Minority Actors Research Articles

Interview with Daniel York, Actor, Writer, and Director and Anna Chen, Writer, Performer, and Broadcaster

In the second of the two commissioned interviews for this Special Issue, we discuss the experience and politics of casting from the perspective of ethnic minority actors. Although there were a number of individuals and organisations who could have been approached, here we talk to Daniel York, who initially drove the debates after he was auditioned for, but not cast in, The Orphan of Zhao, and to Anna Chen, who spearheaded the media campaign against the Royal Shakespeare Company (RSC). Both are also founding members of British East Asian Artists, a lobbying and production group that was formed during the RSC controversy to promote East Asian representation on stage and screen.

Misrecognition and Political Agency. The Case of Muslim Organisations in a General Election

Research Highlights and Abstract This article: Examines the meaning of claims for ‘recognition’ and struggles against ‘misrecognition’ by working through aspects of Muslim political agency in contemporary British politics; Contributes to research on the political mobilisation of Muslims in Britain by examining how civil society organisations respond to perceived stigmas and project a Muslim civic identity; Contributes to research that investigates dilemmas of political agency between the pressure to conform to standards of neutrality and maturity, on the one hand, and creativity and opposition, on the other; Demonstrates how minority actors manoeuvre and position themselves in the unsettled environment of contemporary British politics. It is a common complaint among Muslim civil society organisations that their presence in British politics is misconstrued. An increasing number of activists and groups are concerned to repudiate what they perceive to be the misperception of their political agency as exceptional and difficult to accommodate. Organisations and initiatives thus project and practice civic identities, to demonstrate that they are committed to the ‘common good’. This article explores how a number of organisations positioned themselves in response to experiences of ‘misrecognition’ in the context of the General Election 2010. With this conceptual focus we explore one of the most pertinent characteristics of Muslim political agency in Britain today: how actors respond to perceived pressures, make claims and project identities in opposition to alleged misperceptions or the refusal to acknowledge their desired self-descriptions. The article draws on a set of qualitative interviews with representatives of advocacy organisations that mobilised Muslim constituents in the run-up to the General Election 2010.

The Shakespearean Glass Ceiling: the State of Colorblind Casting in Contemporary British Theatre

This article examines Shakespearean colourblind casting from a variety of angles, interrogating the 'glass ceiling' that remains prevalent in contemporary British theatre. By offering a brief survey of early examples of the practice of colourblind casting in Shakespearean roles, it seeks to establish casting patterns in the ensuing decades: typically, patterns of very few black, Asian or mixed-race actors and even fewer playing lead roles, instead being cast as members of warring factions or as supernumeraries. This analysis is informed by an attempt to quantify available data that includes major companies and regional theatres, examining 225 productions over a time span of 30 years. Research is drawn from archival materials held at the RSC and National Theatres, as well as local production companies, offering an insight into the ratios of white to ethnic minority actors in productions, the types of roles and the casting of understudy parts within contemporary Shakespearean theatre. The article also considers the perpetually contentious nature of the practice of colourblind casting through the lens of the socio-political events (such as the murder of Stephen Lawrence) that have coincided with specific moments in British theatre history. In doing so, it seeks to challenge commonly-held assumptions regarding the 'inclusive' state of contemporary productions of Shakespeare's plays, instead revealing their perpetuation of the dominant stereotype of Shakespeare as the preserve of the white cultural elite, as well as their assimilation of the practices of the wider entertainment industry, in which non-white actors are significantly underrepresented.

Seizing on European Institutions?

This article provides an overview of how ethnic minority and state actors in Poland draw on the European Union and other supranational institutions in their publicized claims. Its objectives are twofold. First, the article relies on the new institutionalism, political opportunity structure and sociology of culture perspectives to interpret the impact of supranational organizations on the domestic public debate in Poland. Second, drawing on the claims-analysis method, it examines the extent to which ethnic minority leaders seized the opportunity to address supranational organizations and legislation on minority rights protection promoted by these institutions. The analysis reveals that ethnic minorities do not take full advantage of the novel political circumstances and only seldom refer to the supranational organizations and symbols. The findings contradict the hypotheses stemming from the new institutionalism and the political opportunity structure approaches and provide support for the sociology of culture perspective.

