Military-political Alliance Research Articles

German and Austro-Hungarian Armies in Perception of Russian Officer Corps in 1870s and 1880s

This article examines the views that emerged among the Russian officer corps during the 1870s and 1880s regarding the German and Austro-Hungarian armies. The aim of the study is to illuminate the process of shaping these perceptions, trace their historical dynamics, and identify the factors influencing the transformation of Russian officers’ views during this period. Investigating this topic contributes to a deeper understanding of Russian foreign and military policy in the 1870s and 1880s, a time when a specific balance of power was taking shape in Europe and the outlines of military-political alliances that defined the nature of bloc opposition during World War I began to emerge. The study focuses primarily on the perspectives of the General Staff officer corps, as their responsibilities included the systematic study of foreign armies and the application of this knowledge for Russian military needs. Based on the conducted research, it is concluded that between the 1870s and 1880s, the attitude of the Russian officer corps towards the German army underwent changes that aligned with a sequence of “adversary” — “competitor” — “enemy,” while the Austro-Hungarian army was perceived as Russia’s key “competitor” in the Balkans.

The image of Bulgaria on the pages of the newspaper «Russian invalid» during the First World War (1916–1917)

The article examines and analyzes the image of Bulgaria, which was created by domestic journalists on the pages of the periodical «Russian invalid» during the First World War (1916–1917), when the Russian Empire was in active military confrontation with the countries of the Quadruple Alliance, and the Bulgarian Kingdom, being a member of the military-political alliance of the Central Powers, actively participated in military operations on the Thessaloniki Front against Russia’s allies – Serbia and Romania. Correspondents of the «Russian invalid» on the pages of their publication in 1916–1917. Attention was paid to Bulgaria, but to a much lesser extent than to Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey. Most of the information about the Bulgarian Kingdom was posted in the headings «External News», «Military Review», «Balkan Peninsula» and «Serbian Front». Based on the results of the analysis of the materials presented on the pages of «Russian invalid», the following distinctive features of the image of Bulgaria formed by the journalists of this newspaper in 1916–1917 were identified: - a minor ally of the Hohenzollern Empire on the Balkan Peninsula, which was under complete control from Berlin; - a country that sought to realize its territorial claims through participation in the world war; - a state that had great political ambitions, but did not have the necessary resources to achieve them; - a country in which there was no public consensus regarding the participation of their armed forces in the war on the side of the Quadruple Alliance. In conclusion, it is concluded that the Bulgarian Kingdom in «Russian invalid» appeared as a state that sought to defend its state interests, including trying to revise the results of the Second Balkan War, which were perceived by the Bulgarian political elite as «the first national catastrophe».

«We Are Selfish; We Will Fight Only for Ourselves...» V.P. Potemkin’s Mission to Ankara (04.29–05.06.1939) and Turkish Policy of Forming a Security Belt Near National Borders in the Mid-1930s

In the context of growing military tension in Europe in the second half of the 1930s and the eventual Italian threat, the Turkish leadership was looking for ways to ensure national interests and push the threat of war away from Turkish borders. The system of international military-political alliances and bilateral pacts was considered by Turkish diplomats as a sufficient guarantee of sovereignty and preventing the advance of war to Turkish territory. One of the trends was a change in Turkey’s foreign policy orientation from relying only on the Soviet Union to connections with England. The fact that Germany remained the main trade and economic partner of the Turkish Republic also had a significant impact. In the context of growing political tension in Europe and the division of Czechoslovakia, the Soviet government proposed holding mutual consultations on security issues and possible opposition to the aggressor. On April 29, 1939, Deputy People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs V.P. Potemkin was sent to Ankara. The main topic of discussion in Ankara was the conclusion of a multilateral pact of mutual assistance and security against the backdrop of growing German-Italian expansion. Despite the assistance provided by V.P. Potemkin, the negotiations in Ankara left the Soviet leadership with a taste of understatement and a feeling of veiled bargaining, giving a clear understanding that in the coming world war, Turkey, despite the system of international defensive pacts built by its leadership along the perimeter of the country, would be guided by the principles of national selfishness.

