Military Terrorism Research Articles

Memories in between: Daughters from the Chilean diaspora in Sweden speak about their mothers

While literature on memory and dictatorship in Latin America is extensive and narratives departing from the memories of children are evolving, the (gendered) intergenerational processes at the core of the experience of military terror, from the specific location of the diaspora, have so far been marginal in both research and in public debates. What is the language through which collective experiences of violence and political persecution are told to the next generation in diaspora contexts? What does it mean to articulate narratives from the dictatorship in Chile with memories emerging from the diaspora located in Sweden? This understanding is a vital point of departure in our study of young female adults whose parents came to Sweden after the Pinochet military takeover, a group that we here refer to as the daughters of the Chilean diaspora in Sweden.

Combating the financing of terrorism in the conditionsof military aggression on the territory of Ukraine

The article analyzes modern terrorist threats in the context of military operations on the territory of Ukraine, which are associated not only with terrorist attacks on critical infrastructure facilities, but also with the active use of financial assets, the latest technologies and innovative financial instruments. An analysis of the concepts of «military terrorism», «financing of terrorism», as well as of the Ukrainian system of combating the legalization of proceeds of crime, financing of terrorism, was carried out, which allowed to identify and assess the main trends and directions of development of such countermeasures, to indicate the existing shortcomings and develop mechanisms for improving the analyzed system at the local and international level. A conclusion was reached on the need to strengthen interdepartmental and interstate cooperation, to establish links between regional anti-terrorist structures of law enforcement and special services, and to use units and units of the armed forces in the fight against military terrorism.

BANKING SYSTEM OF UKRAINE: CURRENT CHALLENGES AND DEVELOPMENT TRENDS

Introduction. The domestic economy has been operating under conditions of military terror for more than a month, and the stability and predictability of the functioning of the national banking system are of great importance here. Work in the conditions of martial law became to some extent a stress test for Ukrainian banks. In today's conditions, an effective process of verifying the reliability of banks is of critical importance for the financial stability of both business and the population. Methods. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research is the fundamental provisions of general economic theories, general theories of development. In order to achieve the set goal, the methods of analysis, synthesis and generalization are applied in the article, in particular to determine the directions of development of the banking system. A systematic method was used to substantiate the proposals regarding the prospects for the development of banks in the conditions of military aggression. Series of dynamics, average values, comparison, graphic methods are used in the evaluation of the dynamics of loans; estimates of the amount of loans, rates of increase in the assets of the banking system and the authorized capital of banks. The results. The peculiarities of the development of the banking system of Ukraine at the current stage are considered. The impact of the military-political crisis on the work of the banking sector of the economy is determined. The rates and reasons for growth in the volume of assets of the banking system of Ukraine were assessed. The specific weight of banking assets in the country's GDP over the past five years has been analyzed. The causes and extent of the decrease in the authorized capital of banks have been studied. It has been proven that lending is the area of banking business that suffered the most from military aggression. The development trends of the Ukrainian banking system in the conditions of the military-political crisis are determined. The complex of anti-crisis measures applied by bank management was evaluated. A retrospective assessment of subjective and objective factors influencing the functioning of the banking system was carried out and the prospects for its development were outlined. Discussion. The obtained results of the research can be used for further scientific developments regarding the restoration of the banking system of Ukraine in the conditions of military aggression with the help of state support of credit programs for enterprises in important spheres of the national economy. Keywords: banking, management, commercial bank, the National Bank of Ukraine, financial crisis, regulatory capital, the banking sector.

The role of digital technologies in the adaptation of citizens of Ukraine to military aggression by the Russian Federation

