Military Discipline Research Articles

The Collapse of the Ottoman andHabsburg Empires and the Brutalisationof the Successor States

The Collapse of the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires and the Brutalisation of the Successor States This essay explores the interconnected issues of demobilisation and brutalisation in the collapsing Habsburg and Ottoman empires in the period immediately after 1918. Post-imperial Austria, Hungary and Turkey witnessed the emergence of sizeable paramilitary subcultures that were shaped by the successive traumatising experiences of war, defeat, territorial disintegration, occupation, and revolution – nationalist or socialist. Members of these subcultures fed on a doctrine of ethnic nationalism and shared a determination to use violence in order to suppress real or alleged internal enemies and to avenge their perceived humiliations resulting from military defeat. Ex-officers brutalised by wars and infuriated by their outcomes joined forces with, and transmitted their «values» to, members of a younger generation, who compensated for their lack of combat experience by often surpassing the war veterans in terms of radicalism, activism and brutality. Together the veterans and members of the «war youth generation» formed ultra-militant milieux that differed from the «community of the trenches» in their social make-up, their «liberation» from the constraints of military discipline, and their self-imposed post-war mission of destroying external and internal enemies.

“Do not rape and pillage without command”: sex offences and early modern European armies

The emergence of the nation state in early modern Europe was associated with firm policing of sexual behaviour and the creation of a close interdependence between permitted sexuality, procreation, and heterosexual marital union. European armies became experimental fields for the creation of model men and citizens; their sexuality was tightly controlled, and any deviation from the norm harshly punished. Military law, based on the school of natural law and the concept of a just war and military discipline, was the first to develop a systematic approach to sex offences, their hierarchies, and forms of punishment. As a result, European military codes and military courts prosecuted any sexual practices which deviated from the norm (interpreted as procreative marital heterosexual relations). This was one of the most important aspects of early modern development and the emergence of the nation state.

“Ancient Volscian Border Dispute Flares”

Reception of the 2012 film adaptation of Shakespeare's Coriolanus, directed by and starring Ralph Fiennes, dealt with two particular themes: the homoerotic relationship between Fiennes' Coriolanus and the rebel leader Aufidius whose forces he eventually joins, and the choice to shoot the film in Serbia and Montenegro. While south-east Europe has become an increasingly popular location for Anglophone filmmaking, the promotion and reception of Coriolanus foregrounded the significance of Belgrade and the Balkans as a site of recent conflict. Moreover, the film constructs the world of Coriolanus and Aufidius through simulating or even re-using images of “Balkan” space with which viewers have already become familiar through news media, and it therefore draws on and contributes to representative practices that constitute the Balkans as a violent and warlike zone. Yet Aufidius' rebel force resembling militias from the Yugoslav wars is opposed to a highly disciplined “Roman” military equipped for urban warfare in 2000s Iraq. This article contends that the film achieves this contrast primarily through evoking different military masculinities associated with each force, which have been widely disseminated through still and filmed war photography, and secondarily through its use of specific ex-Yugoslav landscapes and cityscapes. The complex relationship between images of the Balkans, masculinity and military discipline in Coriolanus shows that images of military masculinities juxtaposed with a post-Yugoslav material environment continue to operate as symbolic resources in a contemporary western imaginary of war.

Patria potestas or murder in the family

Patria potestas appears in the tradition in two aspects: as the father’s right to put his son to death and as the right to dis-pose of the family property. All examples concerning the murder of the son (or daughters) known to the Roman authors are from the time of the Roman Republic. The father’s right to dispose of the property even when the son is an adult lasted until the Later Empire. In a detailed study W. V. Harris limited his disucussion to ten examples of the son’s murder and three of the daughter. They are most-ly not qualified as the ius vitae ac necis by the Roman authors. It is important to stress: a) That these examples mainly illustrate the father’s right in charge as the high magistrate. In putting their sons to death the fathers-magistrates did not use the vitae necisque potestas of the father but the authority of supreme state officers. The crimes of which the sons were accused belonged not to family affairs but to offences against the military discipline and State interests. b) The only condition in applying the vitae necisque potestas was a moral one, the existence of the iusta causa. Even then it was not unpunished, and in many cases the father went into exile. c) The father’s power existed only over legally born children within a legal marriage. Legal marriage was the privilege of patricians until 444 BC. That means that the patria potestas was originally limited only to patrician families. Biological kinship was not a decisive factor in the restitution of the father – children connection. d) The main right of the pater in the family was not to kill its members, but to preserve his position in economic control and to dispose of the property which was once common and even-tually to control the moral behavior of the family members.

