Military Struggle Research Articles

Silk Road in the aftermath of Arab conquest: Trade routes traversing Azerbaijan

The article summarizes the outcomes of the clash between Khazar Turks and Muslim Arabs in wars for the South Caucasus. More than hundred years of permanent military struggle stabilized the border along Great Caucasus Range and inevitably resulted in a search for partnership options to resume mutually advantageous long-distance trade on Silk Roads. Located on the northern littoral lands of the Caspian the Khazar khaganate occupied important space on the juncture of nomadic Eurasian steppes and lands populated by various northern peoples, Finno-Ugrian and Slavic tribes. Starting from the end of VIII century Scandinavian merchants and warriors emerged in the region claiming for their share in international trade by swords and loads of commercial goods. The article describes the system of trade communications and control established by Khazar khaganate involving various nations to Silk Road trade, as well as analyses magisterial trade routes of the time of Arab-Khazar partnership in trade. Tracking of trade flows and description of trade structure and commodities allow to conclude that magisterial trade routes went traversing the territories of Arran (modern Azerbaijan republic) and the province of Azerbaijan in the north of contemporary Iran. Con­sequently, the gradual economic interconnection, human mobility, rise of local production to serve the interests of long-distance trade and to provide local commodities demanded in the markets of Silk Road geography, generated a start of gradual economic and cultural conve­rgence between two regions of international trade transit of the time considered herein in the publication.

Impact of pre-modern war on forests: The case of the Hungarian-Ottoman Military Frontier (ca. 1521–1690)

The paper aims at demonstrating the impact of premodern wars on forest resources. The example studied is Transdanubia (Dunántúl) in present-day Western Hungary which in the early modern times was a site of a lasting military struggle between the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary ruled by the Habsburgs for the time being. It is argued that in the military defense of the region, the Hungarian party heavily relied on the usage of natural obstacles, such as marshes, rivers, and woodlands. The region chosen for a qualitative analysis is Western Transdanubia with the River Rába/Raab at its center. Using surveys, defense plans, letters, and other sources it is demonstrated that forests combined with waterways were key elements of the military tactics of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Hungarian defense system. Forests therefore had a strategic role in the period of the Ottoman wars, and as such were strictly taken care of and administered by landlords, and military personnel.

Sino-US Conflict in Hybrid World War

This article offers a strategy that explores the idea of a Hybrid World War and how it can be applied to the current military struggle between China and the US. The global capitalist system, which arose as a worldwide framework for production, trade, and finance between the 16th and 18th centuries, is factored into the Hybrid World War concept in a way that the new-fangled Cold War was not. In addition to analyzing China's ascent and its global repercussions, this research work also focuses on how the current crisis in the unipolar global order has paved the way for strategic competition between China and US. This theoretical stance provides a new lens through which the US-China rivalry can be examined from several angles beyond conventional rivalry. We can understand the complexities of the ongoing battle between these two global powers by using the Hybrid World War paradigm, which investigates these dimensions.

Analysis of indicators of psychological qualities of military officers under the influence of factors of military and professional activities

The constant involvement of military personnel in the performance of duties in extreme conditions can contribute to maladaptation, a decrease in the body's adaptability to various environmental conditions, neuropsychological overstrain, and the emergence of persistent negative mental states in them. Therefore, the problem of forming the psychological readiness of servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to perform the tasks of military and professional activity in today's conditions is urgent, because not only the effectiveness of the professional activity of servicemen, but also their personal safety depends on such readiness.
 The system of military-professional training of personnel is dynamic and constantly improving. A number of scientists claim that the most important direction of development and improvement of the system of military activity of soldiers is the development of certain methods and means that meet the requirements of the modern concept of the development of methods of military struggle, which are based on the formation of the necessary professional skills and abilities for successful adverse conditions of combat activity and military service.
 The question of forming the psychological preparedness of military personnel for actions in extreme situations, which are not only combat operations, but also certain tactical exercises, shooting with various types of weapons, changing the deployment and location of units, etc., remains relevant. It is physical training and means of hand-to-hand combat that can, to a certain extent, ensure the high-quality formation of the readiness of servicemen to act effectively in this or that extreme situation arising in the conditions of military service.

The Political Tragedy of Capitalist Rule

In this prescient article from 1995, former MR editors Harry Magdoff and Paul M. Sweezy show that, through their own profligacy, the ruling classes have lost their capacity for political rule. The way forward, Magdoff and Sweezy write, is an "organized, militant struggle," and with victory necessarily leading to the overthrow of capitalist rule.

