Model Of Industrial Relations Research Articles

Industrial Relations Developments in NHS Trusts

Looks at industrial relations developments in the “first wave” of self‐governing trusts in the National Health Service. It finds that many are departing from the NHS′s traditional industrial relations model. There is a move from national to local bargaining and the predominant pattern is single table bargaining, as opposed to separate Whitley Councils for each functional group. In addition, to simplify the complex traditional model, negotiations in many trusts will be carried out effectively by representatives of only some of the staff organizations with members in the trust. Moreover unitarist exceptions to this still essentially pluralist pattern can be found in trusts, with examples of no union recognition, a single union deal and pay deals unilaterally determined by management.

In Defence of Australian Academic Unionism

This paper does not aspire to be an objective account of academic unionism. It is written from my perspective as a committed union activist, and comes at a time when there is a real prospect of a substantial erosion of the role and authority of Australia's academic unions. I refer, of course, to the well publicised plans to developed a model of academic industrial relations in which working conditions would be radically deregulated, and in which unions would be given only a limited role. Unionism is seen as responsible for the debasement of collegial life in our universities, and the State regulation of academic working conditions as an erosion of university autonomy. State intrusion, the argument goes, has imposed a rigid and uniform labour code and has served academics badly.

Pay Equity: An Industrial Relations Anomaly?

The Professional Officers' Association, which operates in the Commonwealth employment sector, has been in the forefront of the contemporary movement to achieve pay equity for women employed in female intensive professions. The Association's experiences have led it to conclttde that pay equity is difficult for parties to the industrial relations system to negotiate in the context of the established industrial relations model, which places strong reliance on the process of negotiation and compromise. This is further complicated by the conflicting position of the Commonwealth government at the political level, with a policy that supports pay equity, and as an employer who historically has resisted and impeded implementation of pay equity, and continues to do sa This paper examines the positions adopted by the Commonwealth government as an employer, by the Indtrstriat Relations Commission as guardian of the public interest, including the national economy, and by unions, primarily in the context of the Association's experiences in pursuing claims for pay equity for female professions. The paper describes the means by which pay equity claims are succeeding with the assistance of the Commission, using the Association's dental therapist cases as a case sttrdy, and draws on the experience of other contemporary pay equity cases in addition to those run by the Professional Officers' Association in order to emphasize tfre dysfunctional aspects of the process imposed by the Indrsstrial Relations Commission as a means of dealing with claims for pay equity.

Environment, Corporate Ideology, and Employee Involvement Programs

Corporations are implementing employee involvement programs in both union and nonunion settings in response to growing environmental pressures. This study examines the relationships among environmental pressures, corporate ideology, and participative practices in union and nonunion settings and tests two industrial relations models. Questionnaires measuring environmental pressures, corporate ideology, and participation were completed and returned by the Vice President of Human Resources (or similar corporate executive) in 159 of the largest manufacturing companies in the United States. Multiple regression results show that environmental pressures exert little effect on corporate ideology, but ideology has a significant effect on participative practices in both union and nonunion settings.

Environment, Corporate Ideology, and Employee Involvement Programs

Corporations are implementing employee involvement programs in both union and nonunion settings in response to growing environmental pressures. This study examines the relationships among environmental pressures, corporate ideology, and participative practices in union and nonunion settings and tests two industrial relations models. Questionnaires measuring environmental pressures, corporate ideology, and participation were completed and returned by the Vice President of Human Resources (or similar corporate executive) in 159 of the largest manufacturing companies in the United States. Multiple regression results show that environmental pressures exert little effect on corporate ideology, but ideology has a significant effect on participative practices in both union and nonunion settings.

Japanese Model of Industrial Relations: Warnings or Opportunities?

Japanese Model of Industrial Relations: Warnings or Opportunities?

Corporatism in Comparative Perspective: The Impact of the First World War on American and British Labor Relations

Historians and social scientists have often described modern America as a uniquely pluralist society in which a collective bargaining model of industrial relations won an early triumph over other conceptions of labor relations. Professor Gerber challenges this traditional view. Comparing American and British thinking and policies relating to labor relations during and just after the First World War, Professor Gerber concludes that, in large part because of the war's impact, corporatist conceptions of political economy had by 1920 achieved a wide appeal in both Britain and America. Though a pluralist conception of collective bargaining may later have become dominant in the United States, at least as of 1920 many parallels existed between the emerging “corporatist bias” of British thinking about labor relations and American thinking about this issue.

WHO WANTED COLLECTIVE BARGAINING IN THE FIRST PLACE?

This paper considers certain international differences in organizational and bargaining costs using an extended model of industrial relations sketched at the outset. In this model, the prevailing preferences of a nation's workers vis‐a‐vis radical alternatives to capitalism, collective bargaining, and nonunion industrial relations constitute a critical determinant of employer recognition of collective bargaining (or resistance thereto) and of the structure, scope and economic performance of collective bargaining. The analysis also suggests that various economic and political developments during the postwar era might have combined to devalue the social role of traditional collective bargaining and to generate renewed interest in alternative systems of determining labor income.

