Ministerial Positions Research Articles

Más allá del partido: empresarios, tecnócratas y agentes políticos en los gabinetes ministeriales dominicanos

Objective/context: This study analyzes the partisan connections of individuals who attain ministerial positions in the Dominican Republic, identifying the influence of political parties, economic elites, and technical profiles in the formation of presidential cabinets. Methodology: Following the typology proposed by Camerlo and Castaldo, we categorize the partisan profiles of the governments of the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) from 2016 to 2020, and the Modern Revolutionary Party (PRM) from 2020 to 2024. This aims to characterize their internal variation in scenarios of low formal institutionalization that are not captured by traditional dichotomous classifications. Conclusions: The heterogeneity in the influence of party leadership illustrates how Dominican parties diverge from the party government model. The predominance of non-partisan profiles in the core planning ministries, along with the presence of politician- businessmen in the rest of the portfolios, highlights the risk of political capture in this country. Originality: These results call into question the influence of the party as the center of power in dominant presidentialism.

Slovenia: Political Developments and Data in 2023

AbstractThe political arena was lively in Slovenia, even though no elections or referendums were held in 2023. Both the government and all three governmental parties, especially the biggest one, the Freedom Movement, as a new party, experienced considerable turbulence—such as changes in the parliamentary party group and changes in the four ministerial positions falling within that party's quota. Having previously been the successful manager of an energy company, the Prime Minister encountered a multitude of challenges in the political arena. While the government announced many reforms, it managed to deliver substantially less. It also faced many (threats of) strikes and protests, particularly by public sector employees and farmers. Even though in the first year of its term the government enjoyed high public support, by November 2023, the situation was very different, with just 18 per cent of voters assessing its work as (very) positive. Parallel to this, two opposition parties were facing their own challenges.

Autocratic Genderwashing: Gender‐Equality Reforms in Serbia

While gender equality is usually linked with democracy, autocratic regimes frequently take the lead in such reforms. Focusing on the case of Serbia, this article demonstrates how gender equality reforms can be used as instruments of autocratic regimes. As electoral autocracies nowadays depend on international legitimation and support, they need to present a democratic image to the international audience. Very often they achieve this by introducing gender-sensitive policies and increasing the public visibility of women. This study shows that the democratic backsliding evidenced in Serbia since 2016 has been followed by increased attention to gender equality. In recent years, the Serbian parliament has increased the gender quota for national and local parliaments to 40% and passed several important pieces of legislation, including the Law on Prevention of Domestic Violence (2016) and the Gender Equality Law (2021). Additionally, the regime has appointed a record number of women to executive government positions. Since 2017, Serbia has had a lesbian woman serving as a prime minister and the government formed in 2020 was labelled a “women’s government,” with 40% of ministerial positions held by women. This article argues that the regime tends to adopt these democratic reforms while, at the same time, manipulating their meaning to advance a conservative agenda and bolster anti-gender mobilizations. These different—often contradictory—strategies help the regime address a variety of audiences—both international and domestic—and gain their recognition.

Distribution of Seats in the New 2021 Czech Government Coalition in Terms of Coalition Theories and Power Indices of Political Parties

This study is theoretically anchored in the office-seeking approach and coalition theory of political science. It is based on the most widespread theories of portfolio distribution in executive and legislative bodies (proportionality, power index, voting weights), and it tests these theories using data related to coalition negotiations in the Czech Republic for the new 2021 government coalition, a case of a surplus majority government. The study investigates the distribution of ministerial positions in the government, the office of President (Speaker) of the Chamber of Deputies, and the chairs of permanent parliamentary committees. The analysis also explores the types of electoral coalitions formed; the SPOLU coalition was a superadditive coalition, while the PirSTAN coalition was only an additive coalition. Grounded in the theory of electoral games, the Shapley-Shubik and Banzhaf power indices and the theory of coalition formation are applied in order to analyse the possible minimal winning coalitions that could be formed following the 2021 elections to the Chamber of Deputies.