THE ROLE OF JALALUDDIN MANGUBERDI IN WORLD HISTORY

Life, political and military struggles of Jalaluddin Manguberdi, betrayals committed against him. In addition, there are opinions about his place on the world scale

Postcolonialism Goes Queer: Concealments and Disclosures in Dinaw Mengestu’s All Our Names

Abstract: This article discusses All Our Names , the 2014 novel by Dinaw Mengestu, an Ethiopian-born, American immigrant writer. The narrative focuses on two figures: a young Ethiopian dreamer caught in the postcolonial military struggle in Uganda who later seeks safe haven in the US, and a single white American woman in her early thirties named Helen, a social worker at Lutheran Relief Services. Such a configuration certainly suggests the relevance of the postcolonial perspective, but in the novel, issues of race and postcolonialism are intertwined with the identity crisis aggravated by the ethnically polarized world of small-town America. Yet the identity that is destabilized is not merely racial but also sexual, through the convoluted and illicit erotic relationships in which the characters are enmeshed. This article analyzes the concealments of sexual identities and the struggles of the characters, who are reluctant to disclose their selves and the true nature of their relations with each other, first in the context of cultural dislocation engendered by involuntary migration to the United States, and then in the postcolonial setting of war-torn Uganda

EXPERIENCE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF VIETNAM IN COMBINING MILITARY AND DIPLOMACY (1954 - 1975)

Combining military struggle with the diplomatic struggle in the resistance war against the US, saving the country demonstrates the Party's art of leadership, which is a factor in Vietnam's strength to win over the US. The victory in the resistance war against the US and the salvation of the country demonstrated that the party's combination was correct and creative, and it provided the revolution with a number of valuable experiences.<p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0332/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

Policing a revolutionary capital: Public order and population control in Nafplio (1824–1826)

Abstract In the new hierarchy of space created by the Greek Revolution, Nafplio acquired a prominent position and soon replaced Tripolitsa as the preeminent administrative center of the fledgling state. Declared by law as the seat of the administration in September 1823, Nafplio was a stronghold during the incessant infighting that characterized the Greek struggle for independence. From June 1824 (when its fortress was handed over to the government), Nafplio served as the political and military center of the revolutionary territory. Administrative officials, politicians, primates, soldiers, and an influx of refugees thronged the city, creating conditions for overpopulation, at a time when the Ottoman–Egyptian commander Ibrahim Pasha was advancing on rebel strongholds in the Peloponnese. Based on voluminous archival records, this essay examines the policing projects carried out by the revolutionary authorities between 1825 and 1826 to address public order and security issues facing the city. The essay demonstrates that in the space of two intense years of political and military struggle, enclosed and overcrowded Nafplio became a laboratory for developing civil administration and the creation of a policed capital.

DARUL ULUM DEOBAND: PRESERVING RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL INTEGRITY OF SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIMS THROUGH STRUCTURAL AND STRATEGIC INNOVATIONS

The end of Mughal Empire in the wake of War of Independence 1857 left the Muslim community of South Asia political orphans; desperately facing religious and cultural assaults, political as well as economic victimization and marginalization under British Raj. At this time of vulnerability of the Muslim society, it was the educational institutions established by Muslim ideologues which took up the task of strengthening, reforming and revitalizing the Muslim society to cope with the challenges pushing them down to the bottom, they also helped them regain the lost confidence and integrity. These institutions were not merely educational bodies but the movements endeavoring for Muslim renaissance in South Asia. Among them, one was Darul Ulum Deoband which, from its inception to date, played a historic role in confronting the politico-cultural challenges to the South Asian Muslims by adopting dynamic political strategies and accommodating modern structural innovative modifications in the institutions. This, indeed, helped it be a popular movement and achieve its objectives. The present paper goes into some of important historical developments such as: socio-political circumstances which led to the origination of madrasah Deoband, lofty vision and objectives envisaged by its founders, administration of educational-cum-institutional paraphernalia, nationalist stance and struggle for freedom carried out by the Deobandi veterans, strategies and policies it adopted to deal with political challenges faced by the Indian Muslims during British Raj and after partition of India. It explores and discusses the factors which helped this school of thought be popular and become one of the major sects of Islam. Moreover, it also brings in the much debated issue of its stance on jihad, militant struggle and terrorism. By bringing to light the historical developments, vision of its founders, objectives they determined to achieve and strategies they devised to tackle the challenges, the paper argues that the main concern of Darul Ulum Deoband’s activities was and has been to preserve the Muslim culture in South Asia and to restore the confidence of the Muslim community which they lost after the First War of Independence in 1857 and decline of Mughal Empire, and the modernist and innovative strategies it adopted to achieve its objectives, despite the criticism from within and outside, led to it emerging as one of the dominant sects of Islam.

