Islamic Activism Research Articles

GUS BAHA, SANTRI GAYENG, AND THE RISE OF TRADITIONALIST PREACHERS ON SOCIAL MEDIA

This research discusses the efforts of the old religious authority in Indonesia, particularly NU activists and preachers, to maintain its values amidst the substantial exposure of new online preachers. This study employs qualitative methods by observing da’wah on social media platforms: Instagram, Facebook, Twitter , and YouTube . The sample of this research is the da’wah of KH. Bahauddin Nursalim (Gus Baha) through Santri Gayeng’s social media accounts. This research argues that the online da’wah of NU, specifically Gus Baha and Santri Gayeng , is adequate and effective to compete with online Islamist activities, such as those from former HTI members. The success of Santri Gayeng is attributed to its strategy to implement da’wah 2.0 , which maximizes visual aesthetics, communication skills, and marketing tactics, besides the use of Indonesian subtit­les. These factors have attracted audiences comprising Nahdlatul Ulama members as well as former jihadists to Gus Baha’s house to listen to and broadcast his lectures online. The response of traditionalist Islam groups through Santri Gayeng has two meanings; namely, it marks the engagement of NU followers in online da’wah interactions and enhances the characteristics of related moderate groups in Indonesia.

From l’Entente to Dhimmis

Abstract This article aims to analyse and assess the exercised discrimination and the decline in the role of Christians, in general, and Copts, particularly, in Egypt from 1952 to 2010. The deterioration of the Coptic situation along with the political, social, cultural, and religious discrimination will be addressed and compared between the authoritarian regimes of Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar al Sadat, and Hosni Mubarak respectively. Political and militant Islam will be also addressed from the perspective of Christian politicisation and societal discrimination. The article will clarify in its conclusion, the gradual transformation status of the Copts from being protégé under the entente to become present-day Dhimmis.

Understanding the transformation of Political Islam beyond party politics: the case of Tunisia

This article accounts for the hybrid transformations of the Tunisian Islamist movement. While most of the literature affirms the end of Political Islam in Tunisia through evidence of the Ennahda’s compromise with secular forces and the decision to keep politics separate from religion, this contribution offers a new perspective by shifting the unit of analysis from the political party to civil society actors. Findings show that, due to new opportunities and constraints that characterise the transition process, Islamist activists engaged in the associations have embarked on various trajectories that transform their relationship with the political party, and more generally with politics. This article examines three relational logics involving Islamist activists engaged in the associational field and the political party: professional empowerment, party complementarity and political challenge. The three logics trace a hybrid dynamic of reconfiguration of the Tunisian Islamist movement that challenges binary interpretations of transformation based on the dichotomy of radicalisation/moderation or on teleological narratives that foretell the end of political Islam in Tunisia.

Islamists on Wire: The View of Islamist Journals Towards Government Policies in Turkey During the 1980s

This paper aims to extrapolate the different political stances of Islamist actors with respect to their reciprocal interaction with the ANAP governments in the 1980s in Turkey. Based on a selection of Islamist publications, this article analyzes the views of prominent traditional Islamic groups such as Erenköy and İskenderpaşa orders and Islamist authors about government policies during the period between 1983-1991 in which the ANAP governed as the single party. The analysis will take place on three subjects that shaped the aforementioned period as well as the entirety of Turkish-Ottoman modernization. The subject of economy reveals that Islamists benefitted from neoliberal policies while taking a critical position towards it. In terms of culture, as the second subject, Islamists criticized the ANAP governments for encouraging individualist-hedonistic tendencies and invited them to Islamize the realms of education and culture. The subject of international relations, on the other hand, was dominated by Turkey’s possible accession to the European Community (EC) on which various Islamist groups tried to have an impact by steering the ANAP’s foreign policies.

