(ProQuest-CSA LLC: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) Questions arise whenever social-scientific models are used in analysis of ancient texts, particularly regarding feasibility of their application to social and cultural milieux different from those from which they were derived. An essay I authored that assessed command in Luke 6 to love your enemies from perspective of ancient reciprocity ethics, and that invoked Marshall Sahlins's taxonomy of reciprocity relations (general, balanced, and negative reciprocity), was queried by Zeba Crook on precisely this point, namely, whether it applied Sahlins's taxonomy to Greco-Roman reciprocity relations without adequate attention to distinctions between kinship organized tribal societies (the focus of Sahlins's analysis) and socially stratified agrarian societies characteristic of ancient Mediterranean world.1 Crook's piece was more than just a critique on that point; it raised questions about extent to which Sahlins's model has applicability to Roman world. This essay will focus on this key point and, it is hoped, will also contribute to discussion on use of social-scientific research in biblical studies. I argued that reciprocity is manifested in three genres. To summarize, general reciprocity is characteristic of intimate relationships of kinship and friendship. Its emblematic feature is generous sharing, which generates gratitude and an open-ended, diffuse obligation to make a return. Balanced reciprocity features overt concern for equivalence and timeliness of exchange. While it frames such transactions as labor exchanges among kin and friends, it is also characteristic of more distant relationships in which selfinterest and material concerns take priority over human bond itself, as in market exchange. Negative reciprocity is maximization of one's own benefit at expense of another, in its pronounced forms amounting to exploitation.2 The question arises about portability of this typology. According to Crook, Sahlins cannot have imagined that his model of reciprocity would be abstract enough to apply to all cultural and social situations, least of all to archaic, pre-modern, or modern contexts, that is, those with a state and central form of government such as existed in Greco-Roman period; moreover, the cultural and social presuppositions and context employed by work directly against any attempt to apply model unaltered across cultures.3 This is because correlated this spectrum of reciprocity dynamics with variable of social distance from kinship group, organizing principle of tribal societies. Because Sahlins's model is so closely tied to exchange relations among kin, Crook argues, it cannot translate without major modifications to stratified Greco-Roman world, where an additional factor, status distance, particularly as expressed in clientelism, is mechanism for much exchange. Because in Greco-Roman context fictive kinship was invoked to express patron-client relation, naive application of Sahlins's kinship-based reciprocity model would conflate what are in fact distinct modes of exchange. Accordingly, Crook advocates recourse to reciprocity model outlined by Ekkehard and Wolfgang Stegemann. The Stegemanns' model, Crook claims, takes cognizance of factor of status-different exchange because it significantly modifies Sahlins's reciprocity rubrics, namely, by adding a new category, familial reciprocity, to encompass kinship exchange, and then by repositioning Sahlins's general reciprocity category to subsume clientelistic exchanges characteristic of Roman world.4 In effect, Crook desires a model flexibly capable of adding categories as needed to classify all sorts of transactions, sheer variety of which will increase along with complexity of a society.5 When we turn to Sahlins's own discussion of his model, it turns out to be a bit more complex than one might have gathered from Crook's description. …