Minority Aspirations Research Articles

The Status and Limits to Aspirations of Minorities in the South Caucasus States

This is an examination of the historical background and demographic composition of minorities in the three South Caucasus states—Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia—as well as a survey of their current status and limits to aspirations of those ethnic groups. It utilizes Sammy Smooha’s concept of ethnic democracy: “a system in which two contradictory principles operate: ‘the democratic principle,’ making for equal rights and equal treatment of all citizens, and ‘the ethnic principle,’ making for fashioning a homogenous nation-state and privileging the ethnic majority.” All of the countries examined fit that category in principle given their respective Constitutions, but Azerbaijan unlike its two neighbors has an autocratic system of government eliminating itself in terms of practice. Armenia is the most homogenous of the three states, while Georgia has the most diverse population. Yet all have numerous minorities living within their borders as well as having ethnic brethren in neighboring countries; dealing with those groups has been problematic to various degrees. Georgia has lost territory—Abkhazia and South Ossetia—to secessionist minorities aided by Russia, while Armenia and Azerbaijan have engaged in war over Nagorno-Karabakh, while driving out of their respective countries either Azerbaijanis or Armenians.

Myanmar’s military coup and the elevation of the minority agenda?

ABSTRACT The military overthrow of Myanmar’s elected government in February 2021 has again thrown into upheaval the troublesome relationship between civilian politicians and armed forces that has plagued the country since its first military coup in 1962. t has also brought back into view the relationship between Myanmar’s Bamar majority and the country’s ethnic minorities, a fractious issue that has long been subject to band-aid and patchwork solutions that skirt around the deeper causes of minority disaffection. Myanmar’s minority groups have long-standing grievances against the repression and brutality of the Bamar-dominated military and feel marginalized. Their attitude to the Bamar-dominated National League for Democracy (NLD) government of 2016-2021, led by Aung San Suu Kyi until her ouster and arrest, was one of despair at the continuing death and destruction brought by civil conflict, dismay at the silence of political leaders on the plight of civilians displaced by war, and anger at the quasi-authoritarian policies by the civilian administration. These dynamics have helped determine allegiances in the ongoing protests against military rule, pressed the ousted government into changing its policies to better reflect minority aspirations, and will likely transform Myanmar’s political landscape in a manner that would have been inconceivable before the coup.

Inclusive vis-à-vis Exclusionary Constitution: An Analysis of the Current Constitutions of Nepal and Bhutan from Ethnic Lens

Nepal and Bhutan, two Shangri-las of South Asia, share similar geo-political features but substantially differ in terms of demographic size and ethno-political history. The Constitution of Nepal 2015 which was promulgated by the second Constituent Assembly formed in 2013 came up with its inclusive character as it secured reasonable space for the ethnic minorities and owned their political, economic and cultural concerns. On the contrary, Bhutan adopted a different course in terms of accommodating ethnic and minority aspirations, although the country has also chosen parliamentary democracy in a narrow sense since 2008. From constitutional point of view, Nepal’s move from a liberal to an inclusive constitution made strenuous effort to bring all sections of Nepali society on board but Bhutan’s shift from a royal decree to an exclusionary constitution consciously left a large section of minority behind by suppressing their legitimate claims for basic democratic rights. This article explores the inclusive and exclusionary characters of the current constitutions of these countries from ethnic perspective.

Obaveštajno-bezbednosna zajednica NR Kine

In this paper, apart from reviewing the existing intelligence structure of the intelligence community of the People's Republic of China, the author critically analyzes its historical development through different epochs, and also the organization, strategic guidelines and scope of its work. The fact that intelligence and security activities in the observed country existed in 2000 BC is emphasized. Their role in the security system of the People's Republic of China, faced with modern security challenges and threats, both on the domestic and foreign policy level is pointed out. At the domestic level, the biggest security challenges are reflected in the separatist aspirations of national minorities, while at the foreign policy level, it is the international position of the People's Republic of China, as the most important challenger for the US global domination. The People's Republic of China is responding to these challenges by increasing its allocations for strengthening and modernizing the national security system, where, in addition to the armed forces, the intelligence and security services also play a major role. It is also pointed out that the study of the intelligence and security community of the People's Republic of China is important for the Republic of Serbia, because our geopolitical position is such that it "connects" the Silk Road Economic Belt and the port of Piraeus, as the most important European point of the Silk Road.