The Åland Example as Norm Entrepreneurship

The Åland Example has generated considerable international attention as a successful solution to a complicated ethno-territorial dispute. This article looks at how it has been used as a basis for norm entrepreneurship by political actors in both Åland and Finland. For Åland itself, the Åland Example provides normative capital that is used to influence domestic politics. As such, the article shows how norm entrepreneurship may provide a useful political device for a minority or an autonomous region as it strives to preserve or develop its status and identity vis-à-vis the majority and host country. Herein the case of the Åland Example also shows how norms are a strategic asset that can be used for different political purposes and how this may create conflicting agendas between domestic interests with a stake in the international advocacy of the norm. For Finland, the Åland Example provides a potential asset when constructing its foreign policy profile. Yet, it has been used relatively sparingly as such a brand-enhancing device in Finnish foreign policy. The article finds two main reasons for this. First, being a minority solution, it does not generate the sort of emotional attachment that would get Finnish policy-makers to invest in its full potential. As such, it is being somewhat ignored. Second, from the perspective of state diplomacy, the Åland Example has its drawbacks. Under some circumstances, visibly marketing it can do more harm than good for Finnish diplomacy, which is why Finnish foreign policy-makers choose to tread carefully with promoting the Åland Example. The article thus provides a glimpse of the partly overlapping, partly conflicting agendas between majority and minority actors in their international advocacy of norms.

The Role of Actors' Race in White Audiences' Selective Exposure to Movies

Movie producers are often reluctant to cast more than a few minority actors in otherwise race-neutral movies for fear that the White audience will largely avoid such films. Two experiments were conducted to test the idea that the racial makeup of a cast could influence White audiences' selective exposure to movies. Results revealed that actors' race does influence selective exposure in certain contexts. For nonromantic movies, participants' racial attitudes moderated the relationship between race and selective exposure. For romantic movies, regardless of racial attitudes, White participants showed significantly less interest in seeing movies with mostly Black casts than in seeing movies with mostly White casts. These findings are discussed in light of both social identity theory and social cognitive theory.

The education of ethnic minorities in Beijing

This article investigates the operations of minority schools, and the subsequent on-the-ground experiences of ethnic minorities in Beijing at the primary, secondary and tertiary levels. The article suggests that the ‘inter-sectionality’ of ethnic identities, particularly minority-majority, rich-poor and urban-rural, must be factored in when examining the varying differences between minorities who have graduated from Beijing's minority schools and non-Beijing ethnic minorities, who have enrolled in the capital city's universities. The article draws upon recent statistical data, interviews with minority actors and public stakeholders, and participant observation in the city's schools and universities.

Does European human rights law matter? Implementation and domestic impact of Strasbourg Court judgments on minority-related policies

Since the 1990s, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has witnessed an unparalleled growth in its caseload, in tandem with the expansion of its jurisprudential authority vis-à-vis states. Yet, scholars studying European integration and political scientists have paid little attention to the complex and variable ways in which the ECtHR judicial rule-making interacts with national political systems and societies. This article examines the implementation of ECtHR judgments in cases brought to it by individuals from sexual minorities, historical ethnic and religious minorities, and immigrants and asylum seekers from five countries: Greece, Bulgaria, Austria, France and the UK. It argues that European human rights case law matters, and that its implementation can influence domestic legal and policy change under particular preconditions. It is most likely to do so, in the first place, through repeat litigation and legal mobilisation by interested civil society and minority actors, capable of exerting pressure and linking Court rulings to policy issues and reforms. Furthermore, the ability of European human rights case law to expand rights at the national level crucially depends on support by domestic political and other influential elites.