Eine Kugel kam geflogen (A bullet came a-flying.)

In Der gute Kamerad, Ludwig Uhland’s touching poem of conflict between military comradeship and military discipline, a veteran recalls the death of his buddy in battle. He remembers how, as they were advancing to the attack in cadence, he heard a bullet coming at them. Before the ball tore away his friend, as if it were a piece of himself, he had time to speculate “Is it for me or is it for you?” When the fallen warrior reached for his comrade’s hand, the well-disciplined soldier could not give it. Since troops at that time loaded and fired at command, he could not give his hand, but he could express the hope that they would remain good comerades in eternity.

A Tragic Ethnic Conflict in Post-war Taiwan: Reviewing the 228 Uprising Through the IMEP Model as the Primary Analytical Framework

This paper examines the 228 Uprising, which occurred in February 1947 in post-war Taiwan, employing Michael Mann’s IMEP model as the primary analytical framework and suggesting that the uprising was in nature an ethnic conflict heavily influenced by at least four types of structural factors: political, military, economic and ideological. This paper attempts to answer the following questions: What were the structural factors that contributed to the 228 Uprising? How should we interpret these factors to understand the nature of the uprising? Why did the Taiwanese people who participated in the riots act so violently against the provincial government in Taiwan? Factionalism and a low level of the state power were serious political problems, which resulted in lax military discipline and a failed statist economic policy. These military and economic conditions fuelled ideological discourses that called for democracy and self-governance by the Taiwanese. Moreover, the negative interactions between the Taiwanese and the Mainlanders contributed to the emergence of a Taiwanese ethnic identity and echoed those discourses. It can be argued that Taiwanese elites and masses fused their ethnic identity with their ideal of democracy. Thus, in the eyes of many Taiwanese participating in the uprising, that fusion justified violent actions against Chen Yi’s provincial regime and the military establishment in Taiwan.

Longing for Home: Robert Hamilton, Nostalgia and the Emotional Life of the Eighteenth‐Century Soldier

AbstractThis article focuses on Robert Hamilton's The Duties of a Regimental Soldier (1787; rev edn 1794). The article places Hamilton's case study of a common soldier suffering from nostalgia, a potentially fatal disease of the imagination arising in displaced young recruits and in young women removed from their families, within the broader contexts of the history of medical education, contemporary theories of the passions, ideas of military discipline and the culture of sensibility. Hamilton's treatment of nostalgia raises questions about the relations between class and sensibility, between literature and science, and between medical professionalism and the gendered nature of military identity.

Understanding the POW experience: stress research and the implementation of the 1955 U.S. Armed Forces Code of Conduct.

Facing accusations about weak military discipline following the supposedly poor behavior of American soldiers held captive during the Korean War, President Dwight Eisenhower instituted a Code of Conduct for the Armed Services in 1955. In response, military leaders hired numerous social and behavioral scientists to investigate the nature of the prisoner-of-war (POW) experience. These researchers not only challenged official government accounts of POW activities but opened up a new field of study-stress research. They also changed military training policy, which soon focused more on stress inoculation training, and, in so doing, helped lead the shift in psychology away from behaviorism to ego and cognitive psychology. In this sense, my article ties shifts within the social and behavioral sciences in the 1950s to the military history of the early Cold War, a connection generally missing from most accounts of this period.

Training methods and military discipline of Chousun musketeer around the 17th century

Training methods and military discipline of Chousun musketeer around the 17th century

Piracy in the Indian Ocean World

This essay argues that the prevailing Eurocentric view of Indian Ocean World (IOW) history ignores the early rise and development of an IOW global economy characterized by a sophisticated and durable system of maritime exchange from Africa to the Middle East, South Asia, Southeast Asia and the Far East. The economic cycles of this economy largely regulated maritime commerce and with it the incidence of piracy. There appears a clear correlation between the upturns in the IOW global economy and piratical activity, but piracy also appears to have increased during downturns in that economy, possibly as a reflection of economic uncertainty. Contrary to conventional assumptions, it also appears clear that pirate activity required significantly more investment in ships, arms and men than individuals or poor communities could afford. The bulk of indigenous IOW pirate activity was directly sponsored by local land-based authorities, and operated under a command hierarchy with military discipline and organization. Pirates gained a share of any loot, and in at least one instance, the widows of pirates killed in action were compensated. In sum, this essay challenges the conventional wisdom on piracy in the IOW and attempts to lay the basis for an alternative viewpoint that calls for more profound and non-Eurocentric research.