Southeast Asia in the context of the rivalry between the USA and China

The article examines the specifics of the situation in Southeast Asia (Southeast Asia) from the point of view of military security issues and in connection with the situation in the Indo-Pacific region (ITR). The author proceeds from the fact that a serious destabilizing factor in the region remains the presence of intraregional contradictions - political, territorial and ethno-confessional, which are used by extra-regional actors under the auspices of the United States. Having identified China and Russia as the main rivals, Washington improved its Indo-Pacific strategy, activated the activities of existing ones and began to form new military-political alliances, on the basis of which it is envisaged to create an Asia-Pacific branch of NATO to contain them. The author believes that Washington's policy in Southeast Asia is opposed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which proceeds from its central role in the evolution of the regional security architecture. In the context of the escalating rivalry between the United States and China, ASEAN sees a way to overcome the complex of regional contradictions in creating a security system based on mechanisms associated with ASEAN. In the ASEAN concept, the ITR appears as a region of dialogue and cooperation, not competition, open to China and other interested states to participate in the project. The author comes to the conclusion that such a statement of the question is justified both from the point of view of the strategic interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves, and in general of the entire ITR. Analyzing the strategy adopted by Washington, the author believes that it becomes a long-term factor of strategic planning in the Pentagon. Its main goal will be to forcefully counter China's policy and put pressure on Russia and ASEAN, which seek to resist the dominance of the United States in the IT. In his opinion, in the current conditions of the situation, it is necessary to further strengthen the comprehensive strategic partnership between Russia and China and deepen cooperation with ASEAN on the basis of common interests in order to ensure regional security and stability.

Russian-French Agreements of 1891-1893 in International Relations at Turn of 19th and 20th Centuries

The article is dedicated to Russia’s European policy from the formation of the German Empire in 1871 to the beginning of World War I. It examines the historical conditions, reasons, and nature of the Russo-French military-political alliance of 1891-1893. The role of Emperor Alexander III in the political rapprochement between Russia and France on an anti-German and anti-Austrian basis is demonstrated. The existence of mutual interest between Russia and France in forming a military-political alliance is revealed. The Bierk Treaty of 1905 between Emperors Wilhelm II and Nicholas II is analyzed, showing that this treaty fundamentally contradicted the development of military-political cooperation between Russia and France and therefore was not implemented. The conclusion is drawn regarding the significance of the Russo-French alliance of the early 1890s for the foreign policy and historical destiny of the Russian Empire. Germany's interest in strengthening its influence on the foreign policy of the Russian Empire is shown. It is proven that Germany’s attempts to attract Russia to its side did not succeed, and Russia maintained its alliance with France, which was more significant for it during the period under consideration, despite the fact that ultimately this alliance led to the involvement of the Russian Empire in a world war.

US Deterrence against Russia and China (based on strategic documents of J. Biden administration)

The contemporary world order is rapidly changing, which is manifested, inter alia, in the growing erosion of the US global military superiority. This trend is acknowledged in the US military-strategic and policy planning documents. In this context the strengthening of the military potential of both the Russian Federation and the PRC, coupled by the expansion of political and economic cooperation between them, is a matter of particular concern for the US ruling elites. At the same time, recognizing a problem does not mean assessing it correctly. A closer examination of key strategic documents published in recent years shows that if from a political and military point of view, the US strategists come up with a generally rational list of measures aimed at countering the challenge, posed by Russia and China, from an ideological point of view they doggedly follow liberal-hegemonic premises that are increasingly inconsistent with current international political realities. The author notes that the policy of D. Trump and J. Biden administrations towards China is characterized by a high degree of continuity. The main role in containing the PRC should be played by a system of military-political alliances with the countries of Southeast and South Asia located along the perimeter of its borders. In addition to the alliances inherited from the Cold War, the Biden administration is seeking to develop new ‘bloc structures’ in the Indo-Pacific region, in particular the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD). However, not all countries in the region, in particular India, support the anti-Chinese orientation of the US initiatives. Washington’s relations with Moscow deteriorated sharply after the start of the special military operation in Ukraine, but even before that, the United States faced serious challenges in maintaining strategic parity with the Russian Federation. This primarily concerns the quantitative, rather than qualitative side of the equation: according to the US military strategists, Russia has made significant progress in modernizing its strategic nuclear forces and developing fundamentally new types of nuclear delivery vehicles. At the same time, the Biden administration’s approaches to building relations with Moscow are no less ideological than in the case of the PRC, which makes the prospects for resuming Russian-American (and ideally trilateral Russian-American-Chinese) negotiations on strategic arms control extremely vague. The question arises to what extent this ideologized foreign policy of the Biden administration meets the new international realities and the strategic interests of the United States itself.

