorary member since December 16th, 1924. Finally the author outlines the most important characteristics of the music of the twentieth century in Janáček's work, which clearly forshadow the sphere of European music of the twenties and thirties.

The Modernist Trend in Spanish American Poetry

The Modernist Trend in Spanish American Poetry

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry. Collection of Representative Poems of the Modernist Movement and the Reaction.

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry. Collection of Representative Poems of the Modernist Movement and the Reaction.

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry. Collection of Representative Poems of the Modernist Movement and the Reaction

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry. Collection of Representative Poems of the Modernist Movement and the Reaction

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry (Book Review)

The Modernist Trend in Spanish-American Poetry (Book Review)