The “Song Leaders” of the American Expeditionary Forces, 1917–18

When the United States entered World War I in 1917, American military organizers hired song leaders to train new soldiers in singing, which—it was believed—would make the recruits fit for the fight by improving both their physical strength and military discipline. Song leaders took their responsibility seriously, and reported on their experiences in their official newsletter, Music in the Camps, which ran weekly from November 1917 to May 1919. The newsletter allows us to study the perspective of approximately seventy song leaders in charge of millions of men in camps across the nation, and to note their experiences with race, cultural differences, and the varying support of their military commanders. Song leaders were a product of a unique moment, when rhetoric about the power of singing to produce fighting men called on them to help form the mind and body of the American soldier.

A mindset for strategic thinking: Conceptual synthesis of the capacity for strategic insight

Strategic thinking is an important business imperative and core competency for management in today’s global environment. This paper provides a conceptual synthesis of a new construct for identifying and developing capable strategic thinkers early in their career. In addition to intelligence, knowledge, and applied experience, we propose that strategic thinking success can be predicted by one’s strategic thinking mindset, or the tendency for an individual to approach problems in a manner that is consistent with key elements of strategic thinking, such as systems thinking or creativity. This mindset serves as the capacity that is necessary, along with competency, for generating strategic insights. In this paper, we review the most notable strategic thinking models across management and military disciplines and, in the process, note nine themes common to these competency models: systems and synthesis, directionality, creativity, criticality, awareness of time, adaptability and opportunism, action learning, breadth and inclusion, and self-awareness and self-control. We then identify three mindset characteristics that form the foundation for these competencies: flexibility, inclusiveness, and humility. We offer six research propositions to guide scholars in testing the relationship between a strategic thinking mindset and successful strategic thinking. Finally, we discuss other examples of mindset concepts that have been used in management and psychological literature and discuss the malleability of the strategic thinking mindset.

‘Money has More Weight than the Man’: Masculinities in the Marriages of Angolan War Veterans

This article discusses how male Angolan war veterans navigated the sudden shift from the rigours of military discipline to life in a civilian society they no longer recognised, where money had become a dominant social value. Based on a year of participant observation and interviews with war veterans in the city of Huambo, it traces their life histories and their post-war struggles to develop the necessary creativity and initiative to make a profit in a disordered, war-torn economy, where masculine status and authority had come to depend crucially on monetary income. I analyse their reaction to the crumbling of the relative certainties of the patriarchal orders of both pre-war society and military life, and the associated anxieties around living up to a senior masculine archetype of the wise, authoritative provider whilst attempting to ensure that their wives’ behaviour conformed to the family model that accompanies this archetype.

CIUDADANÍA Y MILICIA EN EL REPUBLICANISMO FLORENTINO

La creación de una milicia ciudadana es una pretensión característica del republicanismo renacentista. La república no puede ni carecer de defensa, ya se conoce el desenlace de los “profetas desarmados”, ni tampoco defenderse con ejércitos mercenarios. Para Maquiavelo, Guicciardini o Giannotti el ciudadano republicano tiene un conjunto de virtudes, como la austeridad, la disciplina, el patriotismo o la valentía, que le configuran como el mejor soldado. Por ello, el régimen republicano necesita que los ciudadanos sean soldados, porque la propia disciplina militar es un medio necesario para forjar esas virtudes cívicas sin las cuales no puede sobrevivir la república.

