Model Of World Order Research Articles

Russian economy in the conditions of institutional transformation of moving towards a multipolar world

Aim. To identify the key institutional characteristics of the transition to a multipolar world and to substantiate the directions of development of the Russian economy during this transition, contributing to the restoration of Russia’s position as an economic and political center of power in the new model of the world order.Objectives. To consider the institutional foundations of the world order to determine the place of multipolarity among other types of world order; to trace the features of the transition to a multipolar world as an institutional transformation from the point of counteraction to the dominance of one superpower; to formulate the directions of transformation of the Russian economy during the transition to a multipolar world.Methods. Using general methods of scientific cognition, as well as institutional and civilizational approaches, the paper considers the transition to a multipolar world as a natural stage of transition to a new model of world order, reflecting the evolution of world economic patterns and their corresponding world orders.Results. The regulatory functions of formal and value-ethical institutions in the institutional environment of the world order, as well as the role of states and civilizations as their sources and guarantors are determined. Institutional gaps in the models of unipolar and multipolar worlds are revealed. The thesis that the movement to the multipolar world model implies institutional transformation in economic, socio-spiritual and political aspects is substantiated. The role of values and conscious efforts of states in the transition to a multipolar world is shown. The main challenges and threats in the transition to a multipolar world for the Russian economy are identified and the directions of efforts necessary for its strengthening are formulated.Conclusions. The transition to a multipolar world is a complex process of transformation of the institutions of the world order and the world economic order on the basis of taking into account the national interests and values of a large number of global actors. During the period of institutional transformation of the transition, the Russian state faces new challenges in the sociovalue, economic and political spheres. The development of the Russian economy in the transition period should become the basis for strengthening the economic and political power of the country, its national sovereignty and provide a worthy place for Russia in the new model of the world order.

Economic Model of Unipolar World Order: Divestment in Central and Eastern European Countries

Economic Model of Unipolar World Order: Divestment in Central and Eastern European Countries

Advancing global citizenship and cosmopolitanism in an age of Globoskepticism: insights from the World Order Models Project

ABSTRACT This article explores insights to be taken from the World Order Models Project (WOMP) for theorists seeking to advance the uptake of global citizenship and cosmopolitan principles. WOMP, lasting from 1968 to the 1990s, aimed to generate more inclusive academic dialogue on world order reforms and develop a programme of global education to build support for them. Insights from the project include ones for structuring a dialogue on global normative concerns that is diverse but not too diffuse. It also offers a model for promoting globally normative counter-narratives in ‘globoskeptical’ times – the Cold War then and the current era of right-wing populism. And, it directs attention to the possible importance of focusing on global-scale institutional reform alongside individual motivation to assume moral duties across national borders. Finally, it offers negative lessons on setting feasible aims and timelines, and on a need to move beyond academic work in promoting change.

Cybernetic model of rational world order under the paradigm of directed evolution

With the rapid advancement in our civilizationʼs technology, the dynamics of a variety of global processes are on the rise as well, the environmental degradation rate increases, competition for access to resources grows, new large-scale epidemics emerge, etc. All of these processes and phenomena have a negative impact on global security and are being studied by scientists to develop recommendations for a world order that will meet the needs of humanity, regardless of race, nationality, socio-cultural and religious affiliation, and will allow for the restoration of the environment. The new principles of the world order should be rooted in the main principle of human security — «the possibility of rational development of civilization». This can be achieved by implementing an optimal control system for the world order. Human security should be considered, in addition to the factors of the direct threat of military conflicts, in the context of climate change and natural disasters, cultural and social development, migration and health care. Considering that the problem of human security and development is an interdisciplinary one, the only way to solve it is to combine the efforts of scientists who specialize in different sciences and to use a transdisciplinary approach that appeals to the creation of a scientific picture of the world based on the systematic integration of scientific knowledge and the Noosphere Theory of Academician Vernadsky V.I.

