Ministry Of Foreign Affairs Research Articles

From Norms to Numbers: The OECD DAC Gender Marker in Finnish-Afghan Development Practices

This article critically analyzes the OECD DAC’s gender equality policy marker through the theoretical lens of sociological institutionalism, exploring its rationale, data production processes, and associated challenges. Drawing on empirical evidence from Finnish-funded development interventions in Afghanistan, it examines how qualitative gender-related objectives are translated into quantitative indicators at both national and organizational levels. The mixed-methods approach incorporates semi-structured and thematic interviews, quantitative data from the OECD DAC and Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, alongside relevant academic literature. Sociological institutionalism guides the analysis, uncovering the underlying reasons for the gender marker’s existence. For the OECD DAC, the marker enhances legitimacy and reinforces its authority by prompting comparability, transparency, and alignment amongst member states. For Finland, the marker initially served as a compliance tool for DAC reporting, but has since taken on additional roles, including steering development policy decisions, compiling aid statistics, and signaling the Ministry’s commitment to gender equality. These uses create a gap between rhetoric and practice, as the marker’s forward-looking design often fails to capture the realities of implemented interventions. The findings reveal that the gender marker falls short of its stated aim of measuring the development finances allocated by DAC members to support gender equality. This article provides insights into the creation and use of gender indicators, particularly in a global context where the women’s agenda has been increasingly overshadowed by geopolitics and securitization. This shift reflects the growing influence of the development-security nexus, which emerged in connection with the war-on-terror paradigm.

Frontiers of Legal Protection

In a globalized world, prioritizing capitalism, democracy, and human rights, economic migration has become common trend for both skilled and unskilled workers. Kenya and Saudi Arabia have longstanding bilateral relations, resulting in increased migration of Kenyan domestic workers to Saudi Arabia. However, this has also led to rising human rights violations. This article assesses the efficacy of Kenya's legal regime in the provision of the security of domestic workers in Saudi Arabia. It explores the relationship between Kenya’s legal framework and its practical implementation in guaranteeing their security. In its methodology, it utilises a qualitative approach, conducting interviews with returnee domestic workers, Kenyan domestic workers currently in Saudi Arabia, recruitment agency officials, and personnel from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Labour. The findings highlight significant gaps in Kenya's legal framework and its enforcement, which hinder the protection of domestic workers abroad. It concludes with recommendations to strengthen Kenya’s legal protections and improve the security of its migrant workers.

Analisis Framing Dan Retorika dalam Teks Pidato Menteri Luar Negeri RI Terkait Isu Kemanusiaan di Palestina Tahun 2024

This study focuses on the analysis of rhetoric and framing in the speeches of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, Retno Marsudi, delivered at two major international forums in 2024, namely the United Nations Security Council Open Debate and the International Court of Justice. Using a qualitative approach grounded in the interpretive paradigm, this research employs Ibnu Hamad's framing analysis to understand how the Minister of Foreign Affairs constructs discourse related to humanitarian issues in Palestine. Pathos rhetoric serves as a key element in the speech text, used to evoke the audience's emotions and influence their perception of human rights issues in the Israel-Palestine conflict. The analysis results reveal that Minister Retno Marsudi’s speeches highlight verbal and non-verbal symbols that reinforce Indonesia's solidarity with Palestine. The use of emotional language, quotes from Israeli officials, and symbolic attributes like the keffiyeh support the framing aimed at portraying Israel as the primary perpetrator of humanitarian crimes. Strategic fact presentation is also employed to emphasize the United Nations Security Council's failure to enforce resolutions against Israel. Priming is conducted by selecting critical moments to maximize the audience's attention to the delivered message. This study provides valuable insights into the effectiveness of humanitarian diplomacy through state speeches. However, the effectiveness of the pathos rhetoric used needs further examination by observing the audience's direct responses. This research is expected to contribute to the development of political communication studies, particularly in the context of framing and rhetoric in state speech texts.

