[MVVS 14.1 (2014) 119-127] ISSN 1470-8078 Book Reviews Joshua Derman, Max Weber in Politics and Social Thought: From Charisma to Canonisa tion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp. 271. ISBN 978-1-107-02588 2. £62.00. This book offers both more and less than it seems to promise. It does not really seek to situate Weber's work in contemporary and subsequent social thought, in the sense of relating his own arguments to those of others, so that we might appreciate Weberian arguments as part of a broader discourse. Instead, it provides something rather nar rower, an account of the reception of Weber's work, first of all in interwar Germany, and then within the developing social sciences from the 1930s to the 1960s. The focus is not for example upon the changes Talcott Parsons envisaged for the social sci ences and the way in which Weber was pressed into service in advancing this vision; the focus remains upon the translation of Weber into this context. However, this restricted focus is an advantage, and we come away from reading Derman's book with a strong sense of the way in which Max Weber, a scholar whose writing was so strongly motivated by a desire for clear, uncompromising arguments, was taken up by the most contradictory currents in twentieth century thought: he was read and cited approvingly by liberals, social democrats, communists, conservatives, Nazis, cold war social scientists, nationalists, federalists, positivists, existentialists—there is no end to the diversity of those who have drawn upon his work. The general outlines of the story which Derman presents are today relatively famil iar: thanks to the efforts of his widow Marianne, Weber's legacy had by the mid-1920s been packaged into a ten-volume 'collected works' to which she added a substan tial biography. One of these volumes, the Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Wissetischaflslehre which first appeared in 1922, has yet to be published in the Gesamtausgabe, about forty years after that project began; and so in effect we are all still direct beneficiaries of Marianne Weber's energy and decisiveness. However, despite there being an Archiv ßr Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik until 1933, there was in effect little in the way of organised 'social science and social policy' in Weimar Germany that might have formed a natural readership for Webe/ s work; some of his writing did make a sig nificant impact upon German academics and the wider intelligentsia, but there was no clear constituency that might have claimed Weber as their man. This was first cre ated in the United States during the 1930s, centred first upon the work of Parsons and Shils, and then later that of Gerth and Mills. All of these American-based academics were associated with the delineation of a modern sociology, for which Weber became a major flag-bearer. Talcott Parsons, in particular, had a vision for a new social sci ence which broke decisively with its previous incarnation as the moral or political sci ences, promoting in their place the action frame of reference that served as a catch-all approach to human behaviour in much the same way that the vogue for neuroscience does today. In this incarnation, Max Weber became a sociologist, and it was in this© Max Weber Studies 2014, Clifton House, 17 Malvern Road, London, E8 3LP. 120 Max Weber Studies guise that he was re-introduced to post-war Ger was the butt of critique from Marcuse and Haberma of his birth; but Max Weber survived this criticism or Habermas, and this year we celebrate the 150th different Max Weber. We owe to scholars like Jo how Max Weber has over the years meant many t speak to us today with such clarity and urgency. Derman does not recount this trajectory as a st matically, and in this way is able to add consider reception of Weber7 s work in Germany during th States from the 1930s to the 1960s. Some of the lat that dealt with in the second part of Lawrence S clearly the production schedules of the two bo only to Scaff's earlier studies and not to the b stantial study in...