"Ethico-Onto-Epistemologie" und/als queer-posthumanistische Leseweise(n) von Barbara Frischmuths Roman <em>Die Mystifikationen der Sophie Silber</em>

Based on a posthumanist theory framework and laid out as a queer-posthumanist reading this article explores Barbara Frischmuth's novel Die Mystifikationen der Sophie Silber along various figures of thought and concepts by Karen Barad* and other posthumanist theoreticians whose decisive approaches lay in the questioning of anthropocentric humanist categories and dichotomous, hierarchically structured models of world order. Frischmuth's novel provides multiple points of application for a posthumanist reading strategy since non-human beings, such as fairies and mythical creatures, occupy privileged positions, hierarchies and ontologies are flattened or turned upside down, anthropocentric orders of thought are overcome, and alternative world designs are tested, thus subverting the supposed superiority of human cognitive power and morality.

Interpolarity. Re-visiting security and the global order

ABSTRACT This Introduction to Special Issue (SI) seeks to provide a corrective dimension to unipolar and multipolar understandings of global order by proposing to integrate several levels of analysis. It seeks to introduce a different understanding of the contemporary world order. To this end, it first develops a new theoretical model of world order, putting forward the concept of interpolarity. Interpolarity is understood as the interaction between multiple interdependent poles of different sizes. The main utility of this concept is that it can provide a theoretical foundation for integrating means, ways, and ends in a more stable manner. Second, this Introduction to SI estimates three main conceptual building blocks of an interpolar world order: positive power, citizen reciprocity, and elite bridging. The contributions in this Special Issue examine different aspects of the European security and foreign policy as part of the liberal international order – including the relations with NATO and the US –, EU actorness in cybersecurity governance, French-German cooperation, role conceptions and differentiated integration, as well as the BRICS perspective on world order.

Revisiting the World Order Models Project: A Case for Renewal?

AbstractIn a context of crisis in global order today, this article proposes revisiting the World Order Models Project (WOMP), towards an evaluation of its relevance and potential contributions to contemporary debates and challenges. From this revisiting, this article argues that WOMP suffered from problematic methodological limitations and does not constitute a substitute for conventional contemporary approaches to global order today, but some of its proposals nevertheless retain relevance, and as a mode of global order research it still offers the potential for providing an important supplement to contemporary approaches, if sufficiently modified to address its methodological limitations. The knowledge this kind of project produces is argued to offer integrative alternative non‐great power‐centric global order policy options that are increasingly in demand, especially from the Global South, as well as from Europe. This article proceeds to revisit WOMP’s research design and outputs, evaluates the arguments of its critics, and outlines the modifying methodological options for a World Order Models Project 2.0.

AMERICAN SOFT POWER PROJECTION IN KAZAKHSTAN

Despite the critical view of Joseph Nye's “soft power” policy, American politicians are increasingly considering this concept as an indispensable means to influence the world. The crucial importance of soft power is outlined in the global strategy of the United States for its ability to make states want to follow Western values and the liberal model of world order. In turn, the blurry sense of liberal values’ influence on the Kazakh government provoked the authors to research quantitative and qualitative indicators of an aforementioned theme. Utilizing soft power instruments toward Kazakhstan is far beyond the hard edge, but despite we tried to specify the questions around research and find replies based on empirical data.

Multilateralism and Nationalism in an Era of Disruption: the Great Pandemic and International Politics

The Great Pandemic of 2020 has caused a shock to international politics. But has it forced a radical restructuring of the international system and a change in the way international actors behave? a survey of the effects of the pandemic demonstrates that it has sped up existing trends, but has not brought about any transformation. The three-tier international system established after 1945 survives, but the struggle between two contesting models of global order (the Atlantic power system and the associated liberal international order and the alignment of sovereign internationalist powers) has intensified to consolidate a nascent new bipolarity in international affairs. Multilateralism has long been under threat, but its degradation has accelerated as bodies such as the World Health Organization have been challenged over their handling of the coronavirus pandemic, and the dangers of distant supply chains and the recrudescence of nationalism have accelerated deglobalisation. The legitimacy of state action has been revalidated as the only effective actor in handling the crisis. But this has been accompanied by the intensification of national populist challenges not only to liberal universalism, but also to sovereign internationalism. The return of great power politics entails the accelerated erosion of the dense structures of the international community developed in the post-war years, and signals a return to the period when a previous international system (the Vienna order established in 1815) came to an end in the early years of the 20t h century. Attacks on the UN and other multilateral institutions of the Yalta era means that the struggle between the rival models of world order will be less constrained by the guardrails of the international system, and thus the Second Cold War may well be more dangerous than the first.

