Manpower Mobilization Research Articles

Mobilization and the Red Army's Move into Civil Administration, 1925-31

Civil authority in all states has long been intimately connected to preparations for war: gathering recruits and collecting taxes to pay for them have always been central functions of the state.1 Long before the Bolsheviks, the Russian empire had been forced by the changing nature of industrial warfare to adapt to the needs of mobilization. From the late 1860s, even before German victory in the 1870–71 Franco-Prussian War had demonstrated the importance of carefully coordinated mobilization, the Russian War Ministry’s Main Staff had been preoccupied with assembling an army over Russia’s entirely inadequate railroad net.2 This 50-year lead time meant that the Soviet state inherited a relatively effective infrastructure for mobilizing men in the event of war. This human mobilization was, however, only a part of what modern war would involve. The Russian empire, like most Western states, neglected the economic and administrative demands of war, focusing instead on preparing its human material. Before World War I, militarization was not a matter of preparing institutions, but of preparing full-fledged citizens to make them better soldiers: fit, trained, intelligent, and patriotic.3 As a result, when the Soviet state expanded military industry and prepared for war in the 1920s and 1930s, it faced qualitatively different tasks in preparing the various sectors of its civil administration. Certain people’s commissariats were able to draw on a substantial imperial tradition. The People’s Commissariats for Transport and for Post and Telegraph, given their long-recognized centrality to manpower mobilization, were relatively well prepared for distributing

British Mobilization in the War of American Independence*

Abstract This article argues that the mass arming in Britain during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars was not a wholly new phenomenon but the culmination of a long‐running process of greater mobilization of manpower. That process was significantly advanced in the American war, when more Britons and Irishmen went into uniform than in any earlier eighteenth‐century conflict, and when men from widely different social backgrounds participated in a military or naval capacity.

Themselves Writ Large: The British Medical Association 1832-1966 (review)

Reviewed by: Themselves Writ Large: The British Medical Association, 1832–1966 Anne Crowther Peter Bartrip. Themselves Writ Large: The British Medical Association, 1832–1966. London: BMJ Publishing Group, 1996. xviii + 373 pp. Tables. £32.00. Peter Bartrip follows his history of the British Medical Journal (Mirror of Medicine: A History of the BMJ [1990]) with an account of the society that sponsored it. Whereas the BMA’s origins were regional, in the Worcester-based Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, the Journal moved by mid-century to the capital, where it successfully supported its parent through difficult times. The BMA’s headquarters did not move to London until the 1870s; by the end of the century, as a national rather than provincial body, its members included about half the qualified medical practitioners of Britain, with thriving offshoots in the Empire. By then it was the mouthpiece of the profession, and government has recognized it as such ever since. The role of the BMA in many standard histories has been contentious. It has been used as an example of how professionals may further social improvement by [End Page 778] fighting for proper training for physicians, the eradication of quackery, and state involvement in public health. More cynically, it is presented as an effective example of “occupational closure,” in which a profession guards its income and status by forcing out rivals. Although it began as an association for provincial physicians, it is often seen as falling into the hands of self-interested metropolitan consultants, the “swell doctors” who confronted Lloyd George in framing the National Insurance Act of 1911, or Aneurin Bevan at the inception of the National Health Service. There is plenty of scope for a history that arbitrates between the congratulatory narratives of the past and the aloofness of sociology. Peter Bartrip feels obliged to defend himself from the charge of writing “in-house” history, since this book was commissioned by the BMA. The defense is hardly needed, for this is a well-balanced book, giving the Association its moments of triumph (the promotion of scientific medicine; the mobilization of medical manpower in both wars)—and of ignominy (the farcical decision to exclude women after inadvertently admitting Elizabeth Garrett Anderson; the public acrimony during the formation of the National Health Service). Bartrip’s most surprising contribution to this story, however, is his revelation of the structural inefficiency of the BMA. It will be difficult, in future, to present the Association as a disciplined medical hierarchy acting promptly and rationally on behalf of its members. In fact, its early history was characterized by much bickering and a great deal of administrative ineptitude. As Bartrip argues, without the BMJ and its charismatic editor Ernest Hart, the BMA might well have ended up as one of the plentiful local medical societies, devoted to “science, suppers, and socializing” (p. 352). Even after its decision to capture the politics of medicine, it was hampered by its decentralized nature and by the difficulty of speaking for the profession as a whole. Understanding this, the BMA leadership was particularly careful to canvass its members during the crucial political maneuvers in 1911 and 1948, belying the accusation that it spoke for medical elites only. Given this interesting line of approach, it is a shame that Bartrip does not have space to discuss the work of any of the BMA’s regional branches, which were often vigorously independent. Bartrip’s work on the BMA and its major publication is the most substantial so far, and he gives a satisfying account of the difficulties in operating a medical pressure group, even one as apparently powerful as this. Inevitably, the story after 1948 seems to fragment, as he discusses selected aspects of the BMA’s involvement in such diverse areas as contraception and the clinical use of heroin. The conclusion is disappointingly brief; it would have been useful to have summarized the main themes more forcefully. There is no bibliography. One irritating feature of this otherwise instructive book is the very high cliché count, both within quotation marks and in Bartrip’s own prose, which hints at overexposure to the archives of BMA after-dinner speeches. Anne Crowther University of Glasgow Copyright...