CHALLENGES TODAY IN PROCESS IMPROVEMENT LANGUAGE TRAINING IN THE ARMED FORCES OF UKRAINE

Today’s challenges require Ukrainian servicemen and soldiers of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to be fluent in English, since the instructions for using foreign-made weapons, as well as the process of education and training to use these weapons are carried out in English.
 The main goal of this work is to determine promising methods and forms of language training in military structures, both out of the official activities and in the course of independent work.
 Today, the ranks of the Armed Forces face two urgent tasks that need to be solved:
 
 the first task is the urgent acquision of the English language by servicemen and senior staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine for training in the use of foreign-made weapons;
 the second task is the improvement and modernization of the English language learning process in Higher Military Educational Institutions in order to increase the level of English language proficiency.
 
 The problem of first training was the insufficient command of the English language by the servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine during the training.
 The solution of the second problem is not as critical in time as the solution of the first problem, therefore, currently, various programs, distance courses are being developed, and innovative teaching methods are being implemented in order to improve the improvement process of English language by students of higher educational institutions and officers of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. An important issue on the agenda is the introduction of the latest forms and methods of teaching a foreign language and special techniques and methods of teaching.
 Studying a foreign language will provide an opportunity for various branches of the leadership of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to freely and professionally conduct a dialogue with representatives of various professions and partner countries from the NATO military-political alliance.

Формирование военно-политических союзов в период конфронтации Золотой Орды и Хулагуидского ильханата во второй половине XIII в.

Формирование военно-политических союзов в период конфронтации Золотой Орды и Хулагуидского ильханата во второй половине XIII в.

Горское движение и белая армия на Северном Кавказе в 1918-1919 гг.: история несостояв-шегося союза

The article is devoted to the problems related to the possible military-political alliance of the White Guards of the south of Russia and the mountain liberal figures during 1918-1919. It is proved that the prospects for such a combination of efforts were fully justified. Throughout 1917, the mountain and Terek Cossack leaders established quite successful relations based on a general rejection of the growing influence of the Bolsheviks in the Caucasus region. Attention is focused on the successful episodes of the anti-Bolshevik struggle: the Provisional Terek-Dagestan gov-ernment, the Terek anti-Bolshevik uprising of 1918, the armed struggle against the Bolsheviks in the North Caucasus. Conclusions are drawn that despite the obvious mutual benefit from joining forces to fight the Bolsheviks, the political ambitions of the leadership of the White Guards and mountain activists prevailed and eventually led to the defeat of all anti-Bolshevik forces in the North Caucasus.

Russian-Japanese relations and the Chinese factor: Evolution and transformation (2012–2022)

