Mobilization Campaigns Research Articles

The effect on turnout of campaign mobilization messages addressing ballot secrecy concerns: A replication experiment.

Given the persistence of public doubts about the integrity of ballot secrecy, which depress turnout, two prior experiments have shown precise evidence that both official governmental and unofficial mobilization campaigns providing assurances about ballot secrecy increase turnout among recently registered nonvoters. To assess whether these findings replicate in other political settings, we describe a replication experiment where a non-governmental, non-partisan mobilization campaign sent similar treatment mailings containing assurances about ballot secrecy protections to recently registered nonvoters during the 2014 general election in Mississippi. We find that sending this mailer has no effect on turnout rates in this setting, which is characterized by an unusually low baseline turnout rate. These results are consistent with past research concluding that nonpartisan Get Out The Vote (GOTV) mail has very weak effects among very low turnout propensity registrants, and suggest that there are heterogeneous effects of ballot secrecy treatments associated with subjects’ characteristics and the electoral context.

Nongovernmental Campaign Communication Providing Ballot Secrecy Assurances Increases Turnout: Results From Two Large-Scale Experiments

Doubts about the integrity of ballot secrecy persist and depress political participation among the American public. Prior experiments have shown that official communications directly addressing these doubts increase turnout among recently registered voters who had not previously voted, but evaluations of similar messages sent by nongovernmental campaigns have yielded only suggestive effects. We build on past research and analyze two large-scale field experiments where a private nonpartisan nonprofit group sought to increase turnout by emphasizing ballot secrecy assurances alongside a reminder to vote in a direct mail voter mobilization campaign during the 2014 midterm election. Our main finding is that a private group’s mailing increases turnout by about 1 percentage point among recently registered nonvoters. This finding is precisely estimated and robust across state political contexts, but is not statistically distinguishable from the effect of a standard voter mobilization appeal. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.

A ‘Boy's Own’ boy zone: The making of fascist men in Emilio De Martino's children's sporting novels

Sports editor of the Corriere della Sera, Emilio De Martino was one of Fascist Italy's most vitriolic sports journalists and prolific authors of sporting fiction. Analysis of his three novels for children published from 1941 to 1943 will consider how his works contributed, first, to the regime's attempt to forge and reinvent both real and imagined traditions through literature, and, second, to Fascism's drive to create a virile, physically and mentally strong youth. Offering a new perspective on Fascism's investment in and exploitation of sport, this article will reveal how a variety of the regime's policies, ideals, myths and goals were propagated and transmitted through fictional stories and adventures. The increasingly radical content and narratives will also show the regime's growing frustration at society's failure to respond to its mobilisation campaigns and increasing desperation following Italy's disastrous entry into the Second World War. Rather than hastening the maturity of young people to create a warrior race ready to risk all for the regime, Fascism's use of ‘Boy's Own’ heroes and fantasy space will be seen to have contributed to the illusion of strength that young Italians could not match and readiness that the regime could not offer.

When Do Religious Parties Moderate?: Religious Party Moderation in Indonesia, Turkey, and India