The Legitimation Process of the Hilltop Youth

Abstract Over the years, the ‘hilltop youth’ have acted in opposition to both Israeli state authorities and the settler leadership. Israeli society viewed them as a group acting to realize an extremist religious ideology while violating Israeli law and ignoring the state's decisions. However, after coming to feel that their social position was making it difficult for them to realize their vision, they embarked upon a process of trying to gain political legitimacy. By turning to mass media and by disseminating messages with which the public at large could identify, they have worked to move closer to Israeli consensus opinion. We identify the steps through which this was carried out and trace its success. The process reached a significant point in 2023 when politicians identified with the hilltop youth took up important ministerial positions in government, marking their transition from actors who opposed the state to ones responsible for its decisions.

Tracing Gender Norms in the Political Sphere: A Study on the Nizamabad (Urban) Assembly Constituency of Telangana

This paper seeks to analyze the political representation of women in India in the present times. Females, who account for 48.46% of India’s population (2011 Census), are quite under-represented in the Indian Parliament, although their representation in both the Houses of the Parliament, as well as in ministerial positions, has been increasing gradually. There is a significant prevalence of Sarpanch Pati, and husbands overriding the power of elected wives, in the political sphere. This paper seeks to understand the behaviour and opinion of respondents regarding this issue, with the help of qualitative interviews that were conducted in the Nizamabad Urban Assembly Constituency of Telangana. The open-ended questions resulted in the descriptive opinion of the respondents. The study highlighted the fact that the mindset of the voters is still against the active role of women in politics. The research found that 57% of the respondents feel that in politics, there is a need for male assistance for women. This implies the existence of gender inequality and patriarchal gender norms in the political sphere. Nonetheless, it is hoped that the new women’s reservation bill can shatter the prevailing glass ceiling, in the political arena.

Defector Politicians and Economic Growth: Evidence from India

Political defectors refer to politicians who switch parties. This paper uses a close-election regression discontinuity (RD) model to estimate the impact of electing political defectors to Indian state legislatures on economic growth (proxied by night-light growth) in their electoral constituencies. I estimate that the election of a defector from the governing party causes a 0.13–0.48 percentage point (2–7.5%) increase in annual GDP growth in their constituency. Further, I find strong evidence that this increased growth is not driven by time-invariant ways in which defectors differ from non-defectors. Therefore, defectors improve economic outcomes in their constituencies either because (1) Defection provides politicians with resources and influence (for example in the form of ministerial positions) that they use to benefit their constituents, or because (2) Parties recruit politicians with increasing political influence, status or competence for defection. The evidence on which of these two channels explains the effect is inconclusive.

Consolidating Progress: The Selection of Female Ministers in Autocracies and Democracies

Though governments historically have been a men’s club, women are increasingly gaining access. We argue that democratic institutions are important drivers of women’s inclusion in government. This stems from the rationales of autocratic versus democratic leaders when selecting ministers. Autocrats fear a coup by inner-circle elites, who are mostly men, incentivizing them to assign ministerial positions as co-optation. In contrast, democratic leaders are accountable to the citizenry through elections and must satisfy increasing demands for gender equality. Furthermore, we argue that it is historical experience with democracy that matters, rather than the level, as it takes time to create an even playing field, change attitudes, and generate trust in democracy. To support this, we contribute with the first study using the most comprehensive dataset, WhoGov, on women’s access to cabinets. Overall, we show that democracy is a process that gradually enables women to enter the highest echelons of power.