Inclusive Data for Resilience:

This research, conducted by Plan Indonesia, YAKKUM Emergency Unit (YEU), and the Klaten Association of Disabled People (PPDK), with support from ELRHA, UKAid, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Plan International, aimed to foster inclusive research by integrating Views from the Frontline (VFL) guidelines with the Feminist Participatory Action Research (FPAR) method. The study involved women, people with disabilities, including youth and children with disabilities, as well as the elderly. The research participants included people with disabilities, the elderly, health cadres, and elderly cadres. The research was conducted from May to December 2023 in the disaster-prone areas of Kemalang and Manisrenggo Districts, Central Java. Data analysis was done through triangulation, utilizing multi-party meetings to verify findings based on various times, places, and participants. The research identified types of threats related to the Merapi volcano eruption and needs based on the Humanitarian Inclusion Standard, focusing on gender, age, and ability. Key recommendations include integrating disaster risk management approaches with community-led action plans, enhancing inclusion, promoting local leadership, and developing a national advocacy strategy to increase community involvement in disaster risk reduction efforts, particularly for women, the elderly, and people with disabilities.

Management of inclusive data for Merapi volcano eruption risk areas using participatory action research (PAR) with the perspective of women, the elderly, and persons with disabilities

This research, conducted by Plan Indonesia, YAKKUM Emergency Unit (YEU), and the Klaten Association of Disabled People (PPDK), with support from ELRHA, UKAid, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Plan International, aimed to foster inclusive research by integrating Views from the Frontline (VFL) guidelines with the Feminist Participatory Action Research (FPAR) method. The study involved women, people with disabilities, including youth and children with disabilities, as well as the elderly. Research participants included people with disabilities, the elderly, health cadres, and elderly cadres, and was conducted from May to December 2023 in the disaster-prone areas of Kemalang and Manisrenggo Districts, Central Java. Data analysis was done through triangulation, utilizing multi-party meetings to verify findings based on various times, places, and participants. The research identified types of threats related to the Merapi volcano eruption and needs based on the Humanitarian Inclusion Standard, focusing on gender, age, and ability. Key recommendations include integrating disaster risk management approaches with community-led action plans, enhancing inclusion, promoting local leadership, and developing a national advocacy strategy to increase community involvement in disaster risk reduction efforts, particularly for women, the elderly, and people with disabilities.

Effectiveness and acceptability of a 24-h interval versus a 48-h interval between mifepristone intake and misoprostol administration for in-hospital abortion at 9-20 gestational weeks: an international, open-label, randomised, controlled, non-inferiority trial.

Optimising management of second-trimester medical abortion is important, as complications increase with gestational age. We aimed to compare a 24-h interval with a 48-h interval between mifepristone intake and misoprostol administration in in-hospital, second-trimester medical abortion for effectiveness and acceptability. This open-label, randomised, controlled, non-inferiority trial was conducted at nine hospitals in India, Sweden, Thailand, and Viet Nam among adults undergoing medical abortion for a singleton viable pregnancy at a gestation of between 9 weeks and 20 weeks. Participants were randomly assigned (1:1) via central computer-generated sequence stratified by study site to receive 200 mg mifepristone orally and (after being admitted to hospital) 800 μg misoprostol vaginally either 24 h (the intervention) or 48 h (the control) later followed by 400 μg misoprostol sublingually every 3 h. If no abortion occurred after five doses, the 200 mg mifepristone was repeated, followed by the same misoprostol regimen the following day. The participants, researchers, and clinic staff were not masked to the allocation group. The primary outcome was complete fetal expulsion (herein defined as successful abortion) within 12 h of the initial misoprostol dose. The non-inferiority margin was set at 5%. Outcomes were compared in the modified intention-to-treat (mITT) population, from which randomly assigned participants who discontinued before receiving mifepristone or misoprostol were excluded. This trial is registered as an International Standard Randomised Controlled Trial, number ISRCTN49711891, and is completed. Between Feb 18, 2015, and Oct 15, 2016, we screened 724 individuals and 540 participants were enrolled in the study (271 in the 24-h interval group and 269 in the 48-h interval group). Nine participants were excluded from analysis because they did not return for either mifepristone intake or misoprostol administration. The mITT population therefore consisted of 531 participants, of whom 266 were allocated to the 24-h interval group and 265 to the 48-h interval group. By mITT, the succsessful abortion rate within 12 h was 89% (236 of 266 participants) in the 24-h interval group and 94% (248 of 265 participants) in the 48-h interval group (odds ratio 0·54, 95% CI 0·29-1·00). The risk difference was -4·86% (95% CI -0·05 to -9·67), which exceeded our non-inferiority margin of 5%. One participant in the 24-h interval group died following an otherwise uncomplicated abortion from what was assessed as being an amniotic fluid embolism unrelated to their participation in the trial. The most common adverse events in both groups were heavy bleeding, shivering, fever, and nausea. A 24-h interval between mifepristone intake and misoprostol administration has a lower rate of successful abortion within 12 h than a 48-h interval and cannot be defined as non-inferior. Individuals should be able to choose whether to initiate abortion sooner with a 24-h interval or delay administration of misoprostol to 48 h and potentially optimise the rate of successful abortion. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. For the Thai and Hindi translations of the abstract see Supplementary Materials section.