Introduction. During the period of military aggression and military terrorism on the part of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine, digital technologies play a very important role in the timely receipt of operational information for physical survival, notifications about actual changes in the infrastructure, and communication between the state and citizens. New services have been created or existing ones adapted to military needs, which are filled with official up-to-date information, providing users with opportunities to save lives and adapt to the ever-changing military conditions. The article examines digital solutions created by the state and its representatives, which can be effective tools that complement adaptive coping strategies in the conditions of hybrid warfare. Purpose of the article is to identify examples of applications, channels, chats and other digital solutions suitable as auxiliary tools for the application of various categories of adaptive coping strategies. Methodology. A scientific analysis of the stress level of Ukrainian citizens during the period of military aggression by the Russian Federation and the coping strategies used by them to reduce the stress level was conducted. It is shown that for the effective use of digital solutions that save the lives of citizens during the war, a basic or average level of digital literacy is required in accordance with the digital competence testing of Digigrams, especially in the indicator "information literacy, ability to work with data". The transformation of the city's digital service during the war was considered using the Kyiv Digital application as an example. Results. The presence of digital services available for installation on mobile devices, which are suitable for use in coping strategies focused on problem solving, and the insufficiency of the number of digital services that could become tools for supplementing coping strategies focused on emotional states were revealed. It was determined that the creation of digital services aimed at solving basic needs during the hybrid war became a forced incentive to increase the average level of digital literacy of Ukrainians. It has been found that a sufficient number of digital solutions have been developed to help citizens survive in wartime, but digital services are lacking as tools for coping strategies to balance The uniqueness of the Ukrainian experience of the use of digital technologies by the state in the period of hybrid warfare compared to the experience of other countries and recognition of the value of this experience at the Smart City 2022 World Congress is determined. An example of the introduction of digital solutions for the security and warning of citizens is given - the German national Cell Broadcast notification system. Conclusions. Based on the obtained results, the need for digital services and technologies aimed at reducing the stress level of Ukrainian citizens, for their mental health and psychological assistance after psychological trauma from military operations in the country, is theoretically substantiated

The national idea of the Alash movement

The Alash movement is a unique page of history that acquired special significance in the life of the Kazakh people at the beginning of the twentieth century. The history of the Alash movement is so relevant for today’s generation that its relevance is inextricably linked with the selfless love for their nation, devotion to the Motherland, in the life and socio-political activities of our Arys, who were its representatives. The leaders of Alash, as well as the leading scientists of that time, were educated in regional elite universities, became intelligent personalities. Not only the Kazakh people, but also the countries that became dependent on the tsarist Russian Empire, were Alash figures who, during the political events of the early twentieth century, during the two revolutions that swept the country, accurately determined the direction that was beneficial for their nation. The activity of the Alash-Ars was not only a policy, but also a direction of work organized and aimed at solving social problems, the life of the Kazakh people as part of tsarist Russia.In particular, with regard to the size and types of taxes that require improving the lives of the Kazakh people, he writes a petition exposing the agrarian policy pursued by the tsar, and openly highlights the problem. Key words: Alash, “nationalist”, “Alashorda”, “enemy of the people”, “Aikap”, “Kazakh” monarchy, October, February, revolution, Bolsheviks, military terror, intelligentsia, communist, methodology.

Canine counterinsurgency in Indian-occupied Kashmir

In this article, we analyze contemporary discourses of counterinsurgency in relation to dogs in Kashmir, the disputed northernmost Himalayan territory of Jammu and Kashmir, and the site of a prolonged military occupation. We are interested in the widespread presence of street dogs in Kashmir as both embodiments and instruments of military terror. We consider the competing narratives of how canines function variously in Kashmiri perceptions of counterinsurgency and in Indian nationalist discourses. Through ethnographic and cultural analyses, we track how street dogs appear in various cultural and public narratives as the Indian military’s “first line of defense,” and the ways in which their overwhelming presence produces deep anxieties about the nature and extent of the military occupation of Kashmir.

The Revolution of 1903 in Serbia in the eyes of Russian Contemporaries

The beginning of 20th century became for Serbia not just as the next step on time stairs, but radically changed all further history of country. The revolution on May 29, 1903, having finished autocracy of last Obrenoviches, opened page of constitutionality and national foreign policy of Karageorgevich dynasty [Yugoslaviya v XX v. 2011]. In Serbian historiography this short period of history of Kingdom of Serbia is often treated as the Golden Age of Serbian parliamentarism. Some of authors even believe that beginning of 20th century Serbians created modern system of parliamentary democracy, having brought closer country to the European samples in political plan. Inside politics of Kingdom of Serbia after revolution of 1903 undergo of certain transformations. Serious changes concerned Serbian political parties. In particular, Liberal party morph into People's party; Serbian Progressive Party was revived in 1906. The first elections after revolution, also gave vast majority to radicals, however split among Serbian radicals which first symptoms were shown in 1901, raised Russian contemporaries doubts in ability of radicals to take responsibility for effective management of country at that military terror which, apparently, finally triumphed now in Belgrade.