Büyük Taarruz’un İletişim Stratejisi

A strategic mind that managed the whole process played an important role in the making of the National Struggle and its victory. This mind, which managed to unite the regional resistance movements in a single center and turn into a national will, ensured the final victory by spreading its effectiveness in the field of planning and management to every field.
 The phenomenon of communication is one of the key concepts of the Turkish National Struggle with its strategic understanding. A communication strategy based on planning and implementation has always existed in the National Struggle, which started with the departure of Mustafa Kemal Pasha to Samsun. Until the end of the war, the communication strategy was actively used together with the military, political and diplomatic fronts of the main strategy. This strategy makes itself felt by strongly accompanying the activities behind the war, diplomatic contacts, press and public relations.
 Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who used the press as an effective tool in enlightening the domestic and foreign public opinion during the War of Independence, ensured the organization of national resistance and the formation of national unity with his communication strategy. In addition to the military struggle, the legitimacy of the National Struggle was explained to the Turkish and world public opinion through communication policies during the period of diplomacy and propaganda wars.
 The Great Attack, which ended the occupation of Turkey and confirmed its national independence, is the last stage in which war and communication strategies are successfully carried out. Important decisions taken regarding communication in coordination with military action plans were decisive in the fate of the war.

A GROUP OF SCYTHIAN ARROWHEADS FOUND IN THE RİZE MUSEUM

Yazılı ve arkeolojik kaynaklardan edindiğimiz bilgilere göre MÖ 8. yüzyıldan itibaren savaşçı atlı kavimler olarak bilinen Kimmerler ve İskitler, Kafkasya üzerinden Anadolu’ya girmeye başlamıştır. Doğu Anadolu’da ilk önce Urartular ile karşılaşan bu kavimler, Asur, Frig ve Lidya devletleri ile siyasi ve askeri mücadelelere girmişlerdir. Bu devletlerin yazılı belgelerinde kendilerine yer bulan Kimmerler ve İskitler, arkalarında çeşitli arkeolojik malzemeler de bırakmışlardır. Bu malzemelerden birisi de çalışmanın konusu olan ve “İskit Tipi” olarak bilinen ok uçlarıdır. Anadolu’da Kimmer ve İskitlerin yayılım alanını gösteren arkeolojik verilerin başında gelen ok uçlarının bir grubu da Rize Müzesi envanterine kayıtlıdır. Bir kısmının Tokat/Zile’den geldiği bilinen bu ok uçlarının bir kısmının da buluntu yeri bilinmemektedir. Bu ok uçları satın alma yolu ile Rize Müzesine kazandırılmıştır. Çalışmada temel olarak Rize müzesinde bulunan 12 adet İskit tipi ok ucunun kataloglaması yapılmış, tipolojisi incelenmiş ve Anadolu’daki diğer İskit tipi ok uçları ile analojisi yapılmıştır.

Myths of Brotherly Animosity and the Civil Wars of Biblical Israel

A recurrent theme in the Hebrew Bible is brotherly animosity. Cain and Abel, Jacob and Esau, and Solomon and Adonijah are but a few examples. This variety seems to reflect a fundamental conflict in ancient society. In this article, I argue that all these stories function as ethos myths. After describing the various stories with an attempt to single out the motivations behind them, they will be put into the social context that probably fueled them. Although the stories are extremely varied, they all share at least one common element, namely: it is always the younger brother who turns out to be God’s favorite. A second element is the jealousy of the older brother in the special status of the younger. Against the historical background of long-lasting civil war between the smaller kingdom of Judah and the larger, militarily stronger, and more financially stable kingdom of Israel, I argue that these stories were adapted to fit into the Judean narrative for the sake of strengthening its self-image as a small kingdom struggling against a stronger opponent who is motivated by jealousy. The mythical conflict reflects the complexity of the struggle between the two kingdoms, in which Judah identifies itself as being the ‘younger child’ or the ‘little brother’, who is blessed by God. Such myths give justification to the military struggle and feed the self-conviction narratives of the superiority of Judah as being divinely chosen.