When Do Religious Parties Moderate?Religious Party Moderation in Indonesia, Turkey, and India Allison Berland (bio) The previous articles examined cases of the rise, decline, and absence of religious parties across the globe. A critical question about the future of religious parties is the following: under what conditions do these parties become more moderate? Studies of the evolution of Christian Democratic Parties in Europe have argued that the inclusion of religious parties into democratic electoral politics creates the conditions (i.e. institutional constraints) that foster moderation.1 Samuel Huntington captured a version of this idea with the term "democratic bargain," implying a trade-off between democratic participation and political moderation.2 Subsequent research—particularly with respect to the Islamic Parties in the Middle East—has tested whether the inclusion of religious parties into democratic electoral politics, often referred to as the inclusion-moderation hypothesis, is sufficient to achieve moderation. In addition, other factors, such as a religious party's internal dynamics, play an important role in moderation.3 More recently, this line of research has examined the role of religious party moderation in an Asian context, such as India and Indonesia.4 This article compares the trajectory of religious party moderation for three parties: the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, or PKS) in Indonesia, the Justice and Development Party (AK Parti or AKP) in Turkey, and the Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) in India. In exploring different patterns of religious party moderation, this study finds that inclusion in democratic electoral politics is not necessarily sufficient to create the conditions for persistent moderation, corroborating studies indicating that other factors play a critical role in moderation. These cases also suggest that the moderation of religious parties is both non-linear and a highly context specific process. The article is organized into three sections: The first section defines key terms used in this study and introduces readers to the literature on religious [End Page S-131] party moderation. The second section examines the trajectory of three religious parties, presenting different patterns of party moderation. First, the PKS in Indonesia illustrates a case of a religious party that demonstrated an increasing level of moderation over time. The second case, the AKP in Turkey, offers an example of a religious party that initially came to power espousing a moderate platform, but subsequently shown a decreasing level of moderation. The BJP in India presents a third pattern of moderation, which demonstrates oscillating degrees of moderation over time. The final section presents a discussion of the findings. For this study, I use the term religious party to refer to parties that use, or have used, religious symbols, rituals, or appeals to mobilize electoral support.5 The two Islamic parties studied here, the PKS and AKP, fall into this category. The BJP has at times been identified as an ethnic party, and other times as a religious party.6 Since the BJP has used religious-cultural appeals to mobilize electoral support in the past (e.g., a mobilization campaign to build a Hindu temple), the BJP for this study is considered as a religious party. Second, I used the term moderation to refer to the willingness of a religious party to (1) accept the competitive institutional framework of democratic electoral politics, (2) decrease the political salience of a party's religious goals, and (3) embrace democratic norms and values, such as tolerance of other perspectives, freedom of expression, and the protection of human rights.7 The following analysis of religious party moderation will explore these dimensions of moderation. Erik Jones' article discusses the recent decline in electoral support of Christian Democratic parties after a long period of hegemonic influence in three European countries. Long before their recent decline in electoral popularity, Christian Democratic parties was moderate in all aspects of the term described above: they operate within the competitive institutional framework of democratic electoral politics, reduced the political emphasis of religious goals, and embraced democratic norms and values. Yet, the moderate behavior of Christian Democratic Parties has not always been the case. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Catholic movements at the time opposed liberal democracy. For example, the Belgian Catholic movement of the 1870s...

Is Door-to-Door Canvassing Effective in Europe? Evidence from a Meta-study across Six European Countries

A vast amount of experimental evidence suggests that get-out-the-vote encouragements delivered through door-to-door canvassing have large effects on turnout. Most of the existing studies have been conducted in the United States, and are inspiring European mobilization campaigns. This article explores the empirical question of whether the American findings are applicable to Europe. It combines existing European studies and presents two new Danish studies to show that the pooled point estimate of the effect is substantially smaller in Europe than in the United States, and finds no effects in the two Danish experiments. The article discusses why the effects seem to be different in Europe compared to the United States, and stresses the need for further experiments in Europe as there is still considerable uncertainty regarding the European effects. While one possible explanation is that differences in turnout rates explain the differences in effect sizes, the empirical analysis finds no strong relationship between turnout and effect sizes in either Europe or the United States.

The role of partisan cues in voter mobilization campaigns: Evidence from a randomized field experiment

The transmission of partisan appeals during election campaigns is widely believed to aid the formation of citizens' candidate preferences, or to serve as rallying cries, thereby increasing turnout. While laboratory and survey experiments show that partisan cues help citizens decide between candidates, and partisan elections see higher turnout than non-partisan elections, it is unclear if party labels and partisan rhetoric cause voters to turn out in higher numbers in real-world elections. We exploit a low-information election in the UK to randomly assign whether campaign phone messages include strong partisan cues or promote the same candidate without such cues. Whereas we find no significant difference in the overall effectiveness of messages with and without partisan cues at increasing turnout, the effectiveness of the former is moderated by party preference: Consistent with the use of acceptance-rejection heuristics, campaign calls with partisan cues are more likely to mobilize party supporters than rival partisans.

Adopters and Non-Adopters of Low-Cost Household Latrines: A Study of Corbelled Pit Latrines in 15 Districts of Malawi

The Sustainable Development Goals will challenge low- and middle-income settings to look at new approaches for rural sanitation. In 2013, Mzuzu University, in partnership with United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Malawi, started a low-cost latrine program in rural areas using the corbelled latrine design supported by locally owned sustainable businesses. The objective of this work was to trace customers (early household adopters) and non-customers through field observations and interviews in 15 districts of Malawi. The research team spent 193 personnel work days in data collection and found 21 households as adopters in 7 districts. Most respondents had a preference with regard to the design of the sanitation facility they would like to use. Although sharing of sanitation facilities was common, the corbelled latrine is promoted as a single household pit latrine design. Unfortunately, 8% (23/304) of non-adopters responded they practiced open defecation. Households were satisfied with the corbelled latrine design, and no latrine was found to have collapsed during field visits. To promote the corbelled latrine in Malawi, the following are recommended: (1) education of frontline government extension workers towards non-subsidized household latrines; (2) identification of rural low-income households as the best target for potential adopters; and (3) linkage of low-cost sanitation technologies to community mobilization campaigns led by the government, such as Community Led Total Sanitation.