Arson, Treason and Plot: Britain, America and the Law, 1770-1777

The problems of arson, treason and national security became entangled in the politics of Britain and its Atlantic empire between 1770 and 1777. Fears of French military terrorism were compounded by the increasingly violent resistance of the American colonies. Two dockyard fires in Portsmouth, in 1770 and 1777, and the attack on, and burning of, the royal navy ship Gaspee off Rhode Island in 1772, provoked both legal and political difficulties for the British government. New laws on arson and treason were passed yet proved almost impossible to implement in full outside England.

Crossing the Rubicon: Making a Case for Refining the Classification of Jihadist Terrorism

This paper posits that our current understanding of Jihadist Terrorism as a monolithic sub-type of Political Terrorism is flawed and that as a result our governments counter this threat with inappropriately-adapted methods. The author argues: (A) There is a <em>sub-type</em> of Jihadist Terrorism that is more consistent with Walter’s ‘Military Terrorism’ or Feldman and Hinojosa’s ‘Guerrilla Warfare’ than within the typology of Political Terrorism; (B) The author-proposed sub-type of ‘War Terrorism’ should be accepted, examined, defined, and established; and (C) Establishing the author’s sub-type will allow western democracies to devise better counter-terrorism strategies while protecting the civil liberties of their citizens.

Book Review: Displacing Human Rights: War and Intervention in Northern Uganda

Adam Branch, Displacing Human Rights: War and Intervention in Northern Uganda, New York, Oxford University Press, 336 pages, 78-0-19-978208-6, 2011, Price: £45.00 Having undergone extensive empirical research and personal participation particularly in the field of human rights activism- Adam Branch has woven a masterpiece - the ironical Human Rights intervention that has been played out in Uganda during its twenty years long civil war. This book is not only invaluable in its contribution to knowledge building on the concept of intervention and its misuse; it is a shocking eye opener that effectively reveals the motive behind the haloed noble institutions of humanitarianism. This book is unique because it is extended case studies of Uganda, where the author became part of the action.Branch effectively manages to uncover the duplicity and complicity of the various humanitarian agencies, donors, human rights activists, World Bank, ICC, International NGOs and AFRICOM- in exacerbating anti- civilian violence, prolonging war and emboldening the Ugandan government in its refusal to be accountable to the Acholi in the name of its anti- insurgency measures. 'From relief aid to development to peace building to international law enforcement'- all ostensible humanitarian endeavours, according to Branch, just went on to complicate and increase the sufferings of those they claimed to ameliorate. The despair felt by the Acholis was suitably expressed in the statement quoted by Branch- 'despite the hundreds of millions of dollars spent by aid agencies and donors in the conflict zone; despite their increasing involvement in economic, social and cultural life; and despite their incessant declarations that they are promoting peace and human rights, nothing changes'.In a structured manner, Branch begins with the refutation of the myth of 'internally displaced people' perpetuated by the Ugandan government which was actually responsible for launching military terror to round up and place the Acholis in prison camps for the purpose of concentrated and easy surveillance to crush any dissent to its arbitrary and authoritarian political control. He highlights the fact that it was this forcible displacement that created the humanitarian crises and not the other way round as portrayed by the interventionists.Enchasing on a meticulously developed portrayal of Africa as 'one large terrain of afflicted humanity, as a continent of mere humans without meaningful social or political life'; the western powers exhort people to empathize with the cause of suffering humanity and thus allocate upon themselves the noble task of alleviating their suffering. This image of Africa according to Branch entails a basic inequality where it relegates its populace to a category of humans incapable of managing their own affairs or solving their own problems- as though suffering from gross intellectual deficit. At the same time, it arrogates upon the interventionists a persona of highly developed social, political and economic global powers who are responsible redeemers.Abusing the moral high ground of human rights, these interventions have been grossly detrimental to peace, human rights and justice- nullifying the attempts of the Acholi people to carve out any peaceful solution by themselves- this was done by 'undermining popular political agency by repressing autonomous communication, organization and action which are the substance of civil and political rights and provide the foundation for democracy'. Branch highlights the politicizing of relief aid distribution that connived to negatively brand those who refused the aid- denying any rights of freedom of individual expression- acting as a tool of disciplining and subjugationHe then moves on to provide a detailed historical account of politics behind the northern Ugandan conflict, beginning from the colonial times up to the presenttracing the internal and national political crises of the Acholi and the virulent turn it has taken after the commencement of their internment by the Ugandan government in the name of anti- insurgency measures that acquired ready support from the west that chose to portray Ugandan government as benevolent and in need of humanitarian support. …