Sharia Cooperatives and Mosque Ecosystems: The Devolution of Halal Entrepreneurship in Indonesia

ABSTRACT This article analyses the recent evolution of street-level, small-scale Muslim economies in Java, Indonesia, and the role they have been playing as cultural and material infrastructure for Islamic morality discourses in the wake of the pivotal Aksi Bela Islam 212 (Defend Islam Action 212) rally in Jakarta on 2 December 2016. These small-scale economies are instances of the devolution of halal consumerism in Indonesia, which flows in turn from changes in the landscape of political Islam. These street-level economies provide political Islam with the solidarity of a Muslim cooperative structure, commodifying symbols associated with the rally. Three case studies are presented in support of these arguments. The first is the 212 Cooperative, a chain of minimarts known as ‘212 Marts’ designed as a Muslim alternative to the ubiquitous market forerunners such as Indomaret and Alfamart. Second, we describe an ecosystem of exchange that has evolved around new mosque-based programmes that have invigorated human traffic in and around mosques in Bandung and Yogyakarta. Our third case study is the small-scale lapak traders who follow particular celebrity preachers as they tour, and who operate after Friday prayers. These cases reveal the growing importance of low-end economies (involving low-priced commodities, consumers with relatively low buying capacity, and small-scale traders) in the development of halal consumerism in Indonesia and point to their role in perpetuating morality discourses associated with the 212 rally.

From ‘mystic synthesis’ to ‘Jesuit plot’: The Society of Jesus and the making of religious policy in Indonesia

AbstractSince the 1990s, Indonesia has been confronted with the growing influence of a radical Islamist movement that challenges the state doctrine (Pancasila), which was adopted in 1945, and demands a greater place for Islam, which is the religion of nearly 90 per cent of the population. The hardline groups wish to call into question the Indonesian state’s pluralistic and inclusive religious identity, which they see as a conspiracy hatched by the Christian minority to deprive the Muslim majority of its ostensible rights. The Society of Jesus, which has been present in Java since the nineteenth century, is considered by Islamist critics as the main architect of this alleged plot. Furthermore, one of its members, Father Josephus Beek, is presented by Islamist radicals as one of the founders of the New Order (1966–1998), the regime led by General Suharto which was very hostile to political Islam in its early days. This article analyses how the Society of Jesus was able to integrate Catholicism into the Javanese spiritual landscape and explores the subsequent roles played by Jesuit leaders in the genesis and defence of Pancasila. It also sheds light on how Josephus Beek’s very real manoeuvres have provided fodder for militant Islamist circles seeking to delegitimate Indonesia’s secular status quo.

Reinterpreting the first pillar of the nation: (Dis)continuities of Islamic discourses about the state ideology in Indonesia

ABSTRACT The article analyses discourses of Islamic actors in Indonesia about the state ideology Pancasila (lit. Five Pillars). It discerns three discursive positions that exist in Indonesia since its independence, namely full acceptance of Pancasila as the state ideology, complementing Pancasila with Islamic law, and outright rejection of Pancasila and its replacement by (political interpretations of) Islam. Having a particular focus on the post-Suharto era (since 1998), the article compares more recent discourses with the ones from earlier phases in Indonesia’s post-colonial history indicating discursive (dis)continuities. It is particularly concerned with reinterpretations of the first pillar of the Pancasila, that is the belief in the One and Only God, that is today used by conservative and Islamist figures to call for the implementation of Islamic law. The article argues that this indicates a major shift in discursive positions, as the rejection of Pancasila and its complementation with Islamic law have become increasingly illegitimate views. Under present political conditions in Indonesia, the article concludes, the only position that is left for the Islamist camp is to accept Pancasila as it is and to combine it with a reinterpretation of the first pillar as guarantor for the implementation of Islamic law.