Immigrés chinois en Espagne ou citoyens européens ?

Chinese Immigrants in Spain or European Citizens ? Joaquin BELTRÁN ANTOLÍN Chinese in Spain are one of the foreign communities with the highest growing rate the last years. The undercommunity coming from Qingtian-Wenzhou is the most important. Born with the coolies of the 20's and 30's, its extraordinary growth coincides with the China opening to foreign world as well as the entrance of Spain in the CEE and its transformation in an attractive country for the non CEE countries immigrants. First have been developing the chinese restaurants especially in the touristic zones. Many of them, front the outset, are extensions of the restaurants channels with bases in other European countries. The existence of family, international, commercial networks, with an internal mobility of manpower, capital, help, etc.. is the most important characteristic about present Chinese immigrants in Europe who are, practically, more European citizens than the Europeans themselves.

Networks in International Co-operation: The Experience of Project Columbus

The international dimension of university life, encompassing the mobility of knowledge and manpower, is by no means a new phenomenon. As far back as the middle ages the mobility of people enhanced not only the spread of knowledge but the development of standards in higher education (Didder-Symoens, 1992). What is new is the importance and the scope of this mobility. The internationalisation process has developed to become a key aspect of the strategic development of institutions all over the world. University co-operation is no longer exclusively linked to intergovernmental agreements. The joint development of courses across national borders and mutual recognition of qualifications are examples of co-operation initiatives that have become common practice in recent years. Nevertheless, barriers to effective international co-operation remain. Though a sense of fraternity is still very much alive among academics who consider themselves part of the same social group with a common mission, cultural differences and costly distances often hamper university collaboration across borders. Networks can play a significant part in overcoming these obstacles. This article explores the nature and role of networks in international co-operation, focusing on their contribution in two specific areas: the management of scarce resources and communication across cultural frontiers. In doing so it draws on one particular experience, that of Project Columbus [1].

We Need Men: The Union Draft in the Civil War (review)

