In the current of time and space compression, one finds people (e.g. tourists, migrants, refugees, researchers) as well as material and immaterial objects or re- sources (e.g. capital, vehicles, information, ideas) to be increasingly on the move, leading to the idea that we are living in an of [.which] has replaced the sedentary age (Rolshoven, 2007, p. 17). For more than two decades, this shift has been noted in various academic disciplines (such as geography, anthropology, and sociology, to name few), and most importantly in the field of and tou- rism studies - areas of study where pronounced interest in issues of has emerged (Husa, Trupp, & Wohlschlagl, 2014).For some decades now, South-East Asia has been characterized by rapid economic and socio-cultural transformations involving large of people and goods within and between countries as well as rural and urban areas (Rigg, 2003). In ad- dition to classical spatial patterns of rural-urban migration, international labor migration, and international tourism becoming increasingly dynamic, forms of multi-local household arrangements, skilled migration, transnational communities or long-term tourism and domestic tourism have emerged. In this context, one can observe number of interdependent forms of mobility, including the physical move- ment of people for reasons of work, leisure, family, or lifestyle as well as the physical movement of objects from and to producers, consumers, retailers, and the different places where people live, work, or go on holidays (Larsen, Urry, & Axhausen, 2006).The prevailing mobility turn (Cresswell & Merriman, 2011) and the mobilities (Sheller & Urry, 2006) criticize the notion of sedentarism, which locates bounded places, regions, or nations as the fundamental basis of human identity and experience and thus, the main unit of social research analysis. In contrast, the mo- bilities paradigm emphasises that all places are tied into at least thin networks of connections that stretch beyond each such place and mean that nowhere can be an 'island' (Sheller & Urry, 2006, p. 209). Although different forms of have al- ways shaped human life, academia only recently (re)discovered the and value of including notions of in research. This emerging emphasis brought with it not only the acknowledgement of an increasing movement of people and ob- jects, but also broader transformatlions] of social science, generating an alternative theoretical and methodological landscape (Buscher, Urry, & Witchger, 2011, p. 4).In recent years, an increasing number of empirical and theoretical studies dealing with in Asia have focused on international forms of movements. Impor- tant research areas in this context are tourism (Hitchcock, King, & Parnwell, 2009) and transnational flows (Hewison & Young, 2005; Yeoh, Willis, & Fakhri, 2003). Nevertheless, we cannot ignore that large number of people moves within the borders of their country of birth (Skeldon, 2006, p. 17). Therefore, the dominance of 'transnational migration' as an object of study over and above other forms of in the region [in Asia] is somewhat at odds with its numerical importance (Elmhirst, 2012, p. 275). Based on this argument, Olwig and Sorensen (2002) seek to redirect migration research away from the narrow focus on international popula- tion movements and instead call for a broader investigation of mobile livelihoods and the fluid fields of social, economic and political relations and cultural values that these livelihoods imply (p. 2). Elmhirst (2012) suggests that the popularity of transnational (and international) on the international research agenda can be traced to political fears that this type of provokes in the context of global security as well as the possibilities that come with it, such as in the context of economic remittances. …
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