Creating New Spaces for Politics? The Role of National Minorities in Building Capacity of Cross-border Regions

The creation of ‘regional’ spaces for politics across national borders, and the role of national minorities in border regions therein, remain under-explored in regional studies. Based on an ontology that de-links ‘regions as spaces for politics’ from formal boundaries and embraces territorial hybridity and de-territorialization of politics, this article explores how regional and minority actors in the Danish–German border region collectively mobilized to build cross-border capacity. In this process, national minorities emerged as key actors constructing anew an ‘old’ border region through politicization of regional territory; re-framing ideologies of EU polity building; mobilization of intra-regional networks; usage of intra-state territorial politics.

An exploration of the current under‐representation of senior women managers in Australian universities

More than a decade after Australian universities first responded to the requirements of the EEO/AA legislative framework, women remain marginalised and seriously under‐ represented in Australian universities. This paper provides a snapshot of the current status of women’s participation in the senior levels of universities and examines some of the reasons why universities are still providing a “chilly climate” for women and other minority actors. It is argued that Australian universities can no longer afford to frustrate, alienate and marginalise some of their most creative organisational actors when they are facing a new era of rapid change and competition.

Power Politics in Foreign Policy:

Scholars of foreign policy-making have concentrated on how the most powerful domestic actors influence foreign policy and have largely ignored the influence of less powerful, minority actors. This article argues that bureaucratic minorities — subordinates and less powerful departments — can and do influence foreign policy. Despite the extensive scholarship on bureaucratic politics and the central importance of `power' in the theory, we know little about the nature and effects of asymmetrical power relations. Drawing from various research, this article proposes that bureaucratic minorities can adopt strategies based on rewards and costs, manipulation of decision procedures, and information to bypass or exploit their status to influence policy. The choice and effectiveness of these strategies may depend on whether or not the actor is a vertical minority (a subordinate influencing a superior) or a horizontal minority (a representative from a less powerful department influencing other departments). Further investigations of the conditions under which minority players have influence can be part of a much needed revival of the bureaucratic politics perspective on foreign policy-making.

Non-Traditional Casting Update: Interview with Linda Bove

Upon completion of our last four-and-one-half seasons, the Aggie Players had cast minority actors in 77 (28.4 percent) of the 271 available roles. More significantly, 53 of these were cast in leading or supporting roles. This means that 70 percent of the minority actors played major roles, and, all told, over 45 percent of all leading and supporting roles were played by minority actors. We will strive to maintain these numbers in future seasons. While this may not be earth-shaking, it is certainly an improvement over five years ago when there were virtually no minority actors in Aggie Players productions. Minority students now make up 25 percent of our majors. We hope to reach 50 percent by I993. Because we have made a commitment to multicultural casting and followed through on it, we have begun successfully to integrate theatre at Texas A&M.

Non-Traditional Casting Update: Multicultural Casting Providing Opportunity for Minority Actors While Stimulating Innovative Productions

have a multiracial culture everywhere in the country except onstage, declared San Francisco Mime Troupe resident playwright Joan Holden. Producer/director Michael Schultz, echoing Holden's comments, noted that Interestingly, a lot of corporate America is beginning change its complexion, but that hasn't filtered into the [entertainment] industry yet. These comments from participants at the Non-Traditional Casting Project Symposium held in Hollywood on II October 1988 (see Variety, 19 October 1988) are assessments of the state of integration in the professional American theatre. According information released at the symposium, 90 percent of the productions in the U.S. are staffed, cast, and directed by Anglos, mostly males. Actors' Equity statistics indicate that while minorities account for about 17 percent of the population nationwide, fewer than I2 percent of the roles in regional theatres and about 6 percent of the roles on Broadway are filled by minority actors. Is this much ado about nothing? I think not. We should have a fully integrated theatre in the United States-we do not. The purpose of the theatre has always been, to hold, as 'twere, the mirror up nature. But the reflection we see in the current American theatre is highly unrepresentative of the world in which we live. A more accurate reflection is possible through multicultural casting. The following is a statement of our casting policy and a description of what we have accomplished at Texas AM or (b) representational plays in which we have the option of casting minority actors because a certain ethnicity will enhance the character and convey the playwright's ideas more effectively; or (c) presentational plays where, since there is no attempt recreate a realistic picture of life, color blind casting can be practiced. In the casting of representational plays (realistic or naturalistic drama) there are many characters who could well be portrayed by people of various ethnic backgrounds, thus creating characters who extend and enhance the playwright's vision by giving the characters greater dimension and the play more resonance. In the case of most presentational plays (classic, neoclassic, and expressionistic drama) there is little or no attempt at realism. In