GEOCULTURAL APPROACH OF THE WORLDOUTLOOK RESEARCH PROGRAM: ON THE PROBLEM OF INTERACTION OF LIBERAL AND TRADITIONAL STANDARDS

The reсonsidering of the methodological foundations of modern theoretical jurisprudence includes both the search for new approaches and the identification of the limits and conditions for their adequacy. At the same time, the needs for studying the interaction of the value-worldoutlook nature and the spatial conditionality of the state and law, considered in the logic of an open system, correspond with the geocultural approach. This approach is based on the multi-valued category “geoculture”, that allows one to comprehend the cultural codes and meanings of the transformation of reality and space (world projects), including those that exist as ideas about ideal forms of public power and social regulation. The geocultural approach may be part of such methodological phenomena as the worldoutlook research program, world-system analysis and geomeasurement. At the present stage, the geocultural approach of the worldoutlook research program is most suitable for analyzing the conflict of geocultures, allowing to take into account the replacement of geocultural standards, the crisis of the modern capita list world economy, legitimized by liberal geoculture, and the search for new mo dels of world order, carried out in the framework of the conflict of liberal and traditional values. The importance of understanding this conflict is due to the critical attitude of liberalism towards traditional statehood, its fulfillment of the role of an instrument of “controlled chaos” and an instrument of dominance of the West. The reсonsidering of liberal geoculture is permissible on the basis of the doctrines of traditional religious faiths, among which the Russian Orthodox Church is dominant in the post-Soviet space. Liberal geoculture is a multidimensional phenomenon, which at the same time puts forward the idea of protecting human rights and freedoms, and is an instrument for implementation of an elitist policy, characterized by excessive criticality in relation to the state and government, as well as any categories reflecting collective soli darity. Moreover, human rights, which are an integral part of liberal geoculture, initially stem from the Christian idea of a man as an ontologically free human being, the image and likeness of God, whose status metaphysically extends to anyone, but only his own. Substantially there are three interdependent problems in the phenomenon of human rights, the answer to which predetermines the practice of legal regulation: who is a person (in a particular geoculture), who is recognized as the ontological subject of human rights violations, who is recognized as the relevant subject of human rights protection. The complexity of the attitude of traditional Christianity to human rights, including denial (due to historical reasons for using human rights to marginalize Christianity), understanding, and recognition, is confirmed by the historical practice of the Russian Orthodox Church, which positively interprets this phenomenon in its conceptual documents at the present stage. The foregoing makes it expedient to use the canonical positions and official documents of traditional religious faiths in lawmaking and lawenforcement practice, which are the Russian Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches for Belarus.

International Relations Theory and the BRICS Phenomenon

This article examines the BRICS phenomenon through the prism of several International Relations theories. Particularly, power transition theory, soft power and peaceful coexistence concepts, the theory of “global regionalism” and status theories are reviewed. Each of them suggests its own theoretical interpretation of the BRICS phenomenon, as well as its own vision of this group’s role in world politics and economy. It is safe to assume that despite limitations of these theories each of them has some explanatory power. Being used together they can be helpful for studying - in an interdisciplinary way - a complex phenomenon, such as the BRICS. A number of modern theories hold that, along with the pursuit of purely material and pragmatic interests, the BRICS countries actively use this integration association to strengthen their positions in the world arena and elevate their international status. It should be noted that the BRICS was rather successful in presenting itself as a new model of world order which is a serious alternative to the existing one dominated by the West. It is based on the principles of cooperation, mutual respect and balance of interests, rather than dictate, discrimination, hierarchy and balance of power. It is too early to ascertain that a principally new type of an international institution was born within the BRICS format. However, there is no doubt that some positive experience has already been accumulated by this forum, and that this grouping has some good prospects for the future. For this reason, it will remain of considerable interest for International Relations theory. Keywords: BRICS, International Relations Theory, alternative world order

