Modern Populism Research Articles

POPULISM AS A CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRATIC PROCESSES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION

The article examines the problems of the cause and manifestations of modern populism in the countries of the European Union, which has intensified over the past two decades. The growth of radical ideas, the ideas of multiculturalism and globalization, and migration processes in Europe intensify the complex processes of arranging a single political, economic and cultural space. Populist activity underlines the increasing mistrust of the electorate towards classical parties, which cannot solve urgent public demands. The current populist activism results from a structural transformation that involves: the growth of undemocratic liberalism; changing relations between ruling politicians and those under control; democratization of mass media, which appear to be interconnected, which enhances their collective effect. Individual populist parties act as contenders in national elections; in some countries (Hungary, Poland), they have obtained a leadership role. The populism of parties in the European Union is often tangential to other ideological directions (liberalism, socialism, etc.). Europe is choosing between carrying out the necessary reforms, strengthening liberal democracy and human rights, supporting diversity and equality, and an economic nationalist federation of states that dismantles the concept of liberal democracy. Liberal ideology, based on undemocratic principles, gradually strengthened populist sentiments, and European society's existing problems and crises accelerated the promotion of populism among the broad electoral masses. Gender issues, antiimmigrant sentiments, anti-European rhetoric, and nationalist movements are on the agenda. The growing number of populist parties means it is necessary to rethink the characteristics of institutional structures and the role of individual players in political activity. Ignoring the above may increase the pressure on liberal democracy, which ensures the protection of human rights and freedoms, supports the rule of law, and implements pan-European progressive values.

The Monetary Policy Preferences of Left- and Right-Wing Populism

The paper uses a Taylor-rule model for central banks to examine the economic outcome of modern populism. Annual data of major OECD countries from 2001 to 2019 is applied to examine the overall level of populism in the regime, the left/right divide of the regime and the populist political force, the independence of the central bank from the political regime to model the target interest rate. The results verify the impact of populism on monetary policy and the invalidity of the traditional partisan approach, and distinguish the different effect of left- and right-wing populism. A populist regime favors low interest rate than a non-populist regime, and a leftist populist regime prefers expansionary monetary policies than rightist populist regime. Such a divide in monetary policy preference can be used as a classification criterion for classification of populist political forces, with The Five Star Movement in Italy as an example.

The Impact of Populism on Scandinavian Labour Law: The Cases of Norway and Sweden

Modern populism has developed in Scandinavia since at least the 1970s, first in Norway and Denmark but more recently also in Sweden. Populist political parties have been well-established in Scandinavian Parliaments for many years. However, from a labour law perspective, the populist impact, if any, has been limited and populist discourse has primarily focused on issues such as migration and the European Union (EU), and to some extent ‘welfare tourism’. This article examines the development of populist movements in Norway and Sweden and analyses the possible impact of populist policies on national labour law. The conclusion is that Nordic industrial relations and labour market regulations, based on strong and representative trade unions and well-organized and responsible employer federations, act as a robust counterweight to populist policies on the labour market. Section 2 of the article consists of a discussion of how we understand the development of modern populism in a Norwegian and Swedish perspective. Section 3 explores the extent to which populist political ideas have directly impacted or indirectly influenced labour market regulations in the two countries. In concluding, section 4 monitors the potency of strong and well-established industrial relations as a countervailing force to populist political movements. Populist Policies, Labour Market Regulation, Scandinavia, Norway, Sweden, Resilience to Populism

Postliberal Catholic Critique of the American Project in the Context of Modern Populism

Postliberal Catholic Critique of the American Project in the Context of Modern Populism

Aspects of Populism and Nostalgia in the akp’s Turkey

Abstract As a consequence of a long series of domestic and international political, economic and social developments that resulted in the rise of political Islam in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (akp) came to power in 2002. Since then, it has been the dominant party in the country, developing a political narrative and a public discourse that have many attributes of modern populism. In line with its strategy to consolidate its power, the akp espouses a populist public discourse that is distinctive and multifaceted. One of its most important manifestations is the mobilization of the population through neo-Ottoman nostalgia, in a context of politicization of emotion to connect with the broader masses.