Terror and Greatness: Ivan and Peter as Russian Myths by Kevin M. F Platt (review)

SEER, 91, 4, OCTOBER 2013 898 full military discipline. His subsequent change of heart finally discredited Kerenskii in the eyes of almost all army officers, who declined thereafter to support him when the Bolsheviks overthrew his government. Bushkovitch offers no explanation of what ‘Soviets’ were. The translation, ‘council’ (p. 285), does not do justice to them as institutions of direct democracy in which workers and soldiers aspired to take charge of their own lives. Soviets bore the Communists to power in October 1917, but sometimes then turned against them as the Communists’ authoritarianism became more pronounced. Without such explanation, it is difficult for the reader to understand why in 1921 the Kronstadt sailors should call for ‘Soviets to be elected without Communists’ (p. 318). It is easy and perhaps unfair to single out errors, which are more or less inevitable in a survey of a whole country’s history. This book has considerable virtues. Readers will find it reliable and on the whole clear and well laid out. Given the author’s abstinence from overt interpretation, though, I suspect they will use it more as a reference work than as a source of understanding on Russia’s historical development. UCL SSEES Geoffrey Hosking Platt, Kevin M. F. Terror and Greatness: Ivan and Peter as Russian Myths. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY and London, 2011. xi + 294 pp. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $45.00: £29.50. Terror and Greatness is a cultural journey across two centuries of Russian myth-making about Tsars Ivan IV and Peter I. Based on historical, literary and visual sources, Kevin Platt explores how Russian intellectuals, living in diverse eras and circumstances, struggled to come to terms with two of Russia’s most emblematic and problematic monarchs. Ivan the Terrible and Peter the Great, as they came to be called, represented distinct dynasties and ruled in very different historical conditions. Yet because of the dramatic events associated with their reigns, generations of intellectuals have viewed both rulers as symbols of the state-society relationship that occupies so central a place in modern Russian historiography. Specifically, the reigns of Ivan and Peter highlight the problem of tyranny and the role of coercion in achieving progressive change. Platt’s goal is to explore how Russian intellectuals employing different modes of cultural expression celebrated the accomplishments of Ivan and Peter — their commitment to reforms that strengthened the Russian state and promoted social progress — while also condemning their bloody methods. The result has been a malleable historical narrative that serves as the foundation for a Russian collective identity rooted in the memory of trauma and shared victimhood. REVIEWS 899 Platt moves back and forth between historiography, literature, theatre, painting and film in order to trace this collective memory of trauma. He begins in the early nineteenth century with historians N. M. Karamzin and N. G. Ustrialov and novelists I. I. Lazhechnikov and A. K. Tolstoi, commentators who echoed an official historiography that distinguished Peter’s heroic greatness from Ivan’s moral depravity and violence. In A. S. Pushkin’s Bronze Horseman (1833), a more ambiguous and intellectually compelling image of Peter appeared, one that continues to produce multiple interpretations within the larger thematic parameters of progress and violence. The ‘terror and greatness’ motif also occupied literary critic V. G. Belinskii and historians K. D. Kavelin and S. M. Solovev: all presented Ivan as a state builder and hence precursor to Peter. Slavophile thinkers of the same period took a more critical approach, condemning Peter’s methods and ‘achievements’ amid calls for a return to authentic national principles. The next phase of mythmaking covered by Platt is the era of the Great Reforms, a time when historians focused on Peter as a model for statesponsored social change, and playwrights, due to censorship restrictions, paid more attention to Ivan. Heart-wrenching treatments of intergenerational conflict, represented by the filicides of Tsareviches Ivan and Aleksei, also date from this period. Historians debated the necessity of Aleksei’s death without, however, abandoning the notion that state interests must override personal needs. Unwilling to excuse Peter’s methods, they nonetheless tended to view coercion as the handmaiden of progress. With respect to Tsar Ivan, works of...

Legal basis of the commanders` activity on strengthening the rule of law and military discipline of the Interior Troops of Russia

Legal basis of the commanders` activity on strengthening the rule of law and military discipline of the Interior Troops of Russia

Legal basis of the commanders` activity on strengthening the rule of law and military discipline of the Interior Troops of Russia

Legal basis of the commanders` activity on strengthening the rule of law and military discipline of the Interior Troops of Russia

Whispers of Rebellion: Narrating Gabriel’s Conspiracy by Michael L. Nicholls (review)

