Minority Politics Research Articles

Mass Violence and the Kurds: Introduction to the Special Issue

The Kurds’ experience with modern mass violence is long and complex. Whereas Kurds lived under the Kurdish Emirates for centuries in pre-national conditions in the Ottoman and Persian empires, the advent of nationalism and colonialism in the Middle East radically changed the situation. World War I was a watershed for most ethnic groups in the Ottoman Empire, such as the Kurds, and some political minorities such as Armenians and Assyrians suffered genocide – including at the hands of Kurds. Moreover, the post-Ottoman order precluded the Kurds from building a nation-state of their own. Kurds were either relegated to cultural and political subordination under the Turkish and Persian nation states, or a precarious existence under alternative orders (colonialism in Syria and Iraq, and communism in the Soviet Union). The nation-state system changed the pre-national, Ottoman imperial order with culturally heterogeneous territories into a system of nation-states which began to produce nationalist homogenisation by virtue of various forms of population policies.

Representations of ‘Other’ Immigrants in the Agendas of Politicians of Immigrant Background: A Content Analysis on the Case of the Netherlands

A growing literature in Western Europe investigates the role of immigrant minority politicians in representing voters with whom they share similar backgrounds. However, not much has been said on the possible contributions of those minority representatives in framing other sorts of immigrants. This research examines how Members of the Parliament (MPs) of immigrant minority origin frame asylum related and other kinds of immigration in their parliamentary work. This is a significant research question as it sheds light upon immigration related policy perspectives constructed by those who themselves have immigrant backgrounds. To answer this question, the researcher conducted a content analysis on parliamentary questions posted by MPs with migratory backgrounds. The paper particularly focuses on differences between representatives with migratory backgrounds by considering party ideology, gender and ethnic identity starting from early 2000’s. The qualitative nature of the research allows space to reveal unforeseen (intersections of) explanatory factors. The Dutch case has been particularly selected for its tradition of group representation under the notion of multiculturalism.

Perceived group threats and right-wing political party membership as driving forces of negative descriptions in Turkish Parliamentary debates (1983–2018)

ABSTRACT To what extent do perceived threats explain negative descriptions of minorities in politics? This study addresses this ever-significant inquiry by scrutinising all mentions of Armenians in Turkish parliamentary proceedings between 1983 and 2018. Building on group position theory, it proposes that perceived threats influence the perception of Armenians in Turkish politics. The study relies on a quantitative content analysis to test this premise. The findings demonstrate that being a member of a right-wing political party and discussing security and diplomatic threats predict politicians’ negative descriptions of Armenians. The study concludes that perceived threats to Turkey’s national security and international standing contribute to the negative perception of Armenians in Turkish mainstream politics.

The Construction of China's Ethnic Politicians on Legislative Powers in North Sumatera Province

This study departs from the general perception that some legislative candidates understand when campaigning in general elections promising to provide economic welfare to the community. The problem is how to bring economic welfare to the community when the governmental function is the executive's authority. This study aims to answer how the construction of ethnic minority politicians (ethnic Chinese) against the concept of legislative power. Through qualitative research methods, this study will answer research questions using deductive and interpretive data analysis. Data obtained through literature studies and interviews. The results of the research conducted show that Chinese ethnicity has constructed legislative power as a theoretical concept in the modern era but at the level of activity has a variant of skills in articulating.