Argentine Military Terrorism (1976–1983): Insatiable Desire, Disappearances, and Eruption of the Traumatic Gaze-Real in Alejandro Agresti's Film Buenos Aires Viceversa (1996)

Argentine Military Terrorism (1976–1983): Insatiable Desire, Disappearances, and Eruption of the Traumatic Gaze-Real in Alejandro Agresti's Film Buenos Aires Viceversa (1996)

Becoming a Committed Insider

In this paper I explore and exemplify the processes through which youngsters become committed insiders of countercultural youth groups and how under-aged (child) soldiers go through a similar process of transformation to become members of what I will call a ‘community of military terror’. Finally, I discuss the extent to which the experience of more extreme counter-cultural groups and communities can be accommodated into the ‘community of practice’ concept (Lave, 1988; Wenger, 1998), and, when not possible, the modifications needed to achieve accommodation.

For la Patria: Politics and the Armed Forces in Latin America

Drawing largely on secondary sources, Brian Loveman has written a careful history of Latin American militaries and their involvement in civilian affairs. His work is impressive for its breadth. Loveman begins with the origins of the military’s self-perception in the reconquista and the colonial period, and then uses nationalism and nation building as unifying concepts to show how the military adapted its old ideals to the nineteenth century. With this approach, Loveman successfully illustrates the extent to which the experience of Latin American militaries paralleled each other into the modern era. For example, in his section on foreign military missions, Loveman carefully explains why military modernization was accompanied by the armed forces’ increasing use of apolitical and often antidemocratic rhetoric throughout Latin America.Loveman’s impressive knowledge of twentieth-century civil-military relations lends the latter half of the book special depth. Chapters six, seven, and eight capture the naïveté and paternalism that colored the U.S. relationship with Latin America throughout the cold war. This ignorance sometimes permitted Latin American militaries to manipulate the U.S. to achieve institutional goals. With the end of the cold war, regional armies believed that they had been victorious. Loveman describes how these armies justified their earlier abuses during authoritarian rule, while they also rethought their role in the new international context. At the same time, U.S. interest in Latin America waned rapidly after 1989 as authoritarian regimes abandoned power to democracies. Loveman perceptively explains why Latin American militaries are coming to see the United States, their former ally, as their new enemy. This fear of the United States —as well as the United Nations and nongovernmental organizations (a.k.a. NGOs)—is a truly regional perception that unites military officers from Argentina to El Salvador. It is also the most important change in military thought since the onset of the cold war.Like the best recent scholarship on the Latin American military, Loveman examines these armed forces without either accepting the wealth of myths that these militaries have created around themselves, or depicting them as monolithic institutions. His work provides insight into the internal divisions, personal foibles, ideological contests, and pervasive corruption that shaped military affairs. Loveman also discusses important subjects such as military terror without allowing his work to degenerate into a polemic. This careful, dispassionate approach creates a reflective study that sheds light on key topics such as state formation and political modernization.For all its assets, however, this book could have been strengthened by more information comparing Brazil’s history with that of Spanish America. For example, in his brief reference to the creation of the Brazilian empire, Loveman seemed to equate the political chaos that followed independence in Spanish America with the experience of Brazil. This section might instead have contrasted how Portuguese America gained its independence with the violent process in neighboring republics, to explain Brazil’s relative stability. In the broader context of his work, however, this is only a minor caveat. Loveman’s book is a perceptive, jargon-free, carefully organized, and well-written study that should become a staple in undergraduate classes on Latin American politics.