CONCURRENT MINISTERIAL POSITIONS: CONSTITUTIONAL AND AL-MAWARDI PERSPECTIVES

Concurrent positions is a political phenomenon that is very widespread nowadays in Indonesia, especially the concurrent ministerial positions from party cadres to even the general chairman of the party. This concurrent position results in the emergence of problems that are very vulnerable to abuse of power and conflicts of interest. The purpose of this study is to find out the arrangements for multiple ministerial posts based on article 23 of the law on state ministries, to find out Al-Mawardi's opinion on the issue of multiple positions, and to find out how the concept of an ideal ministerial position will be in the future. In this study the research method used by researchers is normative juridical, namely the statutory approach and the doctrinal approach. From a juridical perspective, the prohibition of concurrent ministerial positions has been regulated in Article 23 of law number 39 of 2008 concerning state ministries. But in that article the prohibition of holding multiple ministerial posts is not specifically regulated. Implicitly, Al-Mawardi explained that a minister must focus on devoting himself to the head of state in particular and the state in general. Because ministers must be the eyes and ears of the head of state, that is, they are required to be sensitive and observant about a problem that exists in that country. A minister must build integrity in the ministry to prevent the emergence of power instability. Therefore, an alternative concept for dealing with multiple ministerial positions can use a meritocracy system or zaken cabinet so that in the future ministers with ideal specifications will not result in conflicts of interest and abuse of power.Keywords: Concurrent positions, Minister, Constitutional, Al-Mawardi.

ASSESSMENT OF COMPETENCES OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA

The Government of the Republic of Lithuania is a state governance body that changes every four years. Good state governance is also essential for politicians to gain the trust of the citizens living in the country. The importance of state governance is critical because it depends on the wellfunctioning functions of government. Since the beginning of the restoration of independence, seventeen governments have completed their terms, and the eighteenth government is currently in power. The paper analyses the composition of the last ten governments in Lithuania (1999-2022) and the appointment of individuals to ministerial positions, categorising them as either politicians or specialists in their respective fields. Out of the ten governments analysed, it was discovered that eight consisted of politicians serving as ministers, while the other two had specialised ministers. The 17th government of Saulius Skvernelis had the highest number of specialist ministers. The majority of ministers in the 9th to 15th governments had backgrounds in law or economics. Political ministers are the dominant type in Lithuania and can be considered more stable and successful. These ministers are capable of withstanding political pressure, engaging with the public, and handling a variety of diplomatic situations. Specialist ministers, on the other hand, excel in their specific fields but are better suited for lower levels of government to support political ministers. These ministers tend to be less stable, experiencing more frequent changes during their tenure. Professional specialists face challenges in political work, as effectively identifying societal and workplace issues becomes more difficult due to factors such as communication, public interaction, reform drafting, and decision-making. The 15th government led by Andrius Kubilius was the most successful in terms of stability and duration in office.

A “lifeline out of the COVID‐19 crisis”? An ecofeminist critique of the European Green Deal

A “lifeline out of the <scp>COVID</scp>‐19 crisis”? An ecofeminist critique of the European Green Deal

Uloga Francuske u osnaživanju nauke u Srbiji i na Zapadnom Balkanu - između naučne saradnje i naučne diplomatije

France has a long tradition of cultural and scientific influence in the Balkan region, and historically especially in Serbia and in the countries formed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Kingdom of Yugoslavia). The aforementioned influence, which followed its economic and political influence, was founded not only on the basis of the Alliance in the Great War (1914-1918), but primarily on the basis of the education and training of the Serbs and Balkans at the Sorbonne and at other French universities. After returning to their homeland, they not only occupied key positions in the state administration and reached ministerial positions, but also founded scientific disciplines and continued cooperation with their French professors and scientists. This historically long scientific cooperation, which showed elements of "science diplomacy", was also a foundation for creating France's scientific cooperation with Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania (the countries of the Western Balkans, under which France also includes Kosovo*1 ). Through the analysis of available documents, press, interviews and statements of officials and diplomats, as well as scientists participating in joint projects, our main goal is to research the role of France in strengthening scientific cooperation in Serbia and the Western Balkans. Qualitative and quantitative analysis of the results of the "Pavle Savić" cooperation program, scientific cooperation in the Danube region and ES-Balk program, enable the observation of France's activities in the Balkans in the context of the scope of scientific diplomacy. Our research shows that since the Strategy for the Western Balkans (2019), France has been continuously committed to the development of political, economic and cultural cooperation with the countries in the Balkans, with more intensive scientific cooperation in accordance with the basic principles of France's science diplomacy strategy. It is observed that France insists on regional projects in the field of science, which contain a strong European component. Paper give recommendations for further cooperation in the field of science. The focus is on the special importance of the transfer of knowledge and the role of science in the framework of diplomacy, and therefore the role of France in the Balkans will also be research through this prism.