On the 200th Birth Anniversary of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire Prince Alexey Lobanov-Rostovsky

On the 200th Birth Anniversary of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire Prince Alexey Lobanov-Rostovsky

Indonesian Foreign Policy for Afghanistan after The Fall of Kabul 2021 from the Constructivism Perspective

The fall of Kabul in 2021 and the return of Taliban to leadership created dilemma for various countries’ foreign policy, including Indonesia. For Indonesia, diplomatic relations with Afghanistan which has been built since their independence must be maintained. On the other side, the way Taliban take over the leadership and various main values of Taliban are contradictory with international values and norms, which makes it difficult to acknowledge the government of Taliban. In facing this dilemma, Indonesia keeps the relationship with Afghanistan even though Indonesia has not acknowledged the government of Taliban. Indonesian foreign policy towards Afghanistan can be seen in the form of educational assistance for the people of Afghanistan, especially higher education access for woman, Using the Constructivism perspective, this research finds out that identity, values, and norms acknowledged by Indonesia as a democratic country with the most Muslim population in the world are sharpening its foreign policy. In addition, the leadership of Indonesia Minister of Foreign Affairs Retno Marsudi as the first woman to be the Minister of Foreign Affairs becomes one of the most important factors that affects the choices of Indonesian foreign policy. Retno Marsudi is well known for her priority of the importance of education for woman and the value of global Islamic solidarity.

Битва народов в освещении британской прессы

The coverage of the Battle of the Nations (the Battle of Leipzig on October 16-19, 1813) in the English press is analyzed. As a result of the battle, which took place on the territory of Saxony, the army of the French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte was defeated by the allied armies of Russia, Austria, Prussia and Sweden. By the beginning of the battle, Napoleon had up to 175 thousand men and 717 guns, the allies had about 200 thousand men and 893 guns. The losses of the Grand Army following the Battle of Leipzig were: 60 thousand killed and wounded, 30 thousand captured, including 20 generals. 325 guns went to the allies as trophies. Among the dead was Marshal Poniatowski, who received the marshal's baton on the eve of the battle. The article examines the main publications that covered this historic event in detail and highlights the prevailing mood in British society at the time. An important source of information for English newspapermen was the dispatch of General Sir Charles Stuart to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, R. Castlereagh. The English press enthusiastically described Napoleon's defeat, emphasizing the importance of the battle for the fate of all of Europe. However, despite the triumphal headlines and optimistic conclusions of journalists, some facts that made it into the newspapers were distorted or overly dramatized. The article illustrates how the British press shaped public opinion about the event, emphasizing its significance for the further course of the Napoleonic Wars and the future of European states.

THE EDUCATIONAL CONCEPT OF HAJI AGUS SALIM

Haji Agus Salim (1884–1954) was a prominent figure in the Indonesian independence movement. After independence, he became a famous diplomat and served as Indonesia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs. Numerous historians concentrated on his career as a politician. Nevertheless, Haji Agus Salim was also intrigued by educational concepts. Throughout his life, he demonstrated his interest in education in several ways: During the Dutch colonial period he decided to teach his children at home. Later, he was an effective instructor for the Jong Islamieten Bond, and he was also a successful visiting lecturer at Cornell University. In addition to his political expertise, he saw the value of transmitting some educational elements. The underlying structuralist approach of this research revealed that Haji Agus Salim was more concerned with the aspects of language teaching and Islamic knowledge. According to him, it was indispensable that the students develop a motivational and interested consciousness, and the teacher should instigate the eagerness to learn.