KİŞİSEL NOTLARDAN TOPLUMUN ORTAK HAFIZASINA SAVAŞ DÖNEMİ HATIRALARI: ATATÜRK’ÜN HATIRA DEFTERİ

Toplumların siyasi, sosyal ve kültürel tarihi bakımından önemli kaynaklar arasında yer alan hatıratlar, askeri tarih için de büyük önem taşır. Özellikle zaferle sonuçlanan savaşlar, toplumların hafızalarında büyük yer edinir. Anlatılan tarihi olaylar, geleceğe yönelik bir rehber vazifesi görür. Hiç şüphesiz; I. Dünya Savaşı sırasında yaşananları kaleme alanlar, hatıralar vasıtasıyla bugünü kavramak isteyenler için tarih somut birer kanıt niteliğindedir. Toplumsal hafızanın güçlenmesine vesile olan esas, yani askeri mücadele hatıraları illiyet bağını da beraberinde güçlendirmektedir. Bununla birlikte hatıratların gündelik yaşam rutininde kültürü, ideolojiyi ve kimliği ortak paydada buluşturan ve dönemi analiz yapabilmek üzere araç olan bir niteliği de bulunmaktadır.
 Mustafa Kemal Atatürk sosyal, ekonomik ve siyasal düzende köklü değişikliklere yol açan I. Dünya Savaşı’nda birçok cephede savaşmıştır. Görev aldığı cephelerde yaşadıklarını düzenli olarak not alan Atatürk’ün yazma tutkusuna 1916 yılında 16. Kolordu Komutanı olarak görev yaptığı karargâhında da şahit olunur. Söz konusu cephede, bir yandan Muş ve Bitlis’i işgalden kurtarmak üzere harekâtlar planlamış, bir yandan da milletin kaderinde dönüm noktası sayılacak olayları kaleme almıştır. Böylelikle Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’ün askerlik hayatının en parlak safhası tarihin önemli vesikaları arasında yer alan hatıralar vasıtasıyla toplumsal hafızaya kazınmıştır.
 “Atatürk’ün Hatıra Defteri” adlı eser, Mustafa Kemal’in yaveri Şükrü Tezer’in anlatımıyla vücut bulmuştur. Tezer, 28 Şubat 1916 tarihinde Edirne’ye Mustafa Kemal Paşa’nın yaverliğine atandığı andan itibaren onun yaşantısına ve askeri mücadelesine yakından şahit olmuştur. Şükrü Tezer imzalı bu eser, Kasım-Aralık 1916 tarih aralığında Mustafa Kemal Paşa’nın kaleminden kâğıtları çiçek motifli ve yaprak kenarlarında sarı yıldızlar bulunan deftere düşen anılarla zenginleşmiştir. 
 Bu çalışmada Şükrü Tezer’in Atatürk’ün Hatıra Defteri adlı eser incelenecektir. Bu inceleme aynı zamanda I. Dünya Savaşı’nın 1916 yılına ışık tutacaktır. Mustafa Kemal görevde bulunduğu bu cephede kaleme aldığı notlarda, onun düşünce dünyasını zenginleştiren kitaplara da atıf yapmıştır. Paşa’nın yazdığı notlar, tarihsel konulara duyduğu ilgi yanında edebiyat tutkusunu da yansıtmaktadır. Paşa’nın cephede yaşadıkları onu anlamak için bir rehber vazifesi görmektedir. Türk milleti için verdiği faydalı bilgiler, geleceğe aydınlatmak ve çağdaş medeniyetler seviyesine ulaşmak üzere atılan her adımda bir ışık niteliğindedir. Görev aldığı bu cephede Mustafa Kemal Paşa’nın kaleme aldığı bu notlar, aynı zamanda dönemin gidişatı hakkında analiz yapabilmek üzere milleti için temel prensipleri oluşturmuştur. Paşa’nın bu entelektüel birikimi kâğıda düşen söz konusu notlar vasıtasıyla sosyal, kültürel, askeri ve siyasi birçok konuda okuyana fikir verdiği gibi Türklük bilinç ve duygusunu da güçlendirmektedir. Askerî harekâtın planlanması ve uygulanmasının seyri içinde Mustafa Kemal Paşa’nın vazifesine olan aşkı, yaşananları kaydetme tutkusuyla birleşince incelenen bu eserin gelecek nesillere azim ve güven vereceği şüphesizdir.