Knowledge, attitudes and practices towards blood donation in Barbados.

To obtain information to devise strategies for a voluntary blood donor mobilisation campaign in Barbados. The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends that 100% blood should be collected from voluntary non-remunerated donors (VNRD), yet the majority of blood donations (75%) in Barbados are family/replacement donations. Increasing VNRD is paramount to achieving a safe, reliable blood supply, and understanding the population is a strategy suggested by the WHO to inform donor recruitment and education. Participants in Barbados (n = 429) completed a self-administered questionnaire in 2014. The questionnaire comprised 31 questions, including demographics (age, gender, highest educational attainment) and blood donation-related knowledge, attitudes and practices. Analysis of variance, t-test and linear regression were used to analyse data. A total of 53% (n = 219) of participants had previously donated blood; almost half were family/replacement donors, and over one-third (36·2%) were lapsed donors and had not donated within the past 2 years. Knowledge deficits included blood donation requirements, deferral factors and maximum yearly donations. Most participants (79%) were willing to donate with more information. Participants with higher educational attainment and previous donors had higher total knowledge and attitude scores (P < 0·01). Single, female and younger participants were less likely to donate blood (P < 0·05). Barbados can likely increase voluntary blood donation rates by addressing knowledge deficits through education campaigns and increasing awareness of the need for donation.

Radio Public Service Announcements and Voter Participation Among Native Americans: Evidence from Two Field Experiments

Although similar to other U.S. minorities in terms of socio-economic status and political interest, Native Americans are more dispersed geographically and much less likely to vote. This pattern suggests that at least part of the disparity in turnout might be due to Native Americans’ lower exposure to statewide and national mobilization campaigns. To test this idea, a randomized experiment was conducted in order to evaluate the effectiveness of a radio campaign that encouraged Native Americans to vote. In 2008 and 2010, experiments were conducted across a total of 85 radio markets spanning more than a dozen states. Results suggest that this nonpartisan radio campaign increased turnout among registered Native American voters in both elections, although the estimated effects fall short of conventional levels of statistical significance.

Olukorrast Põhja-Lätis 1919. aasta alguses: Valga lätlaste avaliku elu tegelase Oto Hasmanise tunnistused [Abstract: Situation in the North of Latvia in early 1919: testimony by Latvian public figure from Valga Oto Hasmanis

The paper along with the published memoirs by Oto Hasmanis, a Latvian public figure who was active in Valga and its environs, written in 1928 and stored in the Fund of the Commission of War History in the State History Archives of Latvia, provide an insight into the developments and events in Valka and in the northern part of Vidzeme in general in early 1919 when this territory was liberated by the Estonian army and its Finnish unit. At that particular moment the northern part of Vidzeme was an arena of clash and interaction of the interests of several states, political and ethnic groups. Estonian authorities laid a serious claim on Valga and its environs, considering this territory as a part of their state. The local ethnic Latvian residents disagreed with it, in the situation that was similarly complicated all over Latvia expressing an unambiguous support for the Provisory Government of Latvia and for the announced mobilisation into the North-Latvian Brigade that stood under operative subordination to the Estonian Army. Among other aspects, O. Hasmanis describes the launching of the mobilisation campaign. The published document is an important piece of evidence both for local history, for the history of the period of the Independence War in Latvia in general as well as for the history of Estonia and even Finland in the respective period. The author among other things describes the overall situation in the newly liberated territories, the patriotism and activities of Latvian people, their relations with Estonian authorities and the very beginning of the formation of the Latvian armed forces in the respective district. What makes the memoirs a particularly valuable piece of evidence is the fact that O. Hasmanis was a direct eyewitness and participant of the described events and processes that were important for the history of the Independence War of Latvia.