STRATEGIES OF USA-PAKISTAN RELATIONS IN THE POST 9/11 PERIOD: HURDLES AND PROSPECTS

From that moment forward, the Pak-US relationship will be rocky, and it will challenge both countries' foreign strategies. As a result of its dire needs, Pakistan has come to rely heavily on the United States (US). After the country's liberation, Pakistan may play a significant role in the region. However, it was still difficult to imagine being in a relationship. The lack of trust between you and me is a significant factor in determining the nature of any future commitment. September 11 altered the trajectory of relationships and the depth of commitments. This event marked a turning moment in the mending of fences between the two parties. Since then, various factors have influenced who is responsible for what. The inclusion of the manual shows serious dedication. The willingness to commit is based on the extent to which one is helped. The US military's strategic outreach to Pakistan during the War on Terror solidified US interest in Pakistan and transformed it into a technologically advanced partner. Frustrations also contribute to a decline in teamwork. After 9/11, the globe saw both bright and less promising times due to three central defining moments: the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the rise of the US as a global champion, the consolidation of territorial security, and the fear-based oppressor onslaught. This war against mental oppression envisioned a new alliance between the US and Pakistan; during this time, Pakistan faced challenges and emerged as a crucial ally for Americans in South Asia's war against fear. The relationship between the US and Pakistan was a cornerstone of American foreign policy. The approach to South Asia prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union. The US provided Pakistan political, economic, and military aid during the Cold War. The re-arming of Islamic militants against the Soviets posed new problems for the US. U.S. foreign policy experts' sense of urgency following the September 11 attacks led them to rethink their country's ties to Pakistan. Fears that Osama bin Laden and Islamic mercenaries are hiding near Pakistan's borders have been a top issue for Americans. Expanded US-India collaboration has been effectively constrained by the long-term goal of containing China and thwarting terrorism. Given those presumptions, this research looks into the ties between the US and Pakistan. Keywords: Bilateral connection, Pakistan, South Asia, United States of America, War on fear, 9/11.

Israeli-Palestinian struggle

This study investigates how the struggle between Israelis and Palestinians is represented in the western news discourse through building a relationship between language and ideology. The study provides a picture of how Palestinians are depicted in the West. To achieve this aim, extracts from six articles of two western newspapers, namely the Independent from U.K and the Washington Post from U.S from the period between 2001-2012 are selected and analyzed ideologically and linguistically. The study is carried out using Van Dijk's notion of "ideological square", categorized by Us vs. Them dichotomies using qualitative and quantitative procedures. The study has concluded that Palestinians are absolutely portrayed negatively in the western newspapers. They are explicitly or implicitly seen as fighters, suicide bombers, Islamic militants, kidnappers and terrorists, which reflect their danger as compared to the Israelis. The conclusions have also proved that the two newspapers have revealed similar attitudes toward Palestinians and almost used similar language to describe them.

Book Review: Islamist Militancy in Bangladesh: A Pyramid Root Cause Model

Book Review: Islamist Militancy in Bangladesh: A Pyramid Root Cause Model

Waiting for Utopia

Abstract In this article I consider the connection between Islam and utopia, using the renewed visibility that Islamic actors and moral economies have gained in the post-revolutionary Tunisian public sphere as a starting point. In particular, based on ethnographic findings from field research in Tunisia, I take into account the interest in Salafism expressed by young Muslims, recently fascinated by the Salafi tradition even if not necessarily joining any formal Salafi organization. The recovery of an original and mythical perfection, rooted in the example of the ancestors (the salaf), that is, the Prophet and his Companions, has been the inspiration on which many young Tunisian Muslims draw in order to shape their subjectivity on the basis of a complex relationship with time and politics.

RELIGION, CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION, AND MODERNIZATION