Imperialism’s Handmaidens: Cultural Hegemony and Information Warfare

ABSTRACT The war in Ukraine manifests a major crisis both for US imperialism in its struggle to maintain and expand its hegemony against challenge, here primarily but not exclusively, Russia and for international capitalism itself. How this crisis will play out is unknown but at this stage three characteristics are evident. Firstly, the use of proxies; Ukraine for the military struggle and Europe to a large extent for the economic one. Secondly, the primacy of economic instruments, such as sanctions rather than direct military power. Thirdly, undergirding and legitimizing the other two, the expanded role of information warfare. Information warfare sits on two pillars. One is cultural hegemony, the soft power to mold perception because of the esteem in which the provider of information is held by the recipient. The other is the organizational framework, or architecture of information collection, creation and dissemination to manage perception.

Pola Insurjensi Andi Azis sebagai Pemberontakan Militer dalam Pendekatan Model Keamanan Nasional

The Andi Azis incident gave an important meaning to the historical traces of the Indonesian military's struggle in eradicating the rebellion which was actually driven by its officers at that time. The incident that occurred in early April 1950 in Makassar, South Sulawesi was not only interpreted as a form of rebellion due to dissatisfaction with Jakarta's political policies in managing the formation of the state which at that time was still unstable but also as a social resistance of the regional army as the most effective representation of people's power in its time. Historical Research analysis which refers to the historical research methodology process in the form of Heuristics, Source Criticism, Interpretation, and Historiography in this article will try to juxtapose the theories of Insurgency and National Security so that the interesting dimensions of the Andi Azis incident bring new perspectives in the development of defense strategy studies and military philosophy. Andi Azis' rebellion movement can be a separate experience and lesson, especially for the Indonesian Armed Forces (Tni) in promoting a social approach and oneness with the community in addition to repressive measures in tackling similar movements, which are actually still happening in several regions in the archipelago.

XIX. Yüzyıl Osmanlı-İran İlişkilerinde Derin Bir Krizin Tahlili: Tüccar Malları ve Alacak Meselesi

XVI. yüzyıldan itibaren İran’a hâkim olan hanedanlar ile Osmanlı Devleti arasında yaşanan mücadeleler, genellikle kimin doğuda sözünün geçeceği üzerine kurgulanmış siyasetlerin ürünüydü. Safeviler, Afşarlar, Zendler ve son olarak Kaçarlar, Osmanlı Devleti ile yüzyıllar boyunca sınır ve mezhep temelli problem üzerine savaştılar. Bazı dönemler İran’daki hanedanlar zaman zaman ise Osmanlı Devleti bu savaşların galibi olsa da iki devletin arasında mücadeleye sebep olan sorunlar hiçbir dönemde tam olarak çözümlenmedi. XIX. yüzyıl, iki ülkenin sadece doğudan değil, batıdan ve kuzeyden de kuşatma atlına alındığı bir yüzyıldı. Bu yüzyılın son evresine bir hanedan değişikliği ile giren İran, Kaçarların hâkimiyetinde Osmanlı Devleti ile sınır, aşiretler, mezhep ve kutsal bölgelere sahip olma gibi konularda büyük anlaşmazlıklar yaşamaktaydı. Feth Ali Şah ve Sultan II. Mahmut’un askeri mücadelesinin başlayacağı 1820 yılına kadar Osmanlı Devleti ile İran’ın yaşadığı sorunlara eklenen İranlı tüccarların problemleri ve Osmanlı Devleti’nin doğusunda görev yapan paşaların başına buyruk hareketleri, iki devlet arasında derin krizlerin çıkmasına zemin hazırladı. İranlı tüccarların büyük bir loncaya sahip olduğu Erzurum’da yaşanan mal zaptı ve bölgenin önemli paşalarından Abdülhamit Paşa’nın Revan Serdarı Hüseyin Han ile girdiği maddi ilişki, çok büyük bir sorun haline dönüştü. Gerek I. Erzurum Antlaşması’na gerekse de sonrasına taşınan bu iki meselenin nasıl bir kriz olduğu, seyri ve çözümü, bu makalenin konusudur. Çalışma; Farsça, İngilizce ve Türkçe kaynaklar kullanılarak vücuda getirilmiştir.

On Manic Poems: Listening for the Sense of “Azadi” in Divine Calamity

ABSTRACT Ayesha Sitara was a patient in a military-psychiatry hospital in Azad Kashmir when we met. Her doctors considered her poetry – its uncontrollability – her primary manic symptom. Though Ayesha agreed with the doctors, poetry to her was “aafat” (divine calamity), and other times “josh” (passion). Her poetry, preoccupied with the Indian occupation of Kashmir, emphasizes Islamic militant struggle for Azadi (liberation). Here, I attempt to follow the “sense” of Ayesha’s Islamopoetics, leaving to many forking paths, but not to all (Borges, Lacan). Ayesha’s poetics signal a meaning-to-come for Azadi. And yet, she insists on certain articulations of freedom. I ask, how might a listening take shape in response to this poetry? Indeed, through the work of josh and aafat, without resolving one into the other, Ayesha provides a guiding frame for staying with the undecidability of her suffering. What is signaled in this restless orbiting between divine calamity and revolutionary passion?