Reviewed by: Whispers of Rebellion: Narrating Gabriel’s Conspiracy by Michael L. Nicholls Junius P. Rodriguez Michael L. Nicholls. Whispers of Rebellion: Narrating Gabriel’s Conspiracy. Charlottesville: U of Virginia P, 2012. 248 pp. $42.50. Accounts of the Gabriel Prosser slave conspiracy that occurred near Richmond, Virginia in 1800 have generated historical scholarship that includes wide-ranging perspectives of what actually transpired in the place where the Tidewater and Piedmont regions meet. Some dismiss the so-called conspiracy as having been nothing more than loose talk among a small group of alleged plotters, and suggest that the hysteria that accompanied its discovery far outweighed the threat that such conversations might have engendered. Others view the plot as having been much more substantial, with the possibility that seeds of transatlantic revolutionary rhetoric might have inspired the leaders of the incipient conspiracy. The truth lies somewhere in the range of interpretation between these disparate perspectives. It is quite possible that Michael L. Nicholls’s Whispers of Rebellion: Narrating Gabriel’s Conspiracy may bring us closer than we have ever been to a comprehensive understanding of both the causes that animated the plotters, and the effects of a perceived threat among those in power who intended to maintain order in Virginia at all costs. Whispers of Rebellion has the potential of becoming the standard work on Gabriel’s Conspiracy. Nicholls has amassed an impressive volume of primary research on the incident, and he presents his case in a matter-of-fact narrative without trying to prove any lofty, predetermined premise beyond what the facts may convey. The results of this methodology are refreshing, and the writing so powerful that it draws the reader into the process of interpreting events for what they were—and nothing more. Nicholls realizes that his work is one that transcends the fine nexus where threats of violence and actual violence exist, and he understands the civic consciousness of Virginia in 1800, where the thought of committing an act of insurrection might well be deemed as onerous as the impulse to act upon such thought. In laying the groundwork for a narrative history of Gabriel’s Conspiracy, Nicholls sets the scene for the plot by presenting a detailed analysis of the geographic and spatial boundaries that both separated and linked the lives of African American bondsmen who were enslaved in Virginia, and the white inhabitants of Richmond and its environs. The network of roads, rivers, and streams that linked these communities provided arteries of commercial passageways where both enslaved and free might move in daily activity, but it was also used to carry ideas from plantations and farms to conspiracy-minded individuals. Notions of rebellion were spread along these routes as individuals contemplated a plan of action for an uprising that had the potential to inflict great harm upon the region. Nicholls pays meticulous attention to the trial records of all who were implicated in Gabriel’s Conspiracy in order to consider the spatial distribution of the plantations and farms that were somehow touched by the expanding ideology of insurrection. The realization that this plot involved participants from several counties in the [End Page 544] Tidewater and Piedmont areas suggests that the planning for this event was more thorough than many might have expected. Within the ranks of those who were chosen to participate, there existed a type of rigid military discipline and a carefully constructed “need-to-know” basis of information that was shared with potential recruits. The narrative of events makes clear that this was not an accidental plot that was hatched on short notice, but rather a well-formulated conspiracy that had substantial organizational planning and development. The leaders of the conspiracy used their links of kinship connections and association with like-minded potential participants to expand the network of recruits. The level of sophistication found in this network is impressive, and the use of shared “insider information” was especially profound. In one of the most remarkable encounters of the conspiracy, leaders of the plot were allowed inside the Virginia State House on an unofficial “tour” of the facilities to plan how they might most effectively seize that structure when the direct attack on Richmond...