Political restructuring, bureaucratization and minority groups in Myanmar: The case of Rohingya from 2011 to 2018

Abstract Politics of ethnicity can have serious repercussions if balance of interests is not maintained and this can lead to internal destabilization of states. This is the case in Myanmar, a situation which has brought suffering and deaths of thousands; effectively raising concerns and opprobrium against the government of Myanmar. Minority groups in Myanmar are greatly oppressed, though recent proceedings have seen the democratically elected government trying to avert the situation, while facing great restraints from the military which has been in control of the government for decades. The transformation process to uphold minority rights is marred with controversy as the Rohingya systematic alienation has persisted even in the new political dispensation. Discriminatory, cumbrous bureaucratic tendencies, are constantly used to control and manipulate the Rohingya to force them out of the country, a system which is ultimately backed by state sponsored violence. This research therefore, seeks to critically examine how the bureaucratic systems in Myanmar has been weaponized to systematically suppress rights of the Rohingya. Most research has focused on the butchering and series of violence against the Rohingya but this is generally a condensed and comprehensive analysis of the direct contribution of the bureaucrats as the implementers of public policy. This research concludes that, the doctrine of sovereignty has largely remained the salvation harboring and facilitating the continuity of repressive regimes despite the existence of the doctrine of limited sovereignty. Most importantly, the Rohingyian ordeal hints on the failures of the United Nations as actions of member states are conditioned by their selfish interests and states would only act where their national interest lie. There is need to create a global authority with executive legislative, judiciary, military and constitutional authority to exert authority over governments.

Preferences for consensus and majoritarian democracy: long- and short-term influences

AbstractThis article analyzes individuals’ preferences for a consensus or a majoritarian type of democracy. We theorize that variation in these preferences is a function of both institutional learning (long term) and individuals’ position as a political minority or majority (short term). First, as a result of institutional learning, we expect that individuals living in democracies characterized by coalition governments will favor consensus democracy. Conversely, those living in countries characterized by single-party executives will favor majoritarian democracy. Second, we expect that individuals’ position as an electoral minority or majority will affect these beliefs. Those who vote for small parties will favor a consensus democracy, while those who vote for large parties will support a majoritarian system. However, whether institutional learning or individuals’ position as a political minority or majority prevail in influencing these preferences about the ideal model of democracy will be a function of the democratic trajectory of each country. We test these arguments drawing on data from the European Social Survey.

Depleting democracy? The radical right’s impact on minority politics in Eastern Europe

Radical right parties’ calls for a strong and illiberal nation-state have travelled across the political spectrum into the mainstream in Eastern Europe since the 2000s, contributing to a rightward shift in the region’s politics. The mechanisms behind such influences in Eastern Europe are not yet fully understood. Focusing on the strength of radical right parties and mainstream parties’ strategic reactions to them, this study explores how and under what circumstances radical right parties exert influence on mainstream parties’ general political positions and on their positions concerning ethnic and national minorities – a group frequently targeted by radical right intolerance in the region. Shifts in parties’ positions are analyzed using comparative data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the authors’ own Viadrina Expert Survey. The study finds that where mainstream parties formally or informally cooperated with radical right parties or coopted their agenda, lasting rightward position shifts are observable. Consequently, the authors argue that by contributing to rightward shifts, especially on positions concerning minorities, radical right parties play a role in undermining liberal democratic values, thus contributing to the ‘depletion of democracy’.

Greeks in Turkey: Elite Nationalism and Minority Politics in Late Ottoman and Early Republican Istanbul by Dimitris Kamouzis

Greeks in Turkey: Elite Nationalism and Minority Politics in Late Ottoman and Early Republican Istanbul by Dimitris Kamouzis

GANDHIAN PERSPECTIVE ON HINDU-MUSLIM UNITY WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO GANDHI AND ALI BROTHERS – URDU PRESS AND PUBLIC OPINION IN MADRAS PRESIDENCY