Ortadoğu’daki Siyasi Olayların Dinî Arka Planı

The Middle East has been a volatile region for over a century, due to occupations, wars, and acts of terrorism. Being a victim of terrorism and war, this region has been described as a swamp, particularly due to the intense propaganda of the mass media owned by global hegemony, which is the leading cause of the chaos in the area. The people of the region, who are to pay a price because of terrorism and violence, are thus equated with terrorism in others’ minds and are further victimized. This study explores the plight of the region by analysing the mentality of the parties to the conflict in the region. This is because if we consider the events only as a military struggle to control oil and other strategic energy resources, we could hardly find out the truth. We should bear in mind that the events in the Middle East involve a variety of actors and reasons that are difficult to explain from a single perspective. Furthermore, since instability and chaos in the region have been going on for years and completely independent factors are involved in the process, issues have become immensely complicated. Therefore, no matter what point of view we adopt to approach the events (political, economic, cultural, religious, etc.), it would not be hard to find a justification for the theory we suggest. Our study hardly disregards this fact. However, when we prudently consider the events in the Middle East, we can recognize that all the actors essentially legitimize themselves using religion, although political and socio-economic reasons are brought to the fore. In other words, all the parties responsible for the chaos basically act out of religious motives and establish their existence in the region for religious reasons, although they do not frankly admit it. Foremost among these actors comes the United States of America. In fact, while the USA owns various instruments that could be used, not only to end the chaos in the region but also to exploit the resources of the region through peaceful means, the reason why it does not opt for this is the existence of Protestant Evangelicals, who guide American politics to take sides in the political/social events in the Middle East. An examination of the attitude of the USA in the events in the Middle East and the policies it implements in the region would reveal that they exactly coincide with the eschatological goals of Evangelicals. Another major power that is involved in the political and social events in the region with an eschatological approach is the ideological Shia. This line of thinking (Imamate), which claims to be the sole heir of Prophet Muhammad, struggles to play an open or secret role in all regional events to shape the Middle East based on its own ideology. The third actor, which is the source of violence and chaos in the Middle East, is the Khārijite way of thinking that directly or indirectly legitimizes projects that the other two actors are trying to implement in this region, and historically, it has always supported terrorism in the lands of Islam. The Khārijite thought describes any interpretation or behaviour that runs counter to the Islamic life it has created and idealized as blasphemy. This article examines these three actors in terms of their objectives and their impacts on the events in the Middle East region. It also reveals the historical and theoretical foundations of how these three ideologies, which are religious madhabs/sects/communities in terms of their sources, assume an active role in the political events in the region. While analysing the issues, ideological interpretations are avoided; events are addressed in a meaningful and holistic way in terms of their causes and effects, not in a style that is disconnected from de facto reality.

Indian Muslim Theologians’ Response to British Colonization of India and Introduction of Modernization: A Study of Deoband School of Thought

During the nineteenth century, the Muslims of India suffered from severe political decline, as the Mughal Empire was abolished in the wake of Great Revolt 1857. The British started a process of modernization of institutions as well as that of social setup. The Muslim theologians realizing it a serious threat to their religio-cultural values and norms resisted it through militant struggle, setting up educational institutions, making political parties and participating in democratic process, and forming missionary and reformist organizations. This paper explores and evaluates the contribution of the Muslim theologians who founded Darul Ulum Deoband movement and advocated for the orthodox religious educations by adhering to the religious and educational philosophy of Shah Wali Allah. It attempts at evaluating the socio-political circumstance of South Asia which became the rationale of this movement and identifies the major historical landmarks of this movement during the British Raj in India. It examines the factors which helped Deoband school of thought emerge to be one of the dominant sect of Islam. The paper however argues that although the Deoband theologians were severe critics of British imperialism and its initiatives towards modernization of Indian society and culture, yet they adopted British bureaucratic setup for the educational advancements, and gradually got convinced to be the part of democratic process demonstrate the political strength of South Asian Muslims. The methodology employed in the discourse is descriptive, analytical, and normative.