The election of V.V. Putin for a new presidential term in 2012 and his further foreign policy initiatives affected the intensification of Russia’s foreign policy in general, as well as its Japanese direction. The article attempts to highlight the development of Russian-Japanese relations in the period of 2012–2022, including the phase of aggravation of relations after the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine on February 24, 2022 and Japan’s accession to the US anti-Russian sanctions, as well as the role and influence of China on the bilateral Russian-Japanese format, the East Asian region, the specifics of Chinese-American relations in the context of the “trade war” in the Japanese dimension, etc. Based on the published works of leading Russian experts, the author examines the dynamics of mutual perception of the images of Russia and Japan at the level of Russian and Japanese public opinion. Particular attention is paid to the study of the evolution of Russian-Japanese trade and economic, military-political, energy, Arctic, and humanitarian contacts. The paper traces the features of Russian, Japanese and Chinese motivations regarding regional security issues, attitudes towards the Ukrainian events, including the Russian special military operation, Moscow’s reaction to anti-Russian sanctions, towards the pressure from the United States and their allies. In general, the problem of the evolution of the notional triangle “Russia – Japan – China” at the present stage, the deformation of its key elements and the prospects for further development are formulated.The author focuses on the coverage of Russian-Japanese contacts in the areas of regional security before and after February 24, 2022, including the South Kuril options, as well as the analysis of hidden possible Japanese political motivations during the rule of Shinzō Abe regarding the problems of the deepening of the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership and the projections of this partnership on the security of Japan and the Japanese-American military-political alliance. An important aspect of the work is the coverage of the dynamics of the Russian-Japanese political relations in the light of the Russian leadership designating Japan as an “unfriendly state” and the further development of bilateral Russian-Japanese and Russian-Chinese models of interaction in the Asia-Pacific region.

Military and political cooperation in the institutional concepts of the theory of international relations

Military-political cooperation in the institutional concepts of the theory of international relations is considered. The retrospective analysis of the existing concepts of representatives of the main scientific schools and directions in the theory of international relations, primarily supporters of «institutionalism» and political realism regarding the basic principles and mechanisms of military-political cooperation have been done. Comparative analysis of the main scientific schools and approaches in the paradigm of globalization has been accomplished. Possibilities and prospects for changes in views on the principles of military-political cooperation in the international arena are outlined. Principled positions on the issue of deepening and improving the mechanisms of military-political cooperation are formulated. It was found out, that the central problem of the military- political union is the reliability of guarantees that the allied states will come to the rescue and act together. In weakly institutionalized unions, their members cannot trust others because states retain virtually unlimited freedom of action in foreign policy. Therefor their members need guarantees and confidence that the allied states will come to the rescue at the appropriate moment, acting in solidarity to achieve such a goal. In the opposite case, the union will be unable to act as an effective means of uniting the military potential of the member countries, and will remain an empty paper document. Solving the problem of the effectiveness of the union is possible only by building a system of mutual obligations. It was determined, that an essential point for clarifying the criteria for the internal viability of military-political alliances is the ability of the leaders of the member-states to fulfil the alliance obligations to act in spite of strong internal opposition to the country’s foreign policy course or its change. It was concluded that military-political alliances can act as providers of international security and stability not only for their members, but also for the international community as a whole. It was found out, that confidence-building measures proved to be quite effective tools to prevent war. In the absence of trust, it is impossible to build a stable and safe world, and the best embodiment of trust in practice is a military-political union in which the mutual trust of the member-states reaches the highest possible level. If such an alliance is capable of acting as a stabilizer of the system of international relations, deterring its members and other states from aggressive actions and depriving them of reasons to count on victory «at a small price», then its activity strengthens the security of all countries without exception.

MASS MEDIA OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA ON THE COURSE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION’S SPECIAL MILITARY OPERATION IN UKRAINE

The trend in the South Korean media continues to be one-sided coverage of the conflict in Ukraine, condemning Russia's position and supporting the policies of a number of Western countries led by the United States. This is due both to the strategy of the new administration of President Yoon Seok Yeul to strengthen the military-political alliance with Washington, to support the latter's position on a number of foreign policy issues, and to the conscious selective information approach to covering both the special military operation itself and its political and diplomatic context. After the protracted nature of the conflict became apparent, the focus of attention turned to publications covering a wider range of issues, such as the economic consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict for the global economy, as well as the possible worsening of Russian-South Korean relations. The emphasis gradually shifted to the area of military confrontation in potentially explosive regions, one of which is the Korean Peninsula.