Brazil’s Approach to UN Peace Operations and Peacebuilding in Africa in the 21st Century

Brazil occupies a unique position compared to other rising powers regarding the maintenance of peace and security on the African continent. Since the late 1990s, Brazil has not deployed any contingents to United Nations (UN) peace operations on the continent. Nevertheless, Brazil’s recurring presence as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and its contributions to UN debates on the development of the organization’s intervention capacity make it a relevant player in international peace and security. After an introduction on the broader aspects of Brazilian foreign policy, the article is structured in two sections, with a conclusion. The article was prepared using archival documents of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as research by leading Brazilian experts on Brazilian peacekeeping in Africa. The first section focuses on Brazil’s responses to UN requests for contributions to peace operations on the African continent, including MINUSMA, UNOCI, UNAMID, MINURCAT, UNMISS, and MINUSCA cases. The second section covers Brazil’s contributions to peace operations and peacebuilding in Africa, focusing on the country’s contribution to security sector reform in Guinea-Bissau and its approach to training for participation in UN missions in Africa, including the deployment of a training team in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The author concludes by highlighting key Brazil’s engagement in UN peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts on the African continent.

Personnel policy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the period of formation of the foreign service of the Second Polish Republic – posts and official ranks, remuneration, dismissal of the staff

In the interwar period, the Polish Foreign Service was formed in intricate internal circumstances. Polish diplomatic and consular experience was modest. Specific legal regulations, sufficient funds, and adequately prepared personnel were needed. It is significant that the basic division of the Ministry headquarters and the network of foreign missions were established during the first three years of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs operation. They were perfected in the following years. The main purpose of this article is to present some major aspects of the personnel policy (posts and official ranks, remuneration, dismissal of the staff) pursued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs starting since 1918. The amount of the remuneration was connected with the position and rank, and salary at the ministry was very modest, especially in the early years. In order to find savings, there was a considerable staff reduction in the 1920s. However, a substantive and competent team was created despite many difficulties. Detailed instructions were drafted to regulate personnel matters.

ROMANIAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 2020. A CASE-STUDY OF THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND THE CHALLENGES OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC

Romania does not have an electoral code but has a real legislative framework that is the basis for the organization of elections: laws, decisions of the government or of the Permanent Electoral Authority, or decisions of the Central Electoral Bureau. The 2020 parliamentary elections were organized on December 6th, under the special conditions generated by the SARS COV 19 pandemic. It was a complex electoral process involving numerous public institutions and an record number of officials and volunteers. The budgetary effort was approximately 128 million euros. The result: a bicameral legislative body, made up of 330 deputies and 135 senators. The purpose of this paper is to present the way these elections for the constitution of the Legislative Body were organized and conducted, but also to show the need to unify the normative acts that determine the legal framework of the organization of elections. In the first part, I will briefly review the evolution of Romanian parliamentarianism, which begins with the formation of the modern state. The creation of the Romanian democratic state was achieved with considerable difficulty, in a complicated international context, by modernizing the political system, relying on constitutional acts followed by fundamental acts issued under both types of the Romanian political regime (monarchy and republic). In the second part, I will explain the process of organizing the electoral process for the election of members of the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies through the lens of legal provisions, the role of the Permanent Electoral Authority, the Prefect’s institution and the mayors involved in the organization and conduct of elections, but also the activities of electoral experts and of computer operators. We paid special attention to the way elections are organized for the citizens living abroad, both in the polling stations set up with the support of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but also to voting by mail.