The Khilafat Movement, one of the biggest political mobilization of Muslims in India emerged in 1919, reached its height in 1920-21, and finally went into oblivion by 1924. The Khilafat movement in India was initiated during World War I by some Muslim leaders who were growing concerned over the fate of the Ottoman Empire, and the Caliph, the spiritual as well as the temporal head of the Muslim World . Mohamed Ali was the youngest of three brothers, Zulfigar, Shaukat and himself. When Turkey declared war against the Allies in 1914 Muslims in India were perturbed. The Indian Muslims were in a state of ferment since the outbreak of the First World War. The War had created a serious religious dilemma for them. In 1918 the Allies were riding on the wave of victory. Germany surrendered on November 11 and Turkey had capitulated on October 31. The Ottoman Empire was shattered. On 30th October Turkey was forced to sign an armistice at Mudros. Following its defeat at the hands of the Entente powers the unconditional surrender of Turkey followed in 11th November by a quick German capitulation, ended the First World War. In the changed circumstances Sultan Vahideddin Mehmed VI who had ascended the throne only few months earlier thought it prudent to revert to a policy of a total dependence on Britain. Mohandas Gandhi who had just joined the Indian Politics after his years in South Africa, got attracted by the courage of the Ali brothers displayed in challenging the colonial state. He also insisted upon seeing the two. A meeting was arranged and Gandhi met Mohamed Ali in 1915 over which he wrote ,’ It was a question of love at first sight between us.’ Their love bloomed into their association against the British Raj during the Non-Cooperation- Khilafat Movement, which made the imperial forces feel the full strength of Hindu-Muslim unity. Both of them developed a tremendous respect for each other. Understanding the relationship with Gandhi chronologically give a sense of how both of them worked on issues concerning minority politics. Historians have assigned importance either to the Kohat Riots of 1924 or the Nehru Report of 1928 among others as the major factor behind the growing bitterness between Gandhi and Ali Brothers. It also was not just the occurrence of many riots and the failing health condition of Mohamed Ali. On December 21,1928, the Ali Brother rejected the Nehru Report in the Khilafat Conference. This paper aims to give the importance of the relationship between Gandhi and Ali Brothers and it what way related to Indian Freedom Movement.

Approbation of Results Obtained During Interview: Research of Possibilities for Exercising the Rights of Political Oppositions in Lithuanian Self-Government

Analysing the problematic aspects of the legal regulation of local self-government of the Republic of Lithuania related to the realisation of the rights provided for the minority (opposition) of the municipal council in the Law on Local Self-Government and other legal acts, the following empirical research was performed. During the research, the method of interviews was used in order to identify, as precisely as possible, the problems of the realisation of the rights of political minorities (opposition) in the whole Lithuanian municipality. It is the interview method that was chosen to ensure the interaction between the researcher and the respondent, which enables to obtain the widest and deepest possible information in identifying practical problems and also allows to collect the detailed data needed to solve the identified problems. The interview focused on the target group of respondents from many different Lithuanian municipalities who are fully acquainted with the practical aspects of the realisation of the minority rights of the council. All respondents are current or former opposition members of municipal councils. With the aim of maximising practical benefits, as many as thirty respondents were interviewed in this research. Keywords: local self-government, political minority’s rights, opposition.

Politics of the US COVID-19 Vaccination Campaign: Partisanship’s Effect is Countered only by Increasing Impact for Education

Politics, policy and psychological impact of evidence of the severity of COVID-19 combine to influence the unfolding of the COVID-19 vaccination campaign in the USA. Continually scraped CDC behavioral bigdata from when the campaign became universal suggest that as time went by, partisanship’s impact grew. Counties with more young Republicans see their vaccination rate become increasingly sluggish. Conversely, higher levels of education had a progressively positive impact on vaccination rates. Political minority groups had a differential impact, which also varied in different age groups. At the level of policy, the number of primary care physicians per capita is influential and as for evidence, the number of deaths in the county increases vaccination rates, steadily over time. The robustness of civil society in the county has the greatest positive effect on vaccination rates among the elderly. Recalcitrant counties, those with particularly low vaccination rates, are geographically concentrated in the South, and are projected to remain obdurate. Finally, policy at the state level impacts vaccination rates in a limited number of states stably over time.