ANALISIS LARANGAN RANGKAP JABATAN MENTERI DALAM PARTAI POLITIK BERDASARKAN UNDANG -UNDANG PASAL 23 NOMOR 39 TAHUN 2008

Currently, Indonesia is experiencing a polemic about the existence of multiple positions by ministers in the head of a political party. In this case, a big problem arises, one of which is the abuse of power. The purpose of this research is to analyze and examine more deeply about the prohibition of concurrent ministerial positions in political parties based on Law article 23 Number 39 of 2008. The research method used by the author is library research. The purpose of this research method is to examine the object of discussion in the form of written sources in order to obtain clear data and facts by relying on various literatures that have a close relationship with the object of discussion in this study. As for this research, the researcher uses the Statute Approach. By using this legal approach, of course, Article 23 Number 39 of 2008 concerning Concurrent Ministerial Positions in Political Parties will be reviewed in order to be used as a barometer in order to provide justification for the object being studied by researchers regarding Concurrent Ministerial Positions in Political Parties. The results of this study are according to Law Article 23 Number 39 of 2008 the State Ministry discusses the prohibition of concurrent positions. However, in the implementation of Law Article 23 Number 39 of 2008 there are actually multiple interpretations of the existence of the law. In order to avoid multiple interpretations, it is necessary to give firmness. The government should review the law again, and then make improvements to the State Ministry Law.&#x0D; Keywords: Minister; Double job; Political parties

Committee assignment patterns in fragmented multiparty settings: Party personnel practices and coalition management

This paper addresses the way parties assign members to parliamentary committees in fragmented multiparty settings. Thus, it analyzes how the two most central institutions of parliamentary politics––political parties and parliamentary committees––interact with one another. To the best of our knowledge, no research into this subject has systematically explored the intersection of considerations based on individual legislator characteristics and coalition management in committee assignment. Using Israel as our case study, we show that legislators' expertise modestly shapes committee assignment patterns. However, parties in coalition often have another set of considerations to take into account when assigning members to committees. We show that parties in coalition do not only bargain on ministerial positions or committee chairs––they also bargain on their members’ assignment to committees and use this resource to allow (or hinder) each other to augment influence and control in a given policy area, or to perform affective monitoring.

Finland: Political Developments and Data in 2021

AbstractIn 2021, Finland implemented the long‐planned health, social and rescue services reform under the new regional governance framework. The Covid‐19 vaccinations were issued and the pandemic governance debated as the minister responsible wanted to maintain tighter control. Pandemic fatigue was emerging and measures were lifted in October, only to be restored in December due to the Omicron variant of Covid‐19. A new populist‐splinter party emerged, speeded by contestation of the pandemic measures. As Finland made a large‐scale investment in US‐based fighter jets, NATO collaboration and Russian security concerns were discussed at the end of the year. Women remained strong in Finnish political leadership, and there were also some related changes in ministerial positions. The Finnish municipalities chose their councils for the last time independent of the regional elections. The municipal elections, delayed due to the pandemic to June, indicated the status of party competition at the time.

Who’s fit for the job? Allocating ministerial portfolios to outsiders and experts

AbstractWhy do parties appoint outsiders and experts to ministerial positions? Extant research offers explanations based on institutional arrangements and external shocks (e.g. political or economic crises). We go beyond such system-level variables to argue that the characteristics of ministerial appointees are a function of the portfolio they are being appointed to. Drawing on theories of political delegation, we argue that outsider and expert appointments to ministerial office are affected by a portfolio’s policy jurisdiction, its financial resources and appointment powers, and the partisan leanings of the ministerial bureaucracy. We test these arguments on all appointments of senior and junior ministers in Austria between 1945 and 2020. The analysis shows that outsiders are more likely to be appointed to ministries with greater party support in the bureaucracy, while experts are more likely appointed to portfolios dealing with high-salience issues.