The Grand Strategy of President Ilham Aliyev as the Foreign Policy Foundation of Azerbaijan’s Victory in the Second Karabakh War

The growing geopolitical dynamics in the South Caucasus and the Caspian Black Sea basin region and the role of Azerbaijan as an undisputed regional leader in this space appear to be an urgent trend in international relations. Azerbaijan is not a member of either NATO or the CSTO, fighting for leadership in this region. But at the same time, Azerbaijan is successfully developing bilateral and multilateral relations with the participating states of these military-political alliances. Armenia, as a member of the CSTO, and Georgia, which has officially included the goal of joining NATO in the Basic Laws of their country, to a certain extent, can produce a degree of inter-bloc competition to solve their own problems. Azerbaijan can objectively reduce the risks of geopolitical tension in the region by promoting a peaceful cooperation agenda through inter-block communication. Under the leadership of the President of Azerbaijan, Supreme Commander-in-Chief Ilham Aliyev, Azerbaijan was the first in the post-Soviet space to resolve an interstate conflict within the framework of international law. Systemic and structural-functional methods are used in the geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic analysis of the role of Azerbaijan in the studied region, the development and implementation of the Grand Strategy of President Ilham Aliyev and the main directions of national geoengineering at the present stage of development of Azerbaijan. The comparative method is used to analyse the main trends in international relations based on the study of international, international legal, and foreign documents and materials.

The Problem of the Origination of Statehood in the North-Eastern Caucasus in the Epoch of Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages

The North-Eastern Caucasus, which includes the territories of the modern Chechen Republic and the Republic of Dagestan, is one of the oldest centers of the manufacturing economy in the Old World. The development of productive forces and production relations over several millennia, expressed in vivid monuments of material culture, starting from the Kura-Araxes Eneolithic culture, inevitably led to the socio-political evolution of society, the emergence of early forms of statehood or the inclusion of these societies in various kinds of military-political alliances. Numerous Nakh (ancestors of modern Chechens, Ingush and Batsbi) and Dagestan tribes were actively involved in such unions, and the territory of their settlement was partly or completely included at different times in the early state associations that arose in adjacent territories. Such early polities include the Ancient Georgian Kingdom (Iberia) and Caucasian Albania of the late antiquity, the Alanian Kingdom and the Khazar Khaganate of the early Middle Ages, known from written sources.

СУСПІЛЬНА ДУМКА В США ЩОДО СРСР НА ПОЧАТКОВОМУ ЕТАПІ НІМЕЦЬКО-РАДЯНСЬКОЇ ВІЙНИ: РЕЛІГІЙНИЙ АСПЕКТ

The article deals with the attitude of predominantly religious American society to the atheistic USSR and the perspectives of military-political alliance with it at the initial stage of the German-Soviet war. The chronological boundaries of the study are the period from the German attack on the USSR on June 22, 1941, to the beginning of December 1941, when a number of important events occurred: the Soviet counteroffensive near Moscow, Japan attacked the U.S. Pacific Fleet base in Pearl Harbor, Germany, and Italy declared war on the United States. The aim of the article is a comprehensive analysis and systematization of the religious aspect of the USSR’s reputation in U.S. public opinion at the beginning of the German-Soviet war. Methodology: the article uses the method of analysis to study various points of view of American society on the possibility of an alliance with the USSR in the second half of 1941. The author also applies methods of systematization and generalization to illustrate the conclusions. Scientific novelty: for the first time in domestic historiography, the religious factor in U.S. public opinion about the possibility of an alliance with the USSR is analyzed. The author comes to the conclusion that the religious consciousness of American citizens had a significant impact on the adoption of important political decisions, and on the issue of alliance with the USSR at the beginning of the German-Soviet war, the religious part of American society proposed two possible models of solution: the absolute exclusion of any support for the USSR from the United States and, on the contrary, the establishment of temporary cooperation for early victory over the common enemy. Despite the existence of mutually exclusive strategies, supporters of both of them regarded the USSR as an ideological opponent with whom it is fundamentally impossible to build long-term promising relations.