Kentucky Marine: Major General Logan Feland, USMC

Kentucky Marine:Major General Logan Feland, USMC David Bettez (bio) "Kentucky Marine to get decoration from Ex-President of Nicaragua"—so stated the Louisville Courier-Journal headline in March 1931, announcing that Hopkinsville native Major General Logan Feland would add another medal to his already impressive collection.1 The Nicaraguan award would cap a distinguished United States Marine Corps career slowly drawing to an end. The Marine from western Kentucky had won the second-highest combat valor award, become famous nationally and internationally, served alongside "Old Corps" Marine legends, and just missed becoming Marine Corps Commandant. It was a career well worth celebrating. Born in Hopkinsville in 1869, Logan Feland was the third son of lawyer John Feland and his wife Sarah (Sallie) Kennedy.2 In his early years, he attended Ferrell's School in Hopkinsville, founded by a former Confederate major, James Overton Ferrell, who emphasized military discipline. Feland's formal military training began in 1885 when he joined the Latham Light Guards, a Hopkinsville company [End Page 3] of the State Guard. His older brother John served as first lieutenant; by 1888 Logan Feland had become company first sergeant.3 Feland also studied at St. John's Military Academy in Manlius, New York, before matriculating at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in 1890. There, he studied architecture and civil engineering, graduating with a BS in architecture in 1892. After college, he returned to Kentucky to practice as an architect in Owensboro, where his family had moved in 1889 when his father became a federal collector of internal revenue. In 1897, Feland left Owensboro to work in New York City as an architect at the concrete construction company of a former classmate, Ross Tucker, who later as an MIT professor described Feland as "the last man in the world you would ever have picked out to be a soldier—a tall, skinny, slouchy Kentuckian, who couldn't be serious three minutes at a time."4 When the Spanish-American War broke out in April 1898, Feland returned to Kentucky to become captain of the Owensboro-based Company F, Third Kentucky Volunteers, which he had helped establish. His company went to Cuba and although he did not see any action, Logan Feland's life changed dramatically.5 This brief military [End Page 4] experience helped him obtain a United States Marine Corps commission as a first lieutenant. In July 1899, Logan Feland reported to the Marine Barracks in Washington, D.C., and quickly made a positive impression. In Feland's first fitness report, Lieutenant Colonel Francis H. Harrington marked him "excellent" for his manner of performing his duties, his attention to duty, and his general conduct and bearing, and "very good" regarding his health.6 In 1899, bolstered by its claim to be the "first to fight" in the Spanish-American War, the Marine Corps began a transformation into the sharp point of the sword of nascent U.S. imperialism. The Corps had a history of brief insertions into various unstable countries, primarily by ship-based Marines, but it remained small—slightly more than three thousand men. Postwar plans in 1899 nearly doubled its size. In 1900, the Corps also gained a new mission—to create an advanced-base force that would capture and defend territory abroad that could provide naval ports necessary to protect and sustain a burgeoning naval force championed by the former assistant secretary of the navy and future president, Theodore Roosevelt, and many others.7 The advanced-base force development would take a few years. In the meantime, the Marine Corps had an immediate task: helping to pacify the newly acquired Philippine Islands. In November 1899, [End Page 5] First Lieutenant Feland joined the Third Marine Battalion organized under Major L. W. T. Waller. Waller's battalion included several young officers who would become prominent early-twentieth-century Marine Corps figures, such as Hiram "Hiking Hiram" Bearss, Louis McCarty Little, and Frederick ("Fritz") Wise. An officer with strong Kentucky ties, James Carson Breckinridge, served as battalion adjutant. All would play major roles in most Marine Corps operations through World War I.8 Waller's battalion sailed on the USS Solace to the Philippines, where the...

'Alles ist Front!' Wehrwissenschaften in Deutschland und die Bellifizierung der Gesellschaft vom Ersten Weltkrieg bis in den Kalten Krieg

The German word ‘Wehrwissenschaften’ does not have a good English equivalent. ‘Military sciences’, ‘military disciplines’ or ‘defence studies’ are all too generic; they mask the historical connotations of the German word, the deep roots of the Wehrwissenschaften in the German radical Right during the interwar period. Frank Reichherzer’s dissertation makes this point clear. It provides a detailed account of the background, institutional origins and remarkable career of efforts to focus German academic disciplines ‘comprehensively on war’ (p. 15). The word seems to have first been employed in 1926 in a military journal. The idea that German universities should compensate for the absence of conscription by providing instruction in war-related fields of study then became popular in student organizations, particularly among the student fraternities (Burschenschaften). By the end of the decade they were calling for professorial chairs in the Wehrwissenschaften and sponsoring war-related sporting events and lectures. The army encouraged these projects, paying retired officers to lecture at the universities on military history and other pertinent subjects. The Nazi seizure of power then opened the gates to those who believed that the academic curriculum should be reformed to accommodate the lessons of the Great War, which, they believed, demonstrated that war had become an all-encompassing undertaking that bore directly on virtually all fields of human knowledge. With moral and material support from the war ministry, the education ministry and other agencies of the new government, academic courses, seminars, institutes and professorships were established to accommodate this principle. The discipline of history, which now broadened to include regular offerings in military history, was a principal target of these enticements; it was joined by economics, geography, political science, medicine, chemistry and physics, where scholars likewise sought to develop war-related instruction. Although they encountered resistance from members of the regular faculties, the advocates of the Wehrwissenschaften registered important successes at universities in Tübingen, Heidelberg and Cologne, at the technical university in Hanover and in Berlin, where both the university and the technical university offered programmes in war-related disciplines. After 1933 the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Wehrpolitik und Wehrwissenschaften, which was also funded by the army, organized scholars into a think-tank that prepared confidential studies for official agencies on aspects of mobilization, as well as a series of its own publications for a broader audience.