Pinpointing the Chinese Nomenklatura: An Index to Rank China’s Leadership Positions

ABSTRACT In China, too many leadership positions are assigned to the same broad administrative levels, creating difficulty in distinguishing their specific political rankings. Pinpointing their exact political significance, this study proposes an index using the common joint appointments of party and government positions in the Chinese Nomenklatura. After coming up with the index, to demonstrate applicability, this article uses it first to assess China’s provincial-level positions and then extend it down to prefecture-level and up to Central ministerial positions. The authors believe that this new index enables better observation and interpretation of China’s leadership transfers and, consequently, improves researchers’ understanding of the prospects of Chinese politicians and the dynamics of the Chinese polity.

Assessment of Women Representation in Nigerian Politics

This paper critically examined the women representation in Nigerian politics with particular reference to elective and ministerial positions. The objectives of this paper are to ascertain if there has been an improvement in women representation in political position, find out if the present women representation in political position has realized the affirmative action and identify the factors undermining the rise of women representation in political position in Nigeria. The liberal feminist theory was adopted as the framework for analysis. Data were collected through secondary source using the documentary method and the content analysis and the simple percentage method was adopted for data analysis. The paper revealed that there is no improvement in women representation in elective positions and ministerial positions and the level of women representation in politics has not realized the affirmative action. In addition, it was observed that issue of funding, insecurity, culture, male domination in political parties etc. posed challenge to the rise of women representation in Nigerian politics. The paper suggested for encouragement of women participation in politics, sensitization and enlightenment of the public for support of women representation in politics, reduction of electoral violence etc.

Political, Socal and Economic Rights of the Dhimmis in the Buyid (334-447/ 945- 1055)

(Ahl al‐dhimma) are free non-Muslims, minorities (Christian, Jewish, Sabia's, Zardashti) who enjoy Muslim protection.&nbsp; They all have the same rights as Muslims, and this right came under this law (They have what the Muslims have, and they have what they owe). Ahl al‐dhimma had all rights and duties there were not any differences with Muslims. But for not doing military services they have to give Jizya to the state, whereas Muslims had to pay Zakah and tax to the state more than them. Ahl al‐dhimma had all political, management, economical and social rights. The state had given them all rights in all aspects of life. And they could succeed to get all their rights and they had the ability to participate in&nbsp; governmental buildings and all sectors, and no one can ever deny their pivotal role in management, trade and agriculture. Furthermore, they had a great relationship with Muslims, and they went to Muslim weddings and invitations. Therefore, they as a minority could get lots of ministerial positions and gain Bwaihi trust. Moreover, they had a great role in management, helping the states in terms of agriculture, trade and theft prevention. In addition, Non-Muslims had a great social interaction with Muslims in alleys and cities where they had lived.

The Territorial Dimension of Ministerial Selection in Spain: Constrained Consociationalism under Majoritarian Cabinets

Although frequently depicted as a purely majoritarian system, the recruitment of executive elites in Spain is said to incorporate unofficial ‘quotas’ allowing the representation of territorial minorities. But does the selection of cabinet ministers in Spain produce consociational-like effects? This study aims to answer this question through a statistical model based on an original dataset of 223 cabinet ministers and 375 appointments from 1977 to 2021. It is demonstrated that territorial selection depends on three main variables: the regional educational level, the marginalization of plurilingual autonomous communities and the exclusion of ethno-regionalist parties at the Congress. Consequently, our main hypothesis must be rejected. The main reason explaining the lack of the consociational ministerial recruitment phenomenon in Spain seems to rely on the behaviour of ethno-regionalist parties at the Congress. To avoid potential electoral losses, these actors have developed a strong preference for national policies favouring their own constituencies, rather than for ministerial positions within the Spanish cabinet.