РОССИЙСКО-КАЗАХСТАНСКИЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ В ПОСТКРЫМСКИЙ ПЕРИОД: ФАЗА ТУРБУЛЕНТНОСТИ

The article studies the evolution of the Russian-Kazakhstani relations at the first stage of the post-Crimea period (March 2014 – August 2016). Based on a wide range of official sources and periodicals, it identifies the main trends and issues of bilateral cooperation in the political, military and economic spheres, and at the interregional level. It determines the factors that influenced interaction between Moscow and Astana. Particular attention is paid to the role of the presidents of Russia and Kazakhstan in promoting and strengthening their strategic partnership. The author concludes that the period under consideration was a time of serious challenges for bilateral relations, which for the first time in history, entered a phase of prolonged turbulence. After the “Crimean Spring”, the Kazakhstani leadership faced a dilemma: to maintain the existing level of cooperation with Russia in losing the trust of its Western partners or lower the degree of interaction with Moscow to strengthen its ties with Western states. The situation worsened in November 2015, when a sudden conflict between Russia and Turkey plunged the relations between Moscow and Astana into a deep crisis. For several months, the political dialogue between Russia and Kazakhstan was reduced to a minimum, and the military-political alliance of the two states was in danger of collapse. Nevertheless, in May 2016, Astana made the only correct choice in favor of maintaining the special status of its relationships with Moscow. The two sides immediately re-established their ties across the full spectrum of their cooperation. Their strategic partnership entered a new stage of development, characterized by a relative stabilization on the background of an unfavorable international environment

The japanese-american military-political alliance: secrets of longevity

The article analyzes an evolution of the Japanese-American military-political alliance in the end of XX - in the beginning of XXI centuries under influence of the increased of political, economical and military potential of Japan and also radical reorganization of international relations in the period of detente in Soviet-American relations, in the end of cold war, disintegration of the Soviet Union, the rise of China, aggravation of international situation after the start of the limited special operation of Russia in Ukraine. Military potential of the Japanese was evaluated, as well as the possibility of Japanese self-defense forces to repel limited attack on Japanese territory and plans of the government of Japan for improvement of the defense potential of the state. With it all, there are noted a serious shortcomings of Japanese potential of deterrence of possible threats for security and preservation of relay on the U.S. «nuclear umbrella», as well as assistance of American armed forces in repel of aggression. In this connection, there is a prognosis, especially in view of radically changes global international situation and relations in the Asia-Pacific region, that the Japanese-American military-political alliance will be preserved in all probability.

Security Dimensions of Geopolitical Initiatives in the Сentral and Еastern Еurope Region

From 2014 till today one can observe the process of reshaping of the existing system of international relations, the transformation of approaches to the resolution of military and political conflicts of both individual states and international organizations, the formation of new military-political alliances and blocs. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the security potential of some recent geopolitical initiatives in the region of Central-Eastern Europe, in particular, the Central European Initiative, the Three Seas Initiative and the Lublin Triangle. Central European Initiative was founded in 1989 in Budapest. It was created in order to develop the cooperation of the member states in the sphere of politics, economy and culture. The main purpose is their inclusion in the European integration processes. Currently, there are 9 EU member states from CEI member states, which makes possible establishing of the effective interaction and partnership relations between them and the states that have declared their will to join the EU. The Three Seas Initiative (or Trymorja (Three Seas), also known as the Baltic-Adriatic-Black Sea Initiative) appeared on the geopolitical map of Central and Eastern Europe in August, 2016 in Croatia, Dubrovnik. The main goal of Trymorja is to develop the economy and enhance closer cooperation between the regions of Central and Eastern Europe. The Lublin Triangle was created on July 28, 2020 “with the aim of strengthening political dialogue, trust and strategic partnership between Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine in the field of security and defence, supporting the development of economic cooperation and cultural exchange”. All before mentioned initiatives support Ukraine in its struggle against Russia. Their participants condemned the Russian invasion and cooperate for protection of the international order and law. While CEI and Trymorja are more economic initiatives, Lublin Triangle has a strong security component. The last one is important under conditions of the open war in Europe. In contemporary conditions the role of such regional initiatives is growing and they are creating the new architecture of international order.