The impact of populism on constitutional interpretation in the EU Member States

ABSTRACT The birth and spread of the term ‘populist constitutionalism’ shows that one of the distinctive features of modern populism is that it has specific constitutional ambitions insofar as it seeks to achieve its political goals through constitutional means. The constitutional ambitions of populist politicians, which are considered by many scholars as a feature of modern populism, often make it inevitable for courts to respond, in the course of constitutional review, to challenges to traditional constitutional values and institutions. Courts can respond to these claims in different ways. For example, they can engage in an activist stance, resisting the attempts that endanger the established constitutional order, they can defer to the changing constitutional policy of the political branches, or, possibly, they can try to keep their distance from political struggles. The study, based on the results of our comparative international research, examines how populism influences the methods of interpretation in the jurisprudence of constitutional courts and other relevant high courts,whether they have developed new interpretative instruments, or have used the classical ways of constitutional interpretation when facing populist aspirations. The article contributes to the present-day scholarly discourse on the effects of populism on constitutional justice in Europe.

Latin American Populism: historical context and modern trends

The authors show that the historical and political role of populism in Latin American countries is an extremely relevant, but at the same time complex research and practical topic, which has been causing sharp discussions in the expert community for more than a decade. This is due to the inconsistency and ambiguity of populism as a social phenomenon, its dynamic and variable nature, which constantly puts forward new research tasks to scientists. Latin America is the birthplace of modern populism. Here, as in no other region of the world, populism has long become an integral part of social landscape and a specific feature of political processes. Dozens of prominent populist figures headed governments in most states of the region, were the creators of leading political parties and movements, left an indelible mark on Latin American history. Up to this day, populists of different beliefs largely form a vector of socio-economic development of an entire region. All this determines relevance of the article, and its main goal is to explore the topic of Latin American populism, its ideological pedigree and perspectives on the basis of new knowledge and phenomena. The novelty of the work is the interpretation of ideology and practice of populism, based on the methods of historical research and comparative analysis, which makes it possible to identify features of populist regimes in Latin America. The main conclusion made by the authors is the assertion that it is impossible to use old populist methods to respond to new challenges that await the peoples of Latin America in the future.

ПОПУЛІЗМ У США: ЯК ДЕМОКРАТІЯ ДОЛАЄ ВИКЛИК

The article considers populism as a threat to democracy in the USA. It explains the causes and consequences of populism spread. The article describes the economic and cultural factors of the growth of populism, as well as analyzes approaches to the study of modern populism based on examples of political rhetoric in the United States. Left-wing and right-wing populism, as well as its main characteristics, are defined. The article describes how the populist political identity was formed in the United States by the efforts of both the Democratic and Republican parties. The populist political rhetoric of US Presidents F. Roosevelt, R. Reagan, D. Trump and other members of the American establishment is analyzed. The reason for the attractiveness of populism is explained, and its anti-pluralist and anti-liberal approaches are described in detail. In addition, the article notes that populism is part of the strategy of political forces to manipulate the electorate, and explains how democracy in the United States overcomes the populist challenge.