Mobilizing and Bargaining at the Edge of Informality: The “3 Cosas Campaign” by Outsourced Migrant Workers at the University of London

In September 2012, a group of outsourced service workers at the University of London, many from Latin America, launched the “3 Cosas Campaign” demanding equal treatment with in‐house employees. Drawing from qualitative interviews and social media analysis this article explores the extent to which formal and informal mechanisms of union voice provide effective bargaining and mobilization tools to low‐paid outsourced workers. The rank‐and‐file autonomous union that led the campaign, although excluded from union recognition, developed powerful strategies to expose the employer publicly obtaining key improvements for the workers. The central argument is that a mix of strategies “at the edge of informality” including unpredictable direct action, community mobilization, and media campaigns provide additional leverage to outsourced workers confronting their multiple employers, while union recognition remains a key strategy of legitimization for relatively disenfranchised migrant workers.

Understanding the rise of the far right from a local perspective: Structural and cultural conditions of ethno-traditionalist inclusion and racial exclusion in rural Hungary

ABSTRACTThis paper analyses the reconfiguration of social relations in rural Hungary after the collapse of socialism as well as the cultural idioms in which these changes were interpreted in order to unearth the connection between structural transformation, the re-articulation of ethnic and peasant traditions and the discourse on Roma as a threat to communal harmony. The locality in the focus of our case study is a village that played a major role in the rise of the far-right Jobbik party. By applying an ethnographic approach, we seek to uncover structural forces, discourses and agencies that help explain the success of the anti-Roma mobilization campaign that ended with Jobbik’s electoral victory.

Parents Attitude Towards Enrollments in Public and Private Schools

&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Education not only enables us to become acceptable members of social sphere but also enable us to take right decision at right time. Parents’ decision play important role in the lives of their children. The major aim of the present study was to find out the major causes of enrolling students in public schools by parents. Data for the study were collected from 280 respondents belonging to three selected villages in Tehsil Oghi, District Mansehra. The study found significant association between perception about enrollment in public schools and children’s education was major priority of the educated parents, they understand their educational problems, teach them at home, give importance to sports, provides them latest technologies and facilities, provide tuition to children if needed, believed in hard work of parents and good grades of children in exams and ultimately educated parents’ children obtain good grades. The study recommends that government should initiate mobilization campaign for illiterate parents, which will enhance the enrollment of children in public school.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D;

Black Youth Activism and the Reconstruction of America: Leaders, Organizations, and Tactics in the Twentieth Century and Beyond