The US-China Trade War in the Context of Deglobalization and the Reideologization of International Relations (Part 2)

Continuation of the article. Devoted to the causes, manifestations, circumstances, results and global consequences of US-China trade war in 2018–2021. Based on the analysis of management decisions, expert assessments, statistics and opinion polls, the author makes judgments and assumptions about the continuity of US policy, provoking and aggravating conflict relations between the two countries, as well as contributing to their penetration into all spheres of politics, economy, culture and even sports. At the same time, consistent and adequate measures on the part of the People’s Republic of China, which have a predominantly defensive orientation, are taken into account. At the same time, the anti-Chinese trade, investment, and technology policy, which was already carried out under Donald Trump in the name of ensuring the national security of the United States, and under Joe Biden actually turned into a hybrid cold war, is interpreted in the context of causal relationships characterizing the crisis of the neoliberal model of capitalism and the intentions of the world elite to restart the Bretton Woods system by switching to “green” energy. The most important resource of the transformation that has begun is the ideology of justifying any sanctions and other strong-willed decisions of the “democratic” Western states led by the United States against the “authoritarian” losers of the energy transition. Consequently, the “trade war” of the USA and China, objectively acting as an instrument of disorganization of the global world and a powerful limiter of globalization based on “market fundamentalism”, becomes the demiurge of the new globalization projected on the platform of “ideological fundamentalism”. In the situation of a multipolar world and the intensified rivalry of nuclear powers, restarting the world economy through a global war seems impossible. On the contrary, the mechanism of collecting a “green” contribution in favor of potential beneficiaries of the new globalization has not yet been tested. Within this perspective, the US-China trade war becomes not only an existential concern of the US and its allies, but also a problem of China’s survival. Obviously, this circumstance explains the emerging rapprochement between the PRC and the Russian Federation in the direction of pooling resources and forming a military-political alliance.

The US-China Trade War in the Context of Deglobalization and the Re-ideologization of International Relations (Part 1)

This paper is devoted to the causes, manifestations, circumstances, results and global consequences of US-China trade war in 2018–2021. Based on the analysis of management decisions, expert assessments, statistics and opinion polls, the author makes judgments and assumptions about the continuity of US policy, provoking and aggravating conflict relations between the two countries, as well as contributing to their penetration into all spheres of politics, economy, culture and even sports. At the same time, consistent and adequate measures on the part of the People’s Republic of China, which have a predominantly defensive orientation, are taken into account. At the same time, the anti-Chinese trade, investment, and technology policy, which was already carried out under Donald Trump in the name of ensuring the national security of the United States, and under Joe Biden actually turned into a hybrid cold war, is interpreted in the context of causal relationships characterizing the crisis of the neoliberal model of capitalism and the intentions of the world elite to restart the Bretton Woods system by switching to “green” energy. The most important resource of the transformation that has begun is the ideology of justifying any sanctions and other strong-willed decisions of the “democratic” Western states led by the United States against the “authoritarian” losers of the energy transition. Consequently, the “trade war” of the USA and China, objectively acting as an instrument of disorganization of the global world and a powerful limiter of globalization based on “market fundamentalism”, becomes the demiurge of the new globalization projected on the platform of “ideological fundamentalism”. In the situation of a multipolar world and the intensified rivalry of nuclear powers, restarting the world economy through a global war seems impossible. On the contrary, the mechanism of collecting a “green” contribution in favor of potential beneficiaries of the new globalization has not yet been tested. Within this perspective, the US-China trade war becomes not only an existential concern of the US and its allies, but also a problem of China’s survival. Obviously, this circumstance explains the emerging rapprochement between the PRC and the Russian Federation in the direction of pooling resources and forming a military-political alliance.