Industrial Relations in the Chinese Factory

New economic reforms in China since the late 1970s have promoted workers congresses alongside reconstituted trade unions. This paper examines industrial relations and personnel activities in a number of Chinese factories, involved in heavy and light industry, with the aim of determining whether a new model of industrial relations is emerging, Despite changes in the workplace, the reform of the labour market, and increasing specialization and professionalization, China has neither embraced western style capitalisrn nor adopted workers'self management. Changes in industrial relations in China must be seen within a wider conlext than comparable changes in the west.

Laymen as Lawyers in the Processing of Dismissal Disputes

Concern for the perceived disadvantages of the industrial tribunal system in the processing of unfair dismissal claims has led to a debate about the possible merits of processing such claims by arbitration.1 There is a tendency for the current discussion to be conducted in terms of an implicit dichotomy between legal and industrial relations models for dispute resolution.2 From the industrial relations perspective, an over-legalistic tribunal model is assumed to operate with a set of concepts, values and procedures that are mercifully absent from the proposed arbitral model, whilst from the juristic perspective there is assumed to be a qualitative difference between lay and legal reasoning. Regardless of whether the case is made for or against the current system, it is assumed that the legal model emphasises abstract and formal consistency while the lay model emphasises the empirical substance. In the existing system legal reasoning is seen to have the prerogative of handling and establishing the boundaries of the case, whereas lay reasoning tends to deal with an unbounded reality. Legal boundary-maintenance is seen as a defect or a virtue according to the writer's standpoint; but one possibility, however, is excluded from both standpoints: that standards inherent in law may be part of the vocabulary of motives through which lay consciousness achieves its construction of reality. Drawing on evidence from a study of the arbitral disposition of dismissal disputes by lay people under statutory regulation, this paper argues that the assumption of a lay-legal dichotomy results from an unwarranted ideological simplification. The tendency to see the tribunal and the arbitrator as operating distinct models misunderstands and misrepresents the nature of law in society - it assumes that law and law-like values and concepts are absent from all common-sense lay thinking and that an arbitrator is operating with a set of social values that are divorced from the historical body of law (common and statute). As Henry3 has shown in his study of internal discipline, certain legal concepts and ways of thinking about justice are part of the common stock of everyday knowledge applied in disciplinary proceedings: law and private justice interpenetrate. In this paper illustrative evidence for the necessary interpenetration of the industrial relations model for public settlement of dismissal disputes with core values of legal justice will be drawn from

Japan as an Industrial Relations Model

This paper discusses criteria by which one country might assess the transferability of another country's industrial relations model. After surveying earlier country models, the paper focuses upon Japan as a recent industrial relations model. Some of Japan's cultural characteristics, including its emphasis upon the group as opposed to individualism in the West, support the view that parts of the Japanese industrial relations system may have some model value for countries in Asia. Because their labour-management institutions are so firmly implanted, however, it is unlikely that Western countries can borrow much from Japan. However, Japan's great economic achievement and its unique blend of cultural traits and economic policies, as well as some of its managerial practices, are likely to be studied for years to come.

Conceptualising Industrial Relations as a Training Intervention

Academics in industrial relations have for many years been attempting to define their field of study. Recently, we were asked, by a client interested in training, to find out how practitioners (managers and shop stewards) would react to a systems model of industrial relations. Their responses are reported here and suggest an approach to industrial relations training which may be helpful in clarifying, improving and changing practice.

Applying Control Systems to Industrial Relations

A model of industrial relations is developed distinguishing between rule making—the central purpose of collective bargaining—and the subsequent steps of rule implementation, rule maintenance and rule adaptation. A further step is identified as rule breaking or rule avoidance, indicating the incompleteness of the rule-making-application-maintenance process. The reasons for rule breaking are examined focusing on pressures exerted in the production system and the underlying philosophy of negotiation as a satisficing rather than optimising activity. The role that formal control systems can play in making the industrial relations system more effective is examined. A distinction is drawn on the one hand between strategic planning, management control and operational control and on the other hand between three levels of feedback from the control system to the industrial relations system. The object of controls is seen firstly to encourage rule maintenance, secondly to aid rule adaptation and thirdly to assist in the strategic planning and design of the industrial relations system.

The Necessity for Proportional Representation

Previous articleNext article FreeThe Necessity for Proportional RepresentationPaul H. DouglasPaul H. Douglas Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Volume 34, Number 1Oct., 1923 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/intejethi.34.1.2377232 Views: 72Total views on this site Citations: 4Citations are reported from Crossref Journal History This article was published in The International Journal of Ethics (1890-1938), which is continued by Ethics (1938-present). PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Roy L. Heidelberg The Becoming of the Policy Maker, Administration & Society 52, no.88 (Dec 2019): 1239–1267.https://doi.org/10.1177/0095399719890301Bruce E. Kaufman How Capitalism Endogenously Creates Rising Income Inequality and Economic Crisis: The Macro Political Economy Model of Early Industrial Relations, Industrial Relations: A Journal of Economy and Society 57, no.11 (Dec 2017): 131–173.https://doi.org/10.1111/irel.12201Amedeo Piolatto Plurality versus proportional electoral rule: Which is most representative of voters?, European Journal of Political Economy 27, no.22 (Jun 2011): 311–327.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2010.12.002 Jonathan W. Still Political Equality and Election Systems, Ethics 91, no.33 (Oct 2015): 375–394.https://doi.org/10.1086/292249