BLACK HISTORY BULLETIN VOL. 79, NO. 1 | 5 79 No.1 BLACK YOUTH ACTIVISM AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF AMERICA: LEADERS, ORGANIZATIONS, AND TACTICS IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND BEYOND By Sekou Franklin Since the early twentieth century, young people have been instrumental in reconstructing American political culture and the social and political life of African Americans.1 From the NAACP Youth Council and the Southern Negro Youth Congress in the 1930s and 1940s to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and Student Organization for Black Unity in the 1960s and 1970s, young people were the frontline activists during the two major protest waves of the twentieth century. Young Blacks then helped to propel the Pan-African and Black feminist movements of the 1970s, as well as the Free South Africa Movement/Student Divestment Movement of the 1980s. The Black Student Leadership Network was another group that set up dozens of freedom schools in ORZLQFRPHFRPPXQLWLHVGXULQJWKH¿UVWKDOIRIWKHV ,Q WKH VHFRQG GHFDGH RI WKH WZHQW\¿UVW FHQWXU\ \RXQJ SHRSOHDI¿OLDWHGZLWKWKH0RYHPHQWIRU%ODFN/LYHV0DWWHU protested racialized violence and police killings of African Americans. This article provides an overview of Black youth DFWLYLVP IURP WKH V WR WKH WZHQW\¿UVW FHQWXU\ ,W gives special attention to four periods of Black youth activism: Black youth activism from the 1930s-1940s; the modern Civil Rights Movement and Black Power Movement between the 1950s-1970s; the Free South Africa Movement/Student Divestment Movement in the 1980s, followed by Black Student Leadership Network and other youth-oriented movements; and grassroots youth activism LQWKHWZHQW\¿UVWFHQWXU\VXFKDVWKH0RYHPHQWIRU%ODFN Lives Matter. Through a diverse array of organizations and movement networks, young Blacks have immersed 6 | BLACK HISTORY BULLETIN VOL. 79, NO. 1 79 No.1 themselves in or launched numerous social movement campaigns since the 1930s. As indicated in Table 1, some initiatives were spearheaded by independent formations such as the economic justice campaigns led by the Southern Negro Youth Congress; the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee’s efforts to form the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party; the Student Organization for Black Unity’s mobilization campaign in support of historically Black colleges and universities; and the Black Student Leadership Network’s freedom schools. Other groups such as the NAACP Youth Council and the AFL-CIO’s Union Summer program operated under the umbrella of its national organization. Still, a loose network of activists coordinated other initiatives such as the Youth Marches for Integrated Schools, Freedom Rides of 1961, Free South Africa Movement/Student Divestment Movement, and Juvenile Justice Reform Movement activities. Table 1. Black Youth-Oriented Movement-Building Initiatives, 1930s-2015 Organizations/Movements/Networks Year(s) Sample of Activities/Initiatives NAACP Youth Council 1936-present • voting rights • anti-poll tax campaign • boycotts, sit-ins, marches Southern Negro Youth Congress 1937-1949 • tobacco workers’ strike • labor schools, citizenship schools • Right to Vote Campaign • Abolish the Poll Tax Week • youth legislatures Youth March for Integrated Schools (Organized by national civil rights leaders) 1958 & 1959 • school desegregation rallies Student Sit-In Movement 1960 • 50,000 students protesting segregated businesses & public accommodations Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee 1960-early 1970s • local community organizing • voting rights initiatives • desegregation campaigns • freedom schools • Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party Freedom Rides (Organized by the Congress of Racial Equality, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, & Nashville Students) 1961 • protests of segregated bus stations and transportation facilities Student Organization for Black Unity 1969-1975 • Black People’s Union Party • North Carolina Black Political Assembly • clothing centers & food buying clubs • campaign to save historically Black colleges and universities Free South Africa Movement/ Student Divestment Movement/ 1980s • shantytowns, boycott & protests at more than 100 colleges and universities Black Student Leadership Network 1991-1996 • freedom schools • National Day of Action Against Violence • anti-childhood hunger initiatives AFL-CIO’s Union Summer Program 1996-present • local unionization & economic justice campaigns Juvenile Justice Reform Movement 1990s-mid 2000s • advocacy initiatives to close youth prisons • opposed zero-tolerance policies, organized anti-violence/mentoring programs Black Lives Matter/ Movement for Black Lives Matter 2013-present • protest state violence & police killing of Blacks • organize “die-ins” & sit-ins • promote restorative justice initiatives and criminal justice reforms BLACK HISTORY BULLETIN VOL...

Early intervention services in psychosis: from evidence to wide implementation.

Early intervention (EI) in psychosis is a comprehensive and evidence-based approach aimed at detection and treatment of psychotic symptoms in their early stages. This paper presents core features and noteworthy aspects of the evidence basis and limitations of EI, the importance of programme fidelity, challenges for its widespread dissemination and economic perspectives related to it. This paper is a narrative review about the evidence supporting EI and the challenges to its widespread dissemination. In spite of evidence of a wide range of benefits, widespread dissemination has been slow, and even currently implemented programmes might be threatened. This reflects in part the shortcomings of mental health care in general, such as low priority for funding, stigma and structural problems. Successful examples of advocacy, mobilization and destigmatization campaigns have overcome these difficulties. Funding for mental health in general and for EI services appears low relative to need. One key argument for better funding for EI can be found in its favourable cost-effectiveness, but not all stakeholders beyond mental health administrators are aware of this. Positive impacts of EI programmes on excess unemployment and tax forgone suggest that social affairs and labour ministries - and not only health ministries - could be more involved in governance of mental health issues; ministries of justice and education are other sector stakeholders than can benefit. Wider dissemination of EI services will probably benefit from better integration of potential funders, promotion of joint targets and shared financial or budgetary incentives.

Poverty and Cultism in Our Contemporary Society: Implications for Nigerian Students

This paper is aimed at making an overview of the concepts of poverty and cultism in our contemporary society. The origin, causes, prevalent patterns, the implications on Nigerian students and the challenges posed by these concepts in our society were all x-rayed. Whereas proper and adequate funding of public schools by both the Federal and State governments, advancement of international grants and aids, promotion of “pro-poor” policies i.e., Policies that focus on the welfare of the poor masses, good governance and to increase the performance and employment rate of Micro-Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) among others were identified as measures to be adopted for curbing poverty in the Nigerian society, some techniques found to be effective strategies for combating cultism in the society also include: coercion, persuasion, mass mobilisation campaign, public renunciation among others. The author concludes that the target of the government and stakeholders in education to eradicate cultism and poverty in our society would be achieved if only the successive government do not jettison their predecessors’ agenda in line with the programme, rather incorporate theirs and allow both to run concurrently in order to reach their target audience.