From Guest-Workers to Settlers

Focusing on theatre, the article reveals how issues regarding Sweden-Finnish migrants’ agency and representation became politicised, problematised and reworked in the beginning of the 1970s. In the popular emotional representation of the early 1970s’ Finnish theatre, the migrant worker was seen as a tragic human casualty of inhuman capitalism. The representation was emotionally relevant both to the radical left with its strong anti-capitalist sentiments and to the rural population in northern and eastern Finland that had been affected by structural change and migration. The tragic migrant characters and the pessimistic view of migration, predominant in Finnish drama, was problematised by the Finnish immigrants to Sweden who did not want to be victimised as exploited guest-workers oppressed by capitalism. As the Sweden-Finnish institutions strengthened in the beginning of the 1970s, active cultural politics sought to increase the immigrants’ agency and their participation in society, politics and culture. It was crucial to replace the negative representation of a passive and resigned guest-worker with a positive image of an active and sociable settler. Mirroring a larger shift in the more nuanced understanding of migration processes and in the Swedish minority politics, the new and positive self-representation was to evolve from community-based cultural activity. The local Sweden-Finnish societies were encouraged to launch spontaneous cultural creation, including collective performances based on their everyday migrant experiences.

Debating the “Jewish Question” in Tunisia

In Tunisia, the end of World War I and the return of Muslims and European settlers from the front brought attacks against local Jews who had been exempt from conscription under French colonial rule. French commentators spoke of a “Jewish question” fueled by Muslim fanaticism and Jewish profiteering, obscuring their own divisive attitudes and policies. Colonial archives and the popular press, however, reveal that this was far from a monolithic sectarian concern. Jews responded to violence with a variety of transnational political visions. I explore how some Jews reaffirmed their loyalty to France, while others highlighted colonial hypocrisies. Others turned to solutions such as US protection or the Zionist movement. This Tunisian story, with its unique colonial arrangement and legal ambiguities, foregrounds an oft-overlooked North African perspective on the global questions of identity, nationalisms, and minority politics at the end of World War I.

Constitutional dismemberment via referenda: a comparative overview

Constitutional dismemberment is one of the main consequences attached to constitutional amendments that Albert's book analyses. After having analyzed Albert’s definition, the present essay focuses on the practice of constitutional dismemberment via referendum and discusses whether, in times of populism and democratic decay, the constitutional design should provide for specific measures in order to protect the political opposition from the allegiance between the populist leadership and the majority of the population. Building on the existing literature and on a comparative analysis, the essay concludes by highlighting the pros and cons of introducing special protections for political minorities during constitutional referenda to protect democracy against populist deviations, suggesting the need to provide further studies in this field.

Minority Representation and Reserved Legislative Seats in Iraqi Kurdistan

Ethnic and religious minorities have played a significant role in the long history of Kurdistan. At an official level, their political position was significantly strengthened with the advent of autonomy for the Kurdistan Region in northern Iraq in 1992. Most importantly, a quota system was established that reserved seats for several minority groups in the Kurdistan Parliament, often cited as an example of tolerance for diversity and respect for minority rights. Nevertheless, there is a lack of empirical research examining how ethnic and religious quotas affect democratic stability, quality of representation, and opportunities to represent authentic interests within the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). The politicians who occupy the reserved seats have come under criticism for merely supporting the policy programs of the dominant Kurdish parties, which deprives ethnic and religious minority groups of authentic representation and exposes the minority parties to allegations that they are politically exploited. This article analyzes the dynamics of minority political participation in Iraqi Kurdistan, how representation has been affected by the dominance of the ruling parties, and factors that guide the behavior of minority politicians while serving in quota-allocated positions. It also examines the effects of reserving seats through the quota system on the political behavior of minority groups. To these ends, this article focuses on parliamentary quotas and their impact on democratic stability, decision-making, and the empowerment of minority groups in the Kurdistan Region.