BOOK REVIEWS83 "Let us be kind" (236). There are elements of sarcasm and mockery in his dismissal of Southern arguments, and the clever characterizations of some of the study's leading figures seem out of place in a work of serious scholarship. Thomas Jefferson is "America's most famous procrastinator " (136); Andrew Jackson is a "race-obsessed authoritarian" (262) and a "despot struggling with democracy" (291); Martin Van Buren is a "squirt of a too-clever magician" (339); John C. Calhoun is an "egghead beyond everyman" (265). Not only is Howell Cobb always "Fatty Cobb," but also Abel Upshur's "heavy-handed scorn for democratic pois" is attributed to "a heavy-weight of a body" (389). Robert W. Johannsen University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign We Need Men: The Union Draft in the Civil War. By James W. Geary. (DeKaIb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1991. Pp. xii, 257. $32.00.) Despite the significance of the Civil War draft, historians have given it little attention until recently. In 1971, Eugene Murdock's One Million Men: The Civil War Draft in the North, with its detailed analysis of conscription, commutation, substitution, and bounty brokers and jumpers , supplanted Fred Shannon's treatment of these subjects, which had stood unrivalled for almost fifty years. Hardly had Murdock's book been published when a spate of new articles on the draft and related issues began to appear. These works raised anew questions concerning the fairness of the nation's first experiment with coerced service and its relation to wartime dissent. There was a need for a book that would synthesize this recent work and would also discuss the evolution of the draft in its broad military, social, and political contexts, something which neither Shannon nor Murdock had effectively done. James W. Geary of Kent State University has ably fulfilled both these requirements in his new study, We Need Men. Geary, whose doctoral dissertation analyzed the legislative history of the conscription act, also has written several articles on the subject and has compiled the section on manpower mobilization for a bibliography on the Civil War and the North edited by Murdock. Hence he certainly possesses the qualifications necessary to write this volume. Geary has distilled his knowledge of the Civil War draft into 174 pages of text, far fewer than either Shannon or Murdock. For detailed workings of state and federal recruitment machinery and practices, readers should still consult these older works. What Geary has given us is the best analytical study of the draft. He skillfully evaluates the various influences that shaped its evolution and discusses its impact upon Northerners. He demonstrates that since national conscription was a revolutionary concept 84CIVIL WAR HISTORY in nineteenth-century America, Congress implemented it gradually, favoring a pragmatic, short-term process that would raise men in a manner least objectionable to existing political and economic interests. Geary concludes that the resulting enrollment act and its amendments accomplished this goal. The Union initially relied upon volunteers to fill its armies, and one of Geary's most useful achievements is to review the factors that both promoted and hindered recruitment over the course of the war. As voluntarism waned in 1862, Congress had to turn to other expedients, and in 1863 it instituted the draft. By that time, however, governments at all levels also had begun to employ bounties to stimulate recruiting. Thus conscription never replaced recruiting; instead it proceeded in tandem with it. White volunteers attracted by bounties continued to provide most of the troops, and in the last two years of the war significant numbers of blacks enlisted as well, hence reducing the need for drafting. Geary estimates that if a citizen's name was drawn in the draft, he stood only one chance in four of being held to service (since many refused to report, or were given exemptions); at that point, he could buy a substitute or pay a commutation fee to escape the draft. As a result of these various factors, only 1 percent of white males of military age in the North were actually drafted. Although resistance to conscription quickly emerged, by the end of 1863 most Northerners had made their peace with the new measure...

History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Volume 5, The Joint Chiefs of Staff and National Policy, 1953-1954

Abstract : Contents: Basic National Security Policy, 1953; Basic National Security Policy, 1954; Force Levels and Personnel Strengths; Strategic Planning, 1953-1954; Continental Air Defense; Mobilization Planning; Manpower Mobilization: Organization of Reserve Forces; Missions and Weapons; Disarmament and Atoms for Peace; Military Assistance; The Far East: Korea; The Far East: Indochina, Taiwan, Japan; Western Europe, 1953; Western Europe, 1954; The Middle East; Latin America.

Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America

War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.

Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America

War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.

Strategic Limitations Of "A Nation in Arms"

Since wartime force ratios among adversaries do not merely reflect population ratios, a high degree of manpower mobilization can make up for the quantitative demographic inferiority of a small nation. In this context, a sizable, well-trained, combat-ready, militia-type reserve force is integral to the wartime order of battle. This reserve force can bridge the gap in manpower requirements of the armed forces, minimizing redundancy in the military's peacetime strength without reducing the size of its effective wartime strength. Strategic analysts and political sociologists tend to agree that the role of the reserves within this three-tier system has enabled Israel to become an effective regional military power despite her quantitative inferiority in regular forces. The proposition that a sizable combat-ready reserve force can be a central component of an effective defense posture is upheld by Israel's experiences in the 1956, 1967, 1973, and 1982 wars. However, these wars have also exposed the built-in sociopolitical constraints and military-operational limitations of a reserve-based defense posture that reduce the range of strategic options available to "a nation in arms." Some ambitious strategic objectives may be unattainable for a small nation in arms because the use of force needed to achieve them tends to overburden the civilian component of the nation's defense posture.

Sensitivity Analysis of Promotion Opportunities in Graded Organizations

This paper extends earlier work on manpower mobility in hierarchical organizations and is concerned especially with the effects of changes in hiring and separation on opportunities for internal advancement. We make use of a fractional flow model of personnel to highlight the links between personnel flows and vacancy flows, and then derive formulae that can be used to simulate the impact of changes in grade-size targets, hiring policy and attrition rates on promotion opportunities for staff. The model is then illustrated by application to data on faculty staffing in a large university.