A.A. Gromyko and Security Policy: Helsinki compromise (to the 115th anniversary of A.A. Gromyko)

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The subject of the article is the research of the preparation, content and prospects of the development of the Helsinki Compromise. On August 1, 1975, this compromise was enshrined in the final act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The article consists of four sections. The first section is dedicated to the problem of the connections between the Western interpretation of progress and the possible influence on the Western world. This problem will be scientifically examined in further articles. In the second section, the author proves that the main task of A.A. Gromyko in 1975 was to agree on the compromise as quickly as possible and then to begin with the main directions of cooperation between states. In the third section, the author analyzes the content of the compromise. In addition, the most important peculiarity (no existence of a common and specific project for all countries) is highlighted. In the fourth section, the author characterizes A.A. Gromyko's ideas about the prospects of the development of the Helsinki compromise. What is new is the interpretation of the CSCE decisions in 1975, the interpretation of the meaning and contradictions in the Gromyko system. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, the use of which can be explained methodologically. It was important for the author to conduct the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations (outer reflection). The author's reasoning should be understood in the context of his earlier article in the journal.

A.A. Gromyko and Security Policy: Сonceptual Tactics of Diplomacy (to the 115th Anniversary of A.A. Gromyko)

The article deals with the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The author explores the conceptual approaches of diplomatic tactics in the context of strategic thinking. This research is carried out on the basis of the detente project of A.A. Gromyko in 1974. Firstly, the author provides evidence that the ideas and approaches of A.A. Gromyko (the so-called Gromyko system) were approved by the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the state leadership of the USSR. Therefore, A.A. Gromyko took personal responsibility for the success of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Secondly, tactical objectives that Gromyko had to solve in 1974 are analyzed. The author highlights differences between these tasks in the first and second half of the year of negotiations. Thirdly, it is argued that Gromyko’s conditions were presented for the first time in historiography for making the conceptual compromises. Gromyko assumed that the conceptual compromises would remain for 20-30 years. Finally, the article deals with the difficulties faced by the Western partners. These difficulties (the so-called West’s trap) did not allow them to pursue a balanced policy. These difficulties also did not allow the USSR to fully implement the Gromyko system. The article is based on published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany. The author’s conclusions should be considered in the context of his earlier article in the journal.

America against all: The United States’ Struggle to Maintain Global Hegemony

The review article is an analytical study of the fundamental, multifaceted, and highly professional, scientific monograph "America Against All", prepared by a team of authors from the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. Based on the content of the monograph, it examines both the historical aspects of Russian-American relations – including Russia's assistance in preserving U.S. statehood during the Civil War of the 19th century and the sale of Alaska to the Americans – as well as their state during the Cold War, détente in the 1970s, the collapse of the USSR, the post-Soviet period, and the present. The article substantiates that the United States’ inescapable desire for global domination logically follows from concepts of Anglo-Saxon racial superiority, which emerged at the beginning of the twentieth century, over all other races and peoples. It further shows that Congress imbued with Russophobia. has repeatedly impeded the normalization of relations between the United States and Russia, and that the current divide within U.S. society and the risks leading to a new civil war. The article concludes that this monograph is a significant and innovative contribution to the modern development of Russian American studies.

The curious case of vandals: Brazil’s environmental and regional policies in the Bolsonaro years

This paper aims to contribute to the debate on foreign policy strategies of state actors in the international system with a particular focus on policies pursued by far-right populist leaders. On the theoretical level, it builds on role theory and status-seeking strategies drawn from social identity theory (SIT) to offer an enhanced conceptual framework suitable for scrutinising more radical forms of international activism. The theoretical points are then illustrated empirically by exposing the findings from content analysis of Brazilian policymakers’ speeches and their juxtaposition with the Bolsonaro government’s policies in the areas of environmental protection and regional cooperation. The author’s main claim is that President Jair Bolsonaro and his Foreign Affairs Minister Ernesto Araújo, through their rhetoric about cooperation in South America and the Amazon and the actions undertaken by the administration in these fields, envisioned for Brazil the role of vandal. This had substantial consequences for the country’s international standing.