Globalization is characterized by advances in science and technology that are inevitable by the community, including the people of Surakarta. People in Surakarta are in dilemma between tradition and modernization. Education, transportation, and economic advancement have transformed the social, religious, and cultural aspects of the people in Surakarta over the last three decades. Thus, how is the narrative of the paradigm shift of religiosity of the Surakarta community amid modernization? This descriptive qualitative study collected data through observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The analysis employed an interactive analysis model. The findings revealed that the paradigm shift of religiosity of the Surakarta community is directly proportional to the social, political, economic, and cultural changes. There is a shift in the religious perspective of the Surakarta community known as hijrah from the abangan Muslim community to Islamist activism or new santri with all the limitations of understanding and Islamic doctrine, which requires assistance in terms of Javanese Islamic culture and local beliefs to avoid uprooting them. As a result of hijrah and becoming Islamic activism, people left the Javanese culture such as Kejawen and local beliefs. However, some of them have transformed the culture to fit the teachings of Islam. So far, those who hijrah to NU still adhere to religious traditions and even transform Javanese culture to suit the times. Meanwhile, Islamic activism has left Javanese Islamic traditions and local beliefs. The shift in religious paradigm asserts two things. They are internal and external encouragement. First, internal factors are in the form of encouragement from within religious communities. Second, external factors are external stimuli that can encourage a shift in the Surakarta community's religious perspective.

Emotion Work in Tabligh Jama’at Texts

This study examines the emotional dynamics of the written and oral texts of Tabligh Jama’at—respectively, Faza’il-e-A’maal (Virtues of Good Deeds) and bayan (religious sermon). In them, the study identifies emotion work—the attempt to generate certain emotions. The study discusses how the texts’ emotion work relates to Tablighi discursive ideology (framing) and also posits several emotions that the emotion work might generate. From these findings, the study offers the idea that Tablighi emotion work contributes to transforming Muslims’ emotional sphere by attaching them emotionally to ultimate religious concerns. By enchanting Muslims’ emotional sphere and attaching Muslims to Islamic social actors, values, practices, and Islamic revivalist goals, Tablighi emotion work contributes to the social transformation of individuals and society.

Challenges of De-radicalization in Pakistan

De-radicalization refers to a situation in which a person not only gets radicalized but also follows a route of rhetoric that leads to violent extremism. De-radicalization is the only disease emerging from the turmoil of terrorism. Pakistan is at a crossroads, where religious extremism is thriving every day and the scourge of terrorism is engulfing Pakistan. De-radicalization in the course of counter-terrorism is used as a soft approach without violating the basic ethics of human liberties. Radicalization, intolerance, sectarianism, Islamic militancy, and terrorism are not only spreading quickly over the globe, but they are also negatively impacting Pakistan's social security, religious peace, economics, good governance, democratic reform, and system of education. The study aimed to highlight the gaps and challenges faced by Pakistan during deradicalization.to identify its nature and extent methodological investigation at the local level is accomplished This is a quantitative study to investigate the challenges and strategies for de-radicalization. To gather data primary and secondary sources were used. Pakistan needs to formulate its own, home-based strategies and paths to counter radicalization. Radicalization, administration, extremism, governance, Islamic insurgency, intolerance, violence, and identification are all addressed in this study. The key underlying causes of insurgency and radicalization have been identified, which will aid in the fight against Islamic militancy, radicalism, extremism, and intolerance in Pakistan. The study's findings and recommendations will be used to combat extremism and Islamic insurgency in Pakistan. This work will assist Think Tank experts, scholars, educators, and legislators, who will use the results and suggestions for broader objectives.

TRACKING THE ROOTS OF RADICALISM IN INDONESIA: INTERPRETATION OF THE VERSIONS OF JIHAD AND WAR IN THE QUR’AN

Wars and fundamental actions in Indonesia, such as terrorism, seem to be a stigma attached to Islam. If you look at previous history, this stigma appeared for the first time when the WTC incident on September 11, 2011, in the United States, was followed by the bombings in Bali (2002), Madrid (2004), London (2005), and in Paris (2015). carried out by the radical Islamic movement, al-Qaida. This is where the world community is haunted by the discourse of Islamophobia and attaches various negative stigmas to Islam, such as radical Islam, fundamental Islam, extreme Islam, militant Islam, terrorist Islam, and so on. This research will focus on the problems above, with the formulation of the problem; How is the interpretation of the verse of jihad and war, and how is it related to the Qur’an?