Surgical alternative to tracheoesophageal prosthesis for voice preservation in selected hypopharyngeal carcinoma

<p><strong>Background</strong><strong>: </strong>Pearson’s near-total laryngectomy (NTL) is a voice- preserving alternative to total laryngectomy in patients with advanced but localized laryngeal and hypopharyngeal cancers, wherein lung- powered speech is achieved by creation of a dynamic biological trachea-pharyngeal shunt. Report our experience with NTL in a series of 24 patients.</p><p><strong>Methods:</strong> A prospective case series analysis was done at VMMC and Safdarjung Hospital from January 2014- September 2019 after attaining ethical clearance. 24 patients with lateralized, locally a post- cricoid areas were included in the study. Patients who had involvement of the post cricoid region, interarytenoid region or involvement of bilateral cricoarytenoid units were excluded from the study. The subjects underwent Pearson’s NTL and were followed- up to examine for disease- control and functional results.</p><p><strong>Results:</strong> 22 patients (91.6%) attained a good quality voice following surgery with 2 patients (8.3%) developing minor aspiration problems. 1 patient (4.16%) developed local recurrence after 5 months. Surgical complications were surgical site infection (20.8%), pharyngocutaneous fistula (16.67%) and shunt stenosis (4.16%).</p><p><strong>Conclusion</strong>: NTL is an oncologically safe alternative to total laryngectomy in selected patients and is capable of achieving excellent functional results with minimal surgical complications and post-operative maintenance.</p>

168 Fecal Microbiota Transplant in Graft-versus-Host Disease of the Intestines: A Comprehensive Pooled Analysis

INTRODUCTION: Graft versus host disease (GVHD) of the intestines is a feared complication after hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (HSCT), and carries high morbidity and mortality. Recently fecal microbiota transplant (FMT) has been explored as a treatment modality for intestinal GVHD. The aim of our study was to pool data from individual feasibility studies to explore the efficacy and safety of FMT for gut GVHD. METHODS: A systematic search was performed for studies in PubMed, Embase, Cochrane database and ClinicalTrials.gov. All studies that reported data on FMT in patients who had previously undergone HSCT were included. Two independent authors conducted the systematic search. Pooled analysis was conducted for safety and efficacy of FMT in HSCT patients. RESULTS: A total of 15 studies comprising a total of 99 patients reported FMT outcomes after HSCT. Indication of FMT was restoration of microbiome in 41, Clostridium difficile infection in 21, and intestinal GVHD in 37 patients. All studies were single center pilot trials. Five studies with 37 patients reported efficacy outcomes for intestinal GVHD. A total of 57 FMTs were performed. All patients had previously failed at least one immunosuppressant regimen. All patients were either steroid resistant or steroid dependent. Overall complete response rate of 62.1% was observed (23 patients). Three additional patients partially responded to FMT. Positive response was accompanied by a decrease in stool volumes and frequency in all patients; reduction in use of anti-motility agents, and cessation of total parenteral nutrition was observed in all responders. All studies reported successful tapering of immunosuppressant and steroid dosage. FMT was generally well tolerated. No treatment-related mortality was reported. Minor adverse events included abdominal pain, nausea, mucosal tears, and minor aspiration without sequelae. Serious adverse events included bleeding in one patient, and grade 3 abdominal pain in one patient (resolved within 24 hours of capsule ingestion). Infections were reported in three patients after FMT (two with bacteremia), but could not be attributed to FMT with certainty. CONCLUSION: FMT is a promising modality for management of intestinal GVHD and carries low morbidity. It appears to be safe and acceptable as a salvage therapy for intestinal GVHD based on the current limited data. The need to withhold antibiotics to allow persistent engraftment may prove challenging in this severely immunocompromised population.