The health work of Capodistrias – historical retrospection of the work and organization of the health care management of the newly established Greek state by its first governor

The present paper aimed to collect and highlight one aspect of the work of Ioannis Capodistrias in an area that has been little explored, the healthcare planning of the newly established Greek state. An overwhelming percentage of the literature referring to the multifaceted personality of Ioannis Capodistrias studies His activity in Italy where he studied Medicine and came into contact with modern knowledge, new ideas and trends, His work as a doctor upon his return to Corfu after the end of his studies, His activity in the political arena of the newly established State of the Ionian Islands, His later life in Russia and then his activity as a diplomat and as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia, His role in the struggle for National rebirth and finally, His work as the first Governor of Greece. His achievements in the European diplomatic arena and his contribution to key issues (such as the Swiss and French issues) aiming at peace on the European continent, his vision for a free Ionian state at the beginning of his diplomatic career and a free Greek state thereafter, are able to give a global picture to the modern scholar of the dynamics of Ioannis Capodistrias as the multifaceted personality he was. The assignment of the governance of the newly established Greek state to Ioannis Capodistrias set the newly established Greek state, impoverished by the war, on a path of development that could stand in Europe together with the important powers of Epirus. However, his assassination violently halted this dynamic of development, constituting in essence the murder of the newly established state of Greece.

Digital Public Diplomacy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs through the Instagram Account @KEMLU_RI Indonesia's G20 Presidency in 2022

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengevaluasi pelaksanaan diplomasi publik digital Kementerian Luar Negeri (Kemlu) melalui media sosial Instagram. Mengingat banyaknya unggahan yang telah dilakukan oleh akun @kemlu_ri, maka penelitian ini akan fokus pada konten presidensi Indonesia dalam G20 tahun 2022. Presidensi G20 dipilih mengingat statusnya sebagai agenda nasional yang memiliki perhatian internasional, baik dari aspek institusi maupun situasi pasca pandemi. Adapun teori/konsep yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah diplomasi publik digital dan media sosial. Sementara metode yang dipakai adalah kualitatif dengan menjadikan unggahan konten @kemlu_ri sebagai sumber data primer ditambah wawancara dengan Direktorat Informasi dan Media, Kemlu, sebagai bentuk verifikasi data. Dari evaluasi yang dilakukan, penulis berpendapat bahwa penggunaan media sosial Instagram sebagai sarana diplomasi publik digital terkait presidensi Indonesia dalam G20 tahun 2022 tidak maksimal. Argumentasi yang diberikan dalam tulisan ini merujuk pada tiga dimensi media sosial dalam diplomasi publik digital, yaitu: (i) agenda-setting; (ii) presence expansion; dan (iii) conversation-generating.

Reframing Human Trafficking: Indonesia’s Diplomacy in Tackling Chinese Mail-Order Bride Cases

The phenomenon of Chinese mail-order brides in Indonesia gained prominence in the 1980s and resurfaced in 2017, particularly affecting regions like West Kalimantan. This research aims to examine Indonesia’s diplomatic strategies in addressing Chinese mail-order brides as human trafficking cases (TPPO) from 2018 to 2021, focusing on engagements between the Indonesian Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Chinese Government. Theoretical frameworks of diplomacy, humanitarian diplomacy, and human security provide the analytical lens for this study. The study employs a qualitative research method, leveraging a comprehensive literature review of official documents, academic sources, and credible news articles. The research findings reveal that poverty, limited education, parental influence, and scarce employment opportunities contribute to the prevalence of mail-order brides. Additionally, cultural perceptions and aspirations for an improved life exacerbate the issue. The Indonesian government, through bilateral diplomacy, has made significant efforts, such as negotiating victim repatriation and enhancing law enforcement collaborations with China. Notable successes include framing mail-order bride cases as TPPO, which facilitated victim repatriation. NGOs like the Indonesian Migrant Workers' Union (SBMI) have played essential roles in advocacy and preventive measures. Despite these efforts, challenges remain, such as differing cultural perspectives between Indonesia and China and regulatory inconsistencies. Governmental complicity and inadequate documentation have further complicated diplomatic resolutions. The research highlights that Indonesia’s strategic reframing of mail-order bride cases as human trafficking crimes enhances international cooperation and offers policy innovation for addressing human rights violations.