The Phenomenon of “New Populism”: the American Dimension

The article examines the evolution of ideological and political attitudes, the essential characteristics and instrumental functions of modern populism using the case of the United States of America. It is well known that populism differs from other political movements in its direct appeal to voters / people as an undifferentiated social mass, and thus constitutes an effective means of mobilizing the masses of the population in a protracted crisis of the political system and its institutions. The instrumental effectiveness of populism is often used to regroup social forces necessary for society and to give the entire political system greater elasticity, to increase its responsiveness to the interests of the “street man,” that is, ordinary voter. The ruling groups, especially in the USA, have learned to use populism effectively as a force capable of reducing the intensity of social conflicts, as well as for the integration of the “dissatisfied” into the existing institutions of the state that they themselves need. The first, and very successful, example of this kind was the “new deal” of F.D. Roosevelt, the political result of which was the creation in America of a “middle class society” that was not susceptible to extremes of both the right and the left. At present, the overlapping civilizational “rift” and the political crisis have forced the influential forces of American society to turn again to populism as a proven means of modifying America’s development model and pacifying a significant part of the population of this country. The 2016 presidential election convincingly demonstrated the powerful instrumental capacities of populism, manifested, in particular, in a certain renewal of the US socio-economic policy. Similar processes of regrouping of socio-political forces are to be observed in other “institutionalized democracies” of the West, which allows us to consider the “new” / “national” populism as a relatively stable and long-term phenomenon of socio-political development of the western world.

Health Inequalities

Health inequalities are embedded in a complex array of social, political, and economic inequalities. Responding to health inequalities will require systematic action targeting all the underlying (“upstream”) social determinants that powerfully affect health and well‐being. Systemic inequalities are a major reason for the rise of modern populism that has deeply divided polities and infected politics, perhaps nowhere more so than in the United States. Concerted action to mitigate shocking levels of inequality could be a powerful antidote to nationalist populism. A basic yet critical start to addressing health inequalities is to recognize them, which demands improving data collection and analysis. Certainly, global indicators show vast progress in reducing poverty and extending life. Yet aggregate health data mask a deeper reality: health gains have disproportionately benefited the well‐off, leaving the poor and middle‐class behind.

«СУЧАСНИЙ ПОПУЛІЗМ» ЯК ЕЛЕМЕНТ ПРОБЛЕМНОГО ПОЛЯ СУЧАСНОГО ПОЛІТОЛОГІЧНОГО ДИСКУРСУ

В статі здійснюється спроба аналізу феномену «сучасного популізму» в ракурсі теоретичного плюралізму наукових розвідок сучасної західної та української політологічної науки. Автор простежує еволюцію популістського дискурсу в академічних колах, в рамках якого відбувається спроба наблизитись до категоріальної та концептуальної визначеності феномена «сучасний популізм». Спираючись на новітні західні та вітчизняні теоретичні конструкції автор статті пропонує власну дефініцію «сучасного популізму» – як політичного поліваріативного феномену, який в залежності від унікальної комбінації специфічних рис, може виступати в якості ідеології, методу політичної боротьби, суспільно-політичного руху, маніпулятивної технології, стилю політичної поведінки тощо, та робить спробу визначити «універсальні» детермінуючі чинники «сучасного популізму» – «акумуляція незадоволення», «гра на емоціях», «поляризація суспільства», «народовладдя», «політика симулякрів», «національна автентичність».

Francisco Suárez e os germes ibero-americanos do populismo moderno

The modern populism has as one of its sources the political ideas of Francisco Suárez (1548-1617), who, as a teacher in outstanding european universities, such as Salamanca and Coimbra, have had widespread influence even up to our time. His political teachings has made a difference for notorious figures and political movements, such as Bartolomé de las Casas, the famous advocate of the Indians, and possibly, in more recent times, H. F. R. Lamennais and the Russian populists of the Nineteenth Century

«ВИБУХ ПОПУЛІЗМУ» У ХХІ СТОЛІТТІ: ДОСЛІДНИЦЬКІ ІНТЕНЦІЇ ЩОДО ВИЗНАЧЕННЯ «УНІВЕРСАЛЬНИХ» ХАРАКТЕРИСТИК

Спираючись на новітні західні та вітчизняні теоретичні конструкції автор статті пропонує власну дефініцію «сучасного популізму» – як політичного поліваріативного феномену, який в залежності від унікальної комбінації специфічних рис, може виступати в якості ідеології, методу політичної боротьби, суспільно-політичного руху, маніпулятивної технології, стилю політичної поведінки тощо. В ракурсі визначеної дослідницької позиції автор робить спробу визначити «універсальні» характеристики феномену «сучасний популізм» – «акумуляція незадоволення», «гра на емоціях», «народовладдя», «політика симулякрів», «національна автентичність», а також охарактеризувати специфічні рис «сучасного українського популізму». Акцентовано увагу на тому, що «сучасний популізм» становить реальну загрозу для загальновизнаної ліберально-демократичної світоглядної позиції сучасної цивілізації, відтак, автор статті спрямовує дослідниці інтенції на пошук ефективних стратегій протидії даному феномену.