Aspirations for Ethnonationalist Identities among Religious Minorities in Iraq: The Case of Yazidi Identity in the Period of Kurdish and Arab Nationalism, 1963–2003

AbstractThe aspirations of religious minorities in Iraq for becoming recognized ethnonationalist entities have rarely been investigated from a historical perspective, particularly in the case of the Yazidis. This article addresses changing attitudes about the Yazidi religious minority identity across different historical periods. Yazidi identity is examined as an ancillary undercurrent to the ethnonationalist identity conflict between the central government of Iraq and the Kurdish movement. This contrasts with identity as a religious minority in prior eras, when religious minorities preserved their distinct core identities based on their own social and religious customs and idiosyncrasies, making them self-defining communities bound together by coherent religious identities. In the case of the Yazidi minority, despite the multiplicity of theories and hypotheses about the origins of the Yazidi people and their national and ethnic affiliations and increasing rumors about Yazidis related to their existence as a potential sub-ethnicity or ethno-religion, the important truth is that Yazidis consider themselves religiously, culturally, and historically distinct from other ethnonationalist groups and communities in Iraq.

Sténoses laryngotrachéales bénignes de l’adulte : place des prothèses transcordales. Expérience préliminaire

Benign laryngotracheal stenosis is a rare pathology with multiple etiologies, the management of which is complex. This is because of the configuration and proximity of the larynx and the difficulty with surgical approaches, which are potentially mutilating, especially for the management of a benign disease. When surgery is challenging, iterative dilatations of the stricture or the fashioning of a definitive tracheotomy are therapeutic alternatives. Advances in rigid bronchoscopy and the evolution of prosthetic silicone material allow a new approach in the management of benign laryngotracheal stenosis, by placing flexible silicone prostheses which cover all the stenosis from the arytenoids to the trachea. This preliminary work aims to evaluate the feasibility, effectiveness, tolerance and complications of the implementation of this type of prosthesis. This is a retrospective single-centre study which analyzed the records of patients with symptomatic benign laryngotracheal stenosis who underwent placement of a transcordial prosthesis over a period of three years. The prosthesis used, inserted under general anesthesia during a rigid tube interventional bronchoscopy, was either a straight silicone prosthesis or a Montgomery T-tube for those with a pre-existing tracheotomy. Six patients were included. Five are still alive, one patient died from a cause unrelated to the placement of the prosthesis. Four have no tracheostomy and two now have no transcordal prosthesis. The data collected on tolerance found, for three patients, two cases of minor aspiration and one case of transient cough. All patients had whispered voice dysphonia. We did not observe prosthesis migration or obstruction. These preliminary results are encouraging. Transcordal prostheses in benign laryngotracheal stenosis have a complementary or alternative role compared to surgery with a palliative or even curative objective.

Did the Revolution Happen?

The Russian Revolution, so often monumentalized as a singular event—not least by the Bolsheviks themselves—was an inherently plural happening, involving the disparate actions and aspirations of peasants, workers, national minorities, and many others. Although early Soviet cinema certainly partook of the dominant “productivist” and progressivist ideology of the period, it also explored, sometimes willy-nilly, the revolutionary “event” as something multiple and even uncentered. This paper, focused on the work of Dziga Vertov, investigates a number of ways—including the valorization of artisanal creative practice and a radical inquiry into the possibilities of montage—that film remained faithful to that plurality and might even offer strategies for critiquing the presentist ideology of our own time.

THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, NATIONAL- ETHNIC MINORITY GROUPS AND THE CREATION OF STATES: THE POST–COLONIAL NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE

Critics will retort that there are well over 400 ethno-linguistic groups in Nigeria and each of them cannot have their own state! This is acknowledged and is not an altogether unfounded claim. It, however, underestimates inter-communal and interethnic relations which in Nigeria is generally cordial. Several states in the country are strictly speaking not entirely homogenous ethnically but are composed of several minority groups living together in harmony. Furthermore, there are criteria which ethnic groups agitating for states within Nigeria must meet. Political negotiations, rallies, campaigns and the like all play a part in the realization of the legitimate aspirations of ethnic minorities within a constitutional democracy. Undoubtedly, the operation of Federal Republican Constitution and the creation of states continues to attract constructive criticism. Thus, it has been argued against Nigeria’s Presidential Federalism that this type of republican constitutionalism continues to sustain and perpetuate the status of the predominant tribes more powerfully than would have occurred in a unitary system.

Muslim Woman Seeking Work: An English Case Study with a Dutch Comparison, of Discrimination and Achievement

The measurement of discrimination in employment is a key variable in understanding dynamics in the nature of, and change in “race relations”. Measuring such discrimination using ‘situation’ and ‘correspondence’ tests was influenced by John Rex’s sociological analyses, and earlier work, begun in America, was continued in England in the 1960s, and further replicated in Europe and America in later decades. This literature is reviewed, and the methodologies of testing for employment discrimination are discussed. Recent work in Britain and the Netherlands is considered in detail in the light of changing social structures, and the rise of Islamophobia. Manchester, apparently the city manifesting the most discrimination in Britain, is considered for a special case study, with a focus on one individual, a Muslim woman seeking intermediate level accountancy employment. Her vita was matched with that of a manifestly indigenous, white Briton. Submitted vitas (to 1043 potential employers) indicated significant discrimination against the Muslim woman candidate. Results are discussed within the context of Manchester’s micro-sociology, and Muslim women’s employment progress in broader contexts. We conclude with the critical realist comment that the “hidden racism” of employment discrimination shows that modern societies continue, in several ways, to be institutionally racist, and the failure to reward legitimate aspirations of minorities may have the effect of pushing some ethnic minorities into a permanent precariat, with implications for social justice and social control in ways which may deny minority efforts to “integrate” in society’s employment systems.

Minority Aspirations for Ethnically Based Territorial Autonomy in the Countries of the Carpatho-Pannonian Area since 1989

Minority Aspirations for Ethnically Based Territorial Autonomy in the Countries of the Carpatho-Pannonian Area since 1989

Peace through cultural interaction: the ethnic relations in Finland and Turkey

This paper centres on the ethnic relations in Finland and Turkey, approaching the Black Sea region from a larger geographical and cultural perspective. I will examine how the governments of these two multicultural societies maintain good relations with their linguistic and cultural minorities. Through this paper I point out how close cultural relations with the Sami people maintain the peace in Finland. Peace in this area is implemented through culture and education. I will describe how Finland is involved in the implementation of educational programmes for the Sami and how it aims at acquainting the Finnish majority with various aspects of Sami cultural traditions. Moreover, the dialogue between these two cultures plays an important role in eliminating the prejudice that has stirred up conflicts for so many decades. Since the problem of the Kurdish people in Turkey is not only a problem within the borders, but also an international problem, in this paper I look at the ways in which the aspirations of the Kurds in Turkey have an impact on cross-border minority aspirations as well. Therefore, Turkey is expected to embrace a liberal legal approach and should put emphasis on the liberalization of minority politics.

From Assimilation to Autonomy: Realizing Ethnic Minority Rights in China's National Autonomous Regions

This article examines regional autonomy in China’s ethnic minorityareas and its implications for minority rights in China. It argues that China’s regional autonomy regime is in need of improvement in quest for national unity, social harmony and equality among ethnic groups in China. In light of past State–minority relations, as well as changing conditions in China, and by reference to international experience, the article offers suggestions for China to improve and implement minority rights legislation and policies. It argues that,undertheexistingpoliticalsysteminviewoftheexistingbasicframework on minorities, the Chinese State should adopt a new approach which encompasseselementsofruleoflaw,deliberativedemocracyandinternationalhuman rights standards. The new approach should guarantee respect for minority identities and seek means of establishing their respective autonomies and realizingtheirspecialrights.Itshouldfocusasmuchontheprocessasonthedecisions,onthevoicesasontheresultsandontheindividualsasonthegroups.In this way, China’s national regional autonomy would be oriented towards a complete policy of commitment to pluralistic values within the Chinese polity and would be more likely to satisfy the minority aspirations and the State’s need for national stability and unity.