ДОБА МІДАСУ: НОВИЙ СВІТОВИЙ ПОРЯДОК

Corruption is an unchanging and “faithful” companion of the humanity accompanying it since ancient times. And like any product of mankind, it isn’t a static phenomenon and develops in parallel with the complication of human relations. With the globalization the corruption has transformed and acquired new features that make it possible to classify it likes “global corruption”. We assume that in today’s world, global corruption is a stabilizing mechanism of the modern model of world order and a safeguard against the destruction of non-viable forms of human coexistence. There are three main reasons for the inequality of income distribution in the world: 1) the existence of so-called “tax havens” – offshore zones that allow large-cap owners to avoid paying taxes; 2) inefficiency or unwillingness of national governments and the world community in regulating this issue; 3) the systematic business and politics interpenetration and the emergence of the newest phenomenon – the so-called “global corruption”. We argue that in such case post-Soviet States (including Ukraine and Russia) become a source and a “transit hub” for global corruption. Under the condition of systemic institutional instability existence, financial-industrial groups are losing exclusively economic features and getting new features, which allow them to be classified as financial-political groups. For such kind of corporate groups is typical the combination of economic, political, social and administrative components for the realization their private interests. We propose two development scenarios of corruption interconnection between financial-industrial groups and public authorities in States with unstable institutional environment: 1) complete subordination of political and economic activities of financial-industrial groups to the will of the State – “occupation of business” (for example in the Russian Federation); 2) “seizure of power” by financial-industrial groups and their further transformation into financial-political groups (for example in Ukraine). We are convinced that in such circumstances corruption can be used by some Sates as an effective tool for the political process’ influence of other countries.

A comparison between Marxism and Islamic State’s Salafi Jihadism

The purpose of this article is to compare and contrast Orthodox Marxist theory and Islamic State’s Salafi ideology. The article’s examination of these two schools of thought reveals that they share some commonalities and many differences. The most obvious similarities include: both doctrines are pre-determined history, both divide society into different classes or blocs, both are revolutionary in ambition, both reject the notion of international borders and the nation-state model of world order, both need a minority to start their revolutions, and both do not believe in negotiation or compromise to reach their goals. However, both thoughts differ in many ways, including: the motivation for revolution, the status of religion post-revolution, the role of the state in their utopia communities, and finally the aim of the revolution. Both thoughts are seen historically as violent, totalitarian political theories. By comparing them, this article seeks to bring out what exactly gives them this reputation and to assess whether one is more deserving of it than the other.

Models of a New World: towards a Synthesis

Three alternative world orders can be imagined in the post-World War II international relations. During most of the Cold War a bipolar order, centered on the possession of nuclear weapons, existed. This world order was incomplete, however. The United States and the Soviet Union faced each other with equal capacity to destroy each other, but in terms of economic and global influence the United States was superior. The strengthening of economic and technological dynamics increased further the U.S. influence, but also sparked the power of non-states actors, including transnational corporations and banks, independent of states. Simultaneously with the globalization of the world, one could witness the rise of non-state actors in the military and political fields. The emergence of the world order of the third type has sometimes been called the neomedieval world in which some central tenets of feudalism has re-emerged. None of these world order models can be said to dominate in today’s world and none of them is likely to emerge victorious any time soon. In recent times., globalization has suffered from various setbacks and state-centric relations have reemerged. Their focus is not, however, any more on the military competition between the United States and Russia, although some of its elements remain in the arms competition between them. Globalization has brought in new ingredients in the rivalries between states and it has appeared most visibly in the U.S.-Chinese rivalry for economic and technological dominance of the globalized world economy. In other words, a new type of economic bipolarity is winning ground and is only secondarily manifesting itself in military relations. Patterns of warfare has in recent decades been colored by fighting of non-state military forces and the rise of new feudal patterns of behavior, but they have not been pronounced enough to justify the labeling of the entire world order by the name.

БРИКС как предмет изучения теории международных отношений

This article examines the phenomenon of the BRICS grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa from the perspective of several theories of international relations; in particular, power transition theory, soft power and peaceful coexistence concepts, the theory of “global regionalism” and status theories are reviewed. Each explains both the BRICS phenomenon and the role of this integration association in the present-day international relations system. It is concluded that, depending on research objectives and the way it is applied, each theory - despite limitations - has explanatory power. Together they create an interdisciplinary basis for studying complex phenomena such as the BRICS.A number of modern theories hold that, along with the pursuit of purely material and pragmatic interests, the BRICS countries actively use this integration association to strengthen their positions in the world arena and elevate their international status.It is also concluded that the BRICS succeeded in creating an image of an alternative model of world order based on the principles of cooperation, mutual respect and balance of interests, rather than mandate, discrimination and hierarchy. It is premature to make a statement that a principally new type of interstate relations or an international institution has been created within the BRICS framework. At the same time, it is also certain that some positive experience has already been accumulated in the framework of this forum, and that this association offers good prospects for the future. For this reason it is of considerable interest for international relations theory.