ФЕНОМЕН «СУЧАСНИЙ ПОПУЛІЗМ» У КОНТЕКСТІ РИЗИКІВ І ВИКЛИКІВ ЛІБЕРАЛЬНИХ ДЕМОКРАТІЙ ХХІ СТОЛІТТЯ

In the article attempts of description and analyze of research studies are undertaken, which are recognized in the modern scientific world as «strong points» in the study of the phenomenon of populism, in particular - G. Ionesk, E. Gellner, D. Bell, M. Kenovan, P. Tagart, E. Laclau, I. Me, I. Sorel et other, and the latest Western and domestic theoretical constructs, which lead to the knowledge and the nature and essence of the phenomenon of «modern populism», namely - Z. Bauman, W. Beck, F. Venturi, A. Grimimal-Buss, K. Davyst, J. Judis, R. Itwell, J.-V. Muller, T. Snyder, etc.; T. Andrushchenko, V. Bebyk, S. Datsyuk, I. Kiananka, G. Kuts, O. Lisnichuk, L. Matlai, I. Pobochi, T. Pryadko, T. Rad, O. Yarosha and others. It is determined that the overwhelming majority of modern researchers express a consolidated position on the complexity of definition («populism is the phenomenon dispersed, i.e. it is a component of many political phenomena, embodied in various ideological forms and political strategies») and a huge variety of manifestation of modern populism D. Trump (USA), Brexit (UK), Yellow Vest Movement (France), Five Star Movement (Italy), Podemos (Spain), G. Wilders (Netherlands), V. Orban (Hungary), R. Erdogan (Turkey), etc. Attention is drawn to the fact that the «global success of populists» in the 21st century creates a real threat to liberal-democratic values - individual freedom, pluralism, free speech, free elections, etc. The key factors that provoked «the outburst of populism» are characterized, in particular, the dominance of the contemporary voter in the socio-political moods of feelings of «disappointment», «confusion», «uncertainty» and others. The author attempts to find effective strategies for counteracting «aggressive populism» in the context of the mediation of contemporary political processes, in particular, the formation of critical thinking and media literacy of the modern voter. It is stated that the «wave» of populism also seized the political space of modern Ukraine, in which the mediation of political processes created a new format of communication between voters and politicians, which, in fact, attested to the results of recent presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.

The Metabolism of the Right Populism in France of the 21st Century

The phenomenon of a right populism in modern France is analyzed. In such context, the theoretical approaches of leading French historians, sociologists and political scientists to the definition of populism are considered. The main differences in the definition of populism by different specialists are shown. Different manifestations of populism such as the left-, rightwing, and emanating from the masses and the ruling elite are characterized. The features of a modern right-wing populism are reviewed on the example of the National Front Party (NF), headed by Marin Le Pen. The political, cultural, electoral and institutional factors that led to the growing popularity of the NF are studied. The specifics of the success of the “fronts” in various elections, beginning in 2012, are presented in a “long-term”, “medium-term” and “short-term” perspective. Weaknesses in governing the country of systemic ruling left and right parties, and the growth of distrust towards them by civil society are shown. The evolution of the National Front since the founding of the party by Jean-Marie Le Pen and internal party crises are considered. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite the fact that in the doctrinal plan the “marinists” have not moved away from the “national populism” that followed the NF congress on March 10-11, 2018, tactical actions and a change in the name of the party suggest that that the party is trying to become the second system right-wing party in France. Besides, the strong assertion of populism in global political culture has become a challenge to liberal democracy in the 21st century, so it could be expected to manifest itself in other far-right associations.