Exclusion Law and International Law: Sui Generis or Overlap?

There exists a strong synergy between the regulation at the international level of minority rights, asylum and criminal prosecutions of violations of human rights. The aspirations of minorities as a human right are recognised in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights while the violation of such a right can confer on a victim the status of refugee in a third country. As well, persons who are responsible for causing very serious disruptions to the rights of minorities and other groups can be brought to justice for the commission of genocide and crimes against humanity, particularly persecution. While in general there has been a clear distinction between the granting of asylum or refugee status to victims of persecution one hand and the prosecution of perpetrators of persecution on the other, these two notions have been brought together into the concept of exclusion in order to address the phenomenon of persons with a criminal background being part of the refugee stream arriving in a third country. Exclusion is an essential part of refugee law to ensure that persons who have committed criminal acts will not benefit from the benefits set out in the Refugee Convention. This article will discuss the parameters of exclusion as determined by the jurisprudence in six countries in North America and Europe where this issue has been at the forefront in the last decade.

International citizenship and the International Federation of University Women before 1939

This article explores discursive languages through which leading women in the International Federation of University Women (IFUW) articulated their understandings of world citizenship and looks at what Caroline Spurgeon, the first President of the IFUW, called the ‘organised training of women to be citizens of the world’. The central section focuses on how the IFUW dealt with aspirations of national minorities in relation to dominant IFUW understandings of borders, territories and frontiers. The final sections focus on notions of scientific internationalism as they played out in the IFUW’s campaign around the nationality of married women and circulated in the League of Nations. The postscript comments briefly on historical approaches to researching the complexities of the IFUW’s engagement in national, international and transnational arenas.

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Democracy and Nationalism

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Democracy and Nationalism

Romanticism in China?–Its Implications for Minority Images and Aspirations

Daniel Bell (1978) and Colin Campbell (1987) argued some time ago that romanticism was the precursor of modernism, and that in the form of a “hedonistic” ethos it has challenged the “puritan” ethos...

Rethinking the boundaries of democratic secession: Liberalism, nationalism, and the right of minorities to self-determination

Whereas secession has been dealt with extensively in international law, in connection with the creation and recognition of states, it has received little attention as a possible tool in the constitutional protection of minority rights. This paper examines the more frequent uses and invocations of secession and assesses their potential adaptability as means of promoting minority group rights. It argues that international law and the international community have never provided coherent guidance for responding to nationalistic minority aspirations or, specifi cally, to secessionist challenges. At the same time, constitutional models regarding the management of national diversity have also failed to reconcile liberal democracy and nationalism. From a substantive point of view, there is probably no solution to such diffi culties. Neither available model of “ constitutional coexistence ” nor of secession is likely, ultimately, to be satisfactory. Nonetheless, the adoption of an explicit constitutional procedural approach to secession provides the best means of averting the worst dangers and excesses.

BURMA'S ETHNIC MINORITIES

The nearly 60-year-long fight by Burma's ethnic minorities for autonomy and ethnic rights lies at the root of the country's broader political and humanitarian crisis. Yet, in the outside world, this issue is often subsumed under the better-known struggle for democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. The present article seeks to redress this imbalance by directing attention to the numerous groups representing ethnic minority interests, the grievances and aspirations that motivate their struggle, and their own strategies for peace. It argues that in Burma's deeply divided society peace and democracy are two distinct challenges, even if in the long term they must go together, and it calls for the international community to help the country's ethnic groups prepare for future peace negotiations and overcome the debilitating legacy of war.