The Mess in Washington: Manpower Mobilization in World War II

The Mess in Washington: Manpower Mobilization in World War II

The Mess in Washington: Manpower Mobilization in World War II

The Mess in Washington: Manpower Mobilization in World War II

The Food Economy and French Colonial Rule in Central Cameroun

French administrative policies during the inter-war period in Central Cameroun created a class of indigenous chiefs who fulfilled crucial functions in the mobilization of manpower and resources from the rural areas for the development of the European sector of the economy. Early problems in organizing food markets to provision the growing non-agricultural sector resulted in a decision to channel agricultural growth through the chiefs rather than to leave it to market forces. The institution of a food requisition system involved the administration in exercising direct control over key aspects of the rural economy through the regulation of production, price control, control of the trading network, and the use of the indigénat to support the rights of chiefs over their subjects. The system succeeded in achieving two purposes at once: it guaranteed a cheap, reliable supply of food to the wage-earning population, thus allowing wages to remain low and stable; and it encouraged the development of a class of wealthy planters in the rural areas whose self-interest lay in support for the colonial administration. However, close control of the economy became impossible in the late 1930s, and the government's dissatisfaction with some of the implications of its own chieftaincy policy resulted in the abandonment of the whole inter-war system. The rural economy which gradually emerged after 1946 was characterized by family-based production units but lacked a well-developed institutional framework appropriate to it.

Turkish migration to Europe: Case studies

R. E. Krane, ed. Manpower Mobility across Cultural Boundaries: Social, Economic and Legal Aspects. The Case of Turkey and West Germany. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1975. vi + 222 pp. Maps, tables, and bibliography. Gld. 68. Nermin Abadan‐Unat and Contributors. Turkish Workers in Europe, 1960–1975: A Socio‐economic Reappraisal. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976. vi + 425 pp. Maps, tables, appendix, index, and bibliography. Gld. 160.

The Communist Organization in Singapore: Its Techniques of Manpower Mobilization and Management, 1948-66.

The Communist Organization in Singapore: Its Techniques of Manpower Mobilization and Management, 1948-66.

Manpower Mobility: The Case of Turkey and West Germany

Manpower Mobility: The Case of Turkey and West Germany

PROBLEMS OF AGRICULTURAL POLICY IN EUROPE–A DANISH POINT OF VIEW

Recent developments in the agricultural situation of Western Europe has led to inceased self‐sufficiency in importing countries and stagnation in the world trade of agricultural products. An examination is made of the effects of these developments on Danish agriculture and the Danish economy, which has been subject to a very rapid change of structure. Characteristics of the Danish agricultural support policy are commented upon as well as the issue of price support versus income support in relation to the objectives of greater efficiency and improved farm structure. The importance of other measures is emphasised, including action to impove the mobility of agricultural manpower. On the basis of past experience some comments are finally made about the enlargement of E.E.C. and its possible effects on the world trade, on the situation of overseas producers, including the developing countries, and possible ways of reducing the difficulties.

Providing Direct Income and Employment Assistance to Existing Poor People

HE President's National Advisory Commission on Rural Poverty made two general types of recommendations: (1) those intended to alter the conditions creating and perpetuating poverty, and (2) those to provide direct income, employment, and other assistance to existing poor people. I shall address my remarks to those recommended policies and programs providing direct income and employment assistance to existing poor people. More specifically, I shall try to express the philosophy and reasoning of the commission underlying their recommendations for increasing employment of the existing poor, in both public and private sectors, and for transferring income, or income in kind, to those not expected to participate in the labor force sufficiently to attain socially acceptable levels of living. A basic belief of the commission was that people attach self-respect, dignity, and pride to gaining a livelihood through productive and meaningful employment. Because of this belief, the commission stressed policies and programs with promise of reducing poverty through increased employment of the existing poor in private sectors and, as a last resort, in the public sector. To maximize employment of the poor in private sectors, the commission's recommendations stressed (1) greater attention to effects of national monetary and fiscal policies upon the rate of unemployment-nationally, regionally, and by sectors, (2) a more effective national manpower policy, including an expansion and coordination of manpower training, mobility assistance, and job placement services, and (3) elimination of such institutional barriers to individual employment opportunities as racial discrimination.

The Geographic Mobility of Professional and Technical Manpower

Professional, technical, and kindred workers are the fastest growing segment of the labor force; evidence from the 1960 Census reveals that they are close to twice as migratory as any other occupational stratum. An attempt is made to discover the major determinants of professional mobility, using the 1960 Census of Population one-in-a-thousand sample. In a multiple regression analysis age accounts for most of the explained variance in mobility, followed by income, education, regional location, sex, family size and marital status. Factor analysis suggests that migration is linked primarily to occupational career mobility and family life cycle. Occupational determinants are more closely scrutinized in a breakdown of detailed professional occupations by mobility. The analysis suggests several characteristics of work organizations and careers that influence geographic mobility. Other sources of mobility are discussed, and the relevance of the study for research on labor mobility is noted.