LEGALITY ASPECTS OF SHARIA BANKING IN INDONESIA

Islamic banking in Indonesia has existed for a long time, namely within the 1980s whilst several Islamic activists performed research on Islamic economics who recommended Islamic banking, even working towards it on a limited scale, together with through Bait at-Tamwil Salman, Bandung. Extra intensive efforts had been made in the 1990s, which culminated in the IV countrywide Deliberation of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) in Jakarta, 22-25 August 1990 which led to a mandate to form a working group for the status quo of Islamic Banking in Indonesia known as the MUI Banking group. The end result of this team’s work is what is normally referred to as the establishment of PT bank Muamalat Indonesia (BMI), November 1, 1999, with an initial capital of more than IDR 106 billion. Several years later, Islamic banks emerged which includes independent Islamic banks, BNI Syariah, Mega Syariah banks and so forth. The sharia banking regulation itself is urgently wished for numerous motives, namely: in step with Indonesia's national development dreams to attain the advent of a just and prosperous society primarily based on economic democracy, it's far necessary to broaden an economic gadget primarily based on justice, togetherness, fairness and advantage. Islamic banking is the handiest instinct that is most appropriate to translate the above country wide development goals into real existence.Keywords: Legality, Sharia Banking, Islamic economics

Radical Reform: Studi Analitis Konsep Ijtihad Tariq Ramadan

This article wants to discuss the concept of Ijtihad in the perspective of Tariq Ramadan. Thus, at the same time, this article pays attention to the concept of Radical Reform which is an effort to achieve Tariq Ramadan, as an Islamic activist who is involved in the dynamics of Muslim life in Europe. This article is a qualitative article using a library research methodology. The primary data from this article is Tariq Ramadan's book, Radical Reform: Islamic Ethic and Liberation, while the secondary data from this research are books, journals and articles. supporting articles. This article finds that the ideas brought by Tariq Ramadan are relevant to be applied by minority Muslims in the west, because in this idea Ramadan does not only adapt or rely on contextualization, but emphasizes that the situation or context is an independent aspect. This article argues that the offer of Ijtihad in Ramadan's Radical Reform concept is the most suitable to be applied in the social reality where de facto a large number of Muslims live as a minority community, especially in the western world which has a population with various theological beliefs.

Sharia Politics in Nigeria and Malaysia: Governance, Islamization and Human Rights

Despite being federal secular states, the scope of Islamic law application and Islamic bureaucracy in both Nigeria and Malaysia has expanded tremendously under the influence of Islamist movements. Ideologically, Islamism aims to establish a political system based on Islamic tradition and the full implementation of Sharia law. Islamist activists in both countries have been working and pushing for the full implementation and enforcement of Islamic law including its criminal code which is also known as Hudud. Situating our analysis within a framework of the differentiated context of governance, this study expounds a comparative analysis of the processes of sharia implementation and the varying natures of human rights violation. Our analysis illustrates that the state failure in Nigeria cannot be resolved by replacing the secular political system with an Islamic one as the problem lies elsewhere. In Malaysia whereby state capacity in governance is much more effective, problems peculiar to the contemporary Islamic doctrine such as the theological interpretation of apostasy from the perspective of human rights are aggravated by a strong state capacity in regulating individual Muslims’ private lives. The tendency of seeing harsh punishment as an effective means of weeding out vices and associating it with the seriousness of the state in enforcing Islamic belief leads to the loss of a sense of jurisprudential proportionality, and a zero-sum-game mentality vis-à-vis the respect for human dignity and liberty for both Muslims and non-Muslims alike.

“Je suis … Charlie, Samuel, Muhammed”: Practicing Muhammed Cartoons in Far Right and Islamist Politics

AbstractSince the 2005 Jyllands-Posten controversy, both far right and Islamist actors have employed Muhammed cartoons to construct a radical frontier between Muslims and non-Muslims. This article aims to provide a better understanding of the linkages between two opposing forms of popular identification by looking at the utilization of the Muhammed cartoons to crystallize a multitude of (conflicting) subjects, affects, and demands. Following a vantage point of mutual relations, the article investigates the discursive performances of the Dutch branch of the transnational Islamist party Hizb