Cast and caste in the performing arts: Simulacra of character

In November 1987, the Arena Stage in Washington hosted a symposium on non traditional casting in the theater. Even though Blacks and other racial minorities account for some 17 per cent of the population at large, minority actors have filled only 12 per cent of acting jobs in regional theaters and a mere six percent of casts in Broadway plays (Gelb, 1988). Accordingly, participants in the symposium were asked to identify the most appropriate remedies for enabling actors who belong to minorities to display their talents. Clearly, the exploration of these remedies raises questions about the social bases of the theatrical illusion. The co-chairman of the non traditional casting project, a non profit organization seeking to change the processes by which actors are traditionally selected points out that: "While a white actor is perceived as a human being, the third world actor is seen as a Hispanic, or an Afro-American human being. . . . Minority actors are limited to embodying the thoughts, feelings, and aspirations of their own races [we would add or their gender]." Since audiences are partly responsible for the contrasts between the universalism assigned to the former and the particularism assigned to the latter, "[they] should be taught to focus on the essence of what is presented rather than stumbling over the fact of an actor's size, weight, pigment, whatever" (as quoted by Gelb, 1988). Yet, as in any other form of communication, failures of the theatrical illusion may be attributed to conflicting forces (Jauss, 1982). To be sure, audiences may feel cosmopolitan enough to regard the ethnic or physical appearance of performers as irrelevant to their understanding of the dilemma which is at the root of the play, the scenario, or the argument. But even when they consider it to be essential to such an understanding, their responses may be mere a posteriori reactions to the performing skills of the interpreters. As the initial concern of the debate is focused on bread and butter issues, it highlights the universality of the miseries experienced by all occupational groups. As the debate evolves toward an assessment of the nature of the theatrical illusion, it also underscores dilemmas

Biased and Unbiased News: Reporting Racial Controversies in the New York Times, 1960—July 1964

The merits of two competing views of newspaper bias are evaluated using the New York Times' coverage of racial controversies in New York City between 1960 and July 1964. The idea that the news is biased receives only limited support. Minority actors were not prohibited successfully from presenting their case to the public, were seen as initiating a variety of actions and received similar placement in the paper for their activities as more powerful political adversaries received. The conditions under which information derived from newspaper stories can be treated as a reliable and valid record of conflicts are discussed.

Patterns of Conflict Preceding the 1964 Riots

Data on racial controversies involving New York's black and Puerto Rican population between 1960 and July 1964 were obtained from an analysis of New York Times articles. These data deal with “events” or exchanges between representatives of the city's minority populations and public officials or nonminority actors. An analysis of these exchanges for the four and one-half year period preceding the July riots reveals that violence followed unsuccessful efforts by minority actors to alter the behavior of nonminority and government actors toward them through peaceful and nonviolent strategies. This pattern of conflicts conforms to the general idea that mass violence by aggrieved groups or classes is more likely to occur when: (1) conventional channels for solving problems fail to resolve differences between groups; (2) nonviolent strategies fail to evoke positive responses from the targets of grievances; and/or (3) they have few strategies to choose among in order to make their case before the public. It also offers support for the “solidarity theories” of collective violence which link the genesis of violence to everyday political life, and specifies a connection between the frequency and intensity of conflictive actions.