The war in Chechnya

recent in Chechnya, despite all the media coverage, remains a confusing tangle for many people. was the result of many conflicting political, economic, judicial, and military issues that had been fermenting for decades. Only the most fundamental goals became clearly visible: for Moscow, the preservation of its territorial integrity; for Chechens, the struggle for national independence. In this carefully researched and extensively documented study, Stasys Knezys and Romanas Sedlickas examine the Chechnyan from a military viewpoint. As they evenhandedly depict the strengths and weaknesses of both the Russians and Chechens, the authors consider how and why Russia, with one of the world's largest armies, failed to subdue the Chechens, and how the Chechens fought among themselves, yet also fought off the Russian Goliath. One reason the Chechens had the success they did was the expansion of the relationship of politics and war to the triangle of politics, war, and terrorism. Knezys and Sedlickas examine this question: Is military terrorism . . . a new tactical element, ensuring the success of a small country's resistance to a powerful army? The War in Chechnya does not answer all the questions raised by this war, but it presents comprehensive, objective, impartial information about the military strategy and nature and conduct of operations on both sides to allow the reader to begin to answer some of those questions. Military analysts and historians, political scientists, and Eastern European scholars will find The War in Chechnya an illuminating analysis of the military operations there and a valuable source of information for further studies.

Military Terror and Silence in Brazil, 1910–1945

Throughout the twentieth century, the Brazilian military has gone to great lengths to conceal its use of terror. The armed forces have kidnapped journalists, censored newspapers, and threatened authors. Such censorship and silencing have not only limited criticism from powerful social groups, but have also enabled the military to defend political myths that are in its interest. To date, however, few scholars have carefully examined military terror in Brazil, although testimonials abound. In order to better understand this phenomenon, consequently, this study examines two specific cases of military terror in Brazil, and the armed forces' efforts to silence or shape the memory of these events.

Book reviews : Ten Years' Military Terror in Indonesia Edited by MALCOLM CALDWELL (Nottingham, Spokesman Books, 1975). 299pp. Cloth £7.00, Paper £3.00

Book reviews : Ten Years' Military Terror in Indonesia Edited by MALCOLM CALDWELL (Nottingham, Spokesman Books, 1975). 299pp. Cloth £7.00, Paper £3.00

Rise and Fall of the Zulu Power

The Zulu kingdom is not extinct. It survives in the imaginations of many Bantu people, and remains latent in their social practices. Historically, it is as old as modern France, but it remained an independent state for a brief seven decades, its glory ending in the Zulu War of 1879. The period is spanned by the reigns of five monarchical figures: Dingiswayo (c. 1808–1818), who laid the foundations; Shaka (1816–1828), who established the kingdom and ruled at the zenith of Zulu power; Dingane (1828–1840), who continued the despotism as European settlers began to entrench upon the Zulu domain; Mpande (1840–1872), whose sovereignty was limited by accommodation first to Boer, then to British, power; Cetshwayo (1872–1884), who sought to break free but lost independence in a war against the British. Shaka stands out as the greatest of them all—both Romulus and Napoleon to the Zulu people—and his legend has captured the imaginations of both European and African writers, inspiring novels, biographies, and historical studies in several tongues. As a violent autocrat he is both admired and condemned: admired by those who love conquerors, condemned by those who hate despots. The internal transformations wrought by his regime were accompanied by enormous devastation and dislocation throughout South and Central Africa, disrupting a third of the continent. Some estimates of the slaughter in Shaka's total wars and in the mass migrations caused by them have placed the number of dead at close to two million. It is also estimated that by 1820 Shaka had deprived some three hundred tribes of their independence, had commanded a force of more than a hundred thousand warriors, and had brought half a million souls under his rule. Several of his generals fled with their armies to make empires of their own. Thus, even after his day had passed, Shaka's influence remained, for his model of military despotism was replicated in kingdoms such as the Matebele under Mzilikazi in Southern Rhodesia and the Gasa (Shangane) under Soshangane in Portuguese East Africa, and in several groups of Ngoni north of the Zambezi River. These kingdoms for some years preserved the Zulu pattern, coupling internal despotic power with external military terrorism.

Military Terrorism in Japan

Military Terrorism in Japan