Citizens Than Soldiers: The Kentucky Militia and Society in Early Republic. By Harry S. Laver. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2007. Pp. 216. Cloth, $45.00.)Middle Tennessee, 1775-1825: Progress and Popular Democracy on Southwestern Frontier. By Kristofer Ray. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2007. Pp. 236. Illustrations. Maps. Cloth, $41.00.)The Ramsey s at Swan Pond: The Archaeology and History of an East Tennessee Farm. By Charles H. Faulkner. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2008. Pp. 168. Illustrations. Cloth, $39.95.)Reviewed by Bruce E. StewartWhen touring United States in 1830s, French historian and philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville witnessed a society in flux. Since end of American Revolution in 1783, country had confronted several changes and challenges, many of which remained unresolved. Population growth, advancements in transportation, and expansion of market economy had, among other phenomena, transformed traditional notions of masculinity, deepened class tensions, and given rise to creation of a national two-party system. As de Tocqueville discovered, however, even as country was becoming more divided along political, class, racial, and gender lines, many Americans (especially white males) be- lieved that democracy had expanded over past half century. The three books under review broaden historical understandings of this tur- bulent period. Harry S. Laver 's Citizens Than Soldiers and Kris- tofer Ray's Middle Tennessee, 1775-1825 explain reasons for class conflict and rise of democracy on American frontier, while Charles H. Faulkner's The Ramsey s at Swan Pond examines daily life and social history of settlers living in Appalachian Tennessee during early nineteenth century.In Citizens Than Soldiers, Laver sheds new light on impor- tant role that militia played in shaping American society during early nineteenth century. Focusing on Kentucky, Laver argues that militia there was not a peripheral and fleeting organization composed of drunken buffoons who stumbled into a crooked line, poked each other with cornstalk weapons, and inevitably shot their commander in backside with a rusty, antiquated musket (1). Instead, he insists that militia helped Kentuckians (especially white males) adapt to changing socioeconomic conditions and aided in democratization of elec- torate. More than a dysfunctional military reserve, Laver writes, the militia established community identities and social structure, participated in politics, kept public peace, encouraged economic activity, and defined what it meant to be a man (8).Laver first chronicles impact that militia had on commu- nity. Using mostly newspapers, he posits that militia musters were popu- lar events that allowed Kentucky denizens opportunity to strengthen communal bonds. Perhaps more importantly, these militia rallies, espe- cially those held on Fourth of July and commemorations of George Washington's Birthday, helped to cultivate a national identity among participants and onlookers. These militia celebrations, however, also re- inforced class, racial, and gender hierarchies. White men, for instance, were only members of community who could directly participate in them, thereby pushing women and African Americans further away from public sphere. Meanwhile, militia officers, most of whom came from prominent families, often led processions and reminded lower class militiamen of their place in social hierarchy. The rank and file, Col. William Russell explained to his men in 1808, were to be orderly and obedient (40).Laver then delves into militia's role in creation of a two-party system in Kentucky politics during 1830s. He ultimately posits that militia served as a proto-political organization. Militia officers, many of whom would parlay their militia record into a political career, often used their position to promote partisan activities. …
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