New Perspectives on Rising Powers and Global Governance: Status and Clubs

Research on rising powers has made advances in studying new actors, broader questions, conceptualization, and models of world order. Instead of the previous focus on a hegemon and rising power in the power transition literature, scholars are focusing on major and middle powers such as India, Brazil, and Turkey. Instead of a narrow concern with prospects for hegemonic war, researchers are examining the effects of rising powers on global governance and world order. Some scholars argue that rising powers are not trying to overturn the international order, but to establish a parallel order within it. Advances have also been made in conceptualization, such as the important concept of accommodation, transcending the earlier narrow concern with territorial accommodation or appeasement. More work has been done on the concept of clubs such as the BRICS and the G20. Finally, scholars are identifying new, more pluralistic patterns of world order, in which countries specialize in various tasks.

未来に視点をおいた現代史学習の内容構成 : 世界秩序モデルプロジェクト(WOMP)を手がかりに

未来に視点をおいた現代史学習の内容構成 : 世界秩序モデルプロジェクト(WOMP)を手がかりに

Peloponnesian War: Domestic Policy Determinants of Foreign Policy

The article investigates the common aspects of home policy determinants of foreign policy. The author argues that before the modern political science international relations raises questions about the possibility of aggravation of geopolitical confrontation in the process of alternative models of world order and the impact of the internal heterogeneity of the leading countries in the world in the development of a new system of international relations. On the example of the Peloponnesian War, the internal factors of international relations are reviewed and analyzed, the inadequacy and inaccuracy of many of the stereotypes of the theory of international relations, inspired liberal propaganda are clearly demonstrated. Falseness of the statements about the innate aggressiveness of authoritarian regimes is proved, the position about an inherent pacifism of democracies is refuted.

Revisiting IR in a Time of Crisis

The sense of crisis, fueled by military conflicts, the failures of neoliberal globalization and ecological degradation, is everywhere. Neoconservative agendas and cuts in educational spending are shrinking space for critical thinking necessary for understanding the impacts of these crises on ordinary people's lives. This article examines some indigenous responses to these various crises. It reexamines IR's Westphalia triumphalist narrative about the origins of the nation-state system from the perspective of those who suffered the consequences of European expansion. Emphasizing the importance of rewriting their histories, indigenous peoples are offering very different models of world order and ways of life that are more sensitive to resource and ecological constraints. Although indigenous women have a complex relationship with feminism, indigenous knowledge is strikingly similar to certain feminist thinking. Indigenous epistemologies are hermeneutic and reflexive, seeking to uncover hidden histories and new knowledge from those whose voices have rarely been heard. The article outlines some visions of world order and national sovereignty offered by indigenous peoples in Africa, Australia, New Zealand and Central and North America, demonstrating parallels with feminist thought. It concludes by reflecting on obstacles, similar to those faced by feminists, standing in the way of alternative forms of knowledge being taken seriously by the discipline of International Relations.

History, Tradition and the China Dream: socialist modernization in the World of Great Harmony

How will China influence world politics in the twenty-first century? Many people answer this question by looking to Chinese history, and particularly to traditional models of Chinese world order. This essay seeks to complicate this question by asking which history, and which tradition? While it is common to look at China's pre-modern history as ‘tradition’, this essay argues that we also need to appreciate how ‘socialism’ is treated as a tradition alongside Chinese civilization. It does this by examining how China's public intellectuals appeal to two seemingly odd sources: Mao Zedong's 1956 speech ‘Strengthen Party Unity and Carry Forward Party Traditions’, and the ‘Great Harmony’ passage from the two millennia-old Book of Rites. It will argue that these two passages are employed as a way of salvaging socialism; the ideological transition thus is not from communism to nationalism, but to a curious combination of socialism and Chinese civilization. This new socialist/civilization dynamic integrates equality and hierarchy into a new form of statism, which is involved in a global competition of social models. Or to put it another way, what these two passages have in common is not necessarily a positive ideal, but a common enemy: liberalism, the West and the United States.