How Do Campaigns Matter?

A review of the evidence leaves no doubt election campaigns do matter in a variety of important ways. The serious questions concern when, where, why, how, for what, and for whom they matter. This essay reviews a selection of high-quality studies that address these questions, focusing on several distinct lines of research that have been particularly productive in recent years: on the effects of events and advertising in presidential elections; on the effects of campaign spending in elections for down-ballot offices; on the effects of mobilization campaigns on voting turnout; on campaign influences on the vote choice (with special attention to the effects of negative campaigns); and on the nature of persuadable voters. It also offers some suggestions of areas where additional research should be productive.

Managing Dengue Fever by Using the One Health Approach and Electronic Surveillance

The worst and first outbreak of dengue fever (DF) was experienced in Lahore, Punjab in 2011. The weak disease surveillance program for DF resulted in 301 deaths out of 17531 reported confirmed patients in just 4 months of post-monsoon season. The government tackled this health crisis by ensuring interdepartmental coordination ranging from case management, vector control to advocacy and massive social mobilization campaign. The use of information technology in the form of smart phone application “SATSCAN” to track dengue surveillance activity was launched in 2012. All these efforts enabled the government to completely control dengue in 2012 in Lahore.

An Examination of HIV and AIDS Campaign in South Africa towards Eliminating Stigmatisation

The fight against the HIV and AIDS pandemic in South Africa has proved difficult because of the state of stigmatisation that the pandemic has ushered in. The objective of this paper is to discuss the undesirable effects of stigmatisation and possible measures to address the phenomenon in South Africa. The paper has used extensive review of literature to generate debates and discourses on stigmatisation. Findings indicate that stigmatisation is still pervasive and prevalent due to: communities being subjected to different and conflicting truths on HIV and AIDS from both traditional and the bio-medical practitioners; poor policy and campaign conceptualization at nascent stages of the campaign making the disease looks mysterious and fearful; and inadequate community education on stigma and stigmatisation. The paper recommends: increased political goodwill; massive community mobilization and sensitization campaigns especially on stigma and stigmatisation; benchmarking the campaign strategies with other model countries that have tackled stigma; and taking advantage of South Africa's idol personalities in the campaign who have overcome stigmatisation

Improving postpartum glucose screening after gestational diabetes mellitus: a cohort study to evaluate the multicentre IMPACT initiative.

To evaluate a mobilization campaign, the IMPACT initiative, which included multidisciplinary meetings, provision of information and a systematic prescription of an oral glucose tolerance test to improve the rate of glucose screening in women with gestational diabetes mellitus in the four largest maternity units in our area, starting in March 2011. We retrospectively compared the level of self-reported screening during the first 6 months postpartum of women who gave birth after having been diagnosed with gestational diabetes before (January 2009 to December 2010) and after the IMPACT campaign (April 2011 to February 2012). We included 961 women (589 in the period before and 372 in the period after the campaign was initiated) with a mean ± SD age of 33.2 ± 5.3 years and BMI of 27.8 ± 5.3 kg/m². Multivariate analysis, stratified using a propensity score in order to limit bias caused by imbalance between both periods, showed that the postpartum screening rate was higher after the campaign began (48.9 vs 33.3%, odds ratio 1.7, 95% CI 1.1-2.5; P = 0.019) and higher in women who received insulin treatment during pregnancy (odds ratio 2.3, 95% CI 1.5-3.6; P < 0.001), consumed fruit and vegetables daily (odds ratio 1.6, 95% CI 1.1-2.4; P = 0.035) and did not smoke (smoking vs non-smoking: odds ratio 0.3, 95% CI 0.1-0.7; P = 0.01). There was no interaction between the campaign effect and these particular conditions. The proportion of oral glucose tolerance tests performed in women who underwent screening increased from 6.3 to 33.0%. The IMPACT campaign increased postpartum screening, and the use the oral glucose tolerance test in particular. The effect of this initiative might be reinforced in women who are non-daily consumers of fruit and vegetables, smokers and those who do not receive insulin treatment during pregnancy.