Retoryka populistyczna w parlamentarnej kampanii wyborczej w Republice Czeskiej z 2017 r.

The paper presents the history of the populist dimension. Populism is depicted in this article as a phenomenon with many planes of conceptualization. In order to combine the considerations of populism and the party system, Czech groups have been investigated, which can be included in the current commonly called modern populism in modern politics. The subject of the study was not marginal groups, including detached parties, and those which have been present on the Czech political scene since 1993: ČSSD, ODS, TOP09, KDU-ČSL, ANO 2011, KSČM.

Modern Populism in Greece. From Opposition to Power.

Financial crisis has connected Europe with an obvious common pattern which consists the rapidly rise of protest parties that challenge the established political systems. The basic and new feature of these schemes is the intense war rhetoric against the European Union and the vehement rejection of the selected modes of euro rescue.In this sense, populism appears as a new specter haunting European democracies, as active risk, causing serious concerns. Unfortunately, the growing concern does not coincide with policies aiming at finding viable solutions, as the center-right parties and governments believe that the only solution to the crisis is to adopt austerity measures and Social Democrats have not yet found effective alternatives.This essay will attempt to shed light on some aspects of current populism phenomenon in Greece with particular focus on its modern manifestations.

Ipotesi su lamartine. Contributo alla storia del "populismo"

Alphonse de Lamartine (1790-1869), removed from history manuals of political thought and confined to literature anthologies, is here discussed in the light of the hypothesis of a possible "resurrection". The battles of the Thirties - in particular the proposal for a politique naturelle, improbable mix of liberalism, Catholicism and democracy - now sound irreparably outdated. Nevertheless, there are reasons to believe that other cues of his public career help to historically understand one of the greatest dilemmas of our times: the populist drifting. The famous speech of 6 October 1848, read in the light of the most recent literature, suggests, in fact, to deem Lamartine not only as a "missing link" within the development of this phenomenon, but perhaps as the real initiator, at least from a theoretical point of view, of modern populism.

Populism during the period of the 1911 Revolution

Russian populism spread in China at the turn of the twentieth century in the name of anarchism, nihilism, and socialism, and gradually contributed to the formation of modern Chinese populism. Populism around the time of the 1911 Revolution had two characteristics: one was its deep hatred of capitalism which regarded capitalism as an ugly, decadent, and regressive historical phenomenon; the other characteristic was an attempt to get around the developmental stage of capitalism in order to proceed directly into socialism. Compared with Russian populism, modern Chinese populism did not have well-organized proponents, nor did it have any systemic system of populist political thought. It manifested itself more as a populist intellectual tendency without a strong self-awareness. Agrarian civilization and Confucianism provided the hotbed for populism, and a superficial understanding of Western capitalism was the main cultural drive that bred populism. The most important feature of modern Chinese populism was the fantasy of leaping from a backward agrarian country into socialism by surpassing capitalist industrialization.

Between Populism and Dogma: Álvaro Siza’s Third Way

In the early 1980s, Kenneth Frampton presented critical regionalism as an umbrella concept to frame some peripheral architectural practices that became instrumental to illustrate an alternative approach both to the modernist dogma and to post-modernist reactions. The architecture of Álvaro Siza was one of those marginal practices frequently used to illustrate that alternative position.In this paper I will bring together critical regionalism and its critique to explore the possibility of its role as a mediator between dogmatic applications of the modern canon and populism. Critical regionalism will be discussed within the broader frame of the redefinition of hegemonic relationships, especially postcolonial critique, and the relation centre-periphery. Using Siza’s project for the Malagueira neighbourhood in Évora (Portugal) as support, I will argue that the architect’s approach created a third way between populism and avant-garde, and represents a re-foundation of the avant-garde, where the gap between high culture and the everyday is shortened, through the use of a mediation strategy supported by the architectural project.