Representation, Incorporation, and Corrections Spending: The Counterbalancing Effect of Black Political Incorporation

AbstractTheories concerning the adoption of punitive policies at the state level often cite two dynamics: conservative ideology and racial threat, that punitive policies are more likely in states with Republican politicians and a higher proportion of Black residents. I argue these theories lose their explanatory power in the post-Civil Rights era, and suggest Black political incorporation acts as a powerful antidote to the punitive impulses of government officials. I test my hypotheses on a dataset of state corrections spending from 1983 to 2011 and find evidence for the counterbalancing argument. States with increasing percentages of Black state legislators spend .36 fewer dollars per capita on corrections, suggesting Black political incorporation is an important mediator in the relationship between racial threat and corrections budgets. This paper has implications for the application of the social control theory as descriptive representation grows, but also for the study of the effect of minority politicians on budgets and policy more broadly. The adoption of policies deleterious to certain communities can be mitigated by the presence of representatives who legislate on behalf of those communities.

On the road with Operation Warp Speed, the U.S. COVID-19 vaccine effort

During a vaccine trial site visit, project leaders and researchers discuss minority enrollment, politics, safety, and conflicts of interest

Political Environment Aspects of COVID-19: Political Urban Attributes, Density and Compliance

Current debates identifying urban population density as a major catalyst for the spread of COVID-19, and the praise for de-densification and urban sprawl that they entail, may have dire environmental consequences. Juxtaposing competing theories about the urban antecedents of COVID-19, our key argument is that urban political attributes overshadow the effects of cities’ spatial characteristics. This is true even when considering levels of compliance with movement restrictions and controlling for demographic and socio-economic conditions. Taking advantage of a nation that is a living lab for studying COVID-19, we examine 271 localities during the first 3 months of the outbreak in Israel, a country where over 90% of the population is urban. Rather than density, we find politics to have a critical effect. Cities with some types of political minority groups, but not others, exhibit higher infection rates. Compliance has a significant effect and density’s influence on the spread of the disease is contingent on urban political attributes. We conclude with assessing how the relationship between the politics of cities and the spread of contagious diseases sheds new light on tensions between neo-Malthusian sentiments and concerns about urban sprawl and environmental degradation.

Political Conviction and Epistemic Injustice

Epistemic injustice occurs when we fail to appropriately respect others as epistemic agents. Philosophers building on the work of Miranda Fricker, who introduced the concept, have focused on epistemic injustices involving certain social categories, particularly race and gender. Can there be epistemic injustice attached to political conviction and affiliation? I argue yes: politics can be a salient social category that draws epistemic injustice. Epistemic injustices might also be intersectional, based on the overlap of politics and some other identity category like race or sex. Further, and more provocatively, I argue that political minorities in academia, in particular conservatives and libertarians, are most likely the victims of epistemic injustice on the basis of their politics. Such epistemic injustices might even be routine. Although more limited in scope and severity than other forms of epistemic injustice, political epistemic injustices in academia ought to be of special concern from a standpoint of social justice because of the academy’s central role in knowledge production and dissemination.

Minority in Politics: The Javanese Christian Church and Post-Ahok Politics

Abstract This study focuses on Christian minorities and their response to the rise of Islamic politics in Indonesia following Ahok’s trial for alleged blasphemy. It will be suggested that the case brought against Ahok has changed the attitude of preachers of the Javanese Christian Church or Gereja Kristen Jawa (gkj) towards politics. After Ahok was prosecuted, some gkj preachers have delivered political sermons focusing on calming the churchgoers to prevent them from reacting overtly to the rise of Islamic politics in Indonesia. This indicates that preachers have become more melek politik or politically aware. While the gkj remains distant from the practice of politics, it conducts political education for members of the clergy and the politicians affiliated with the church. Through informal interviews with several gkj preachers and qualitative research, this study has avoided making generalizations. Specifically, differences in the Sunday sermons of the gkj attended by the author as well as other gkj and non-gkj churches that the author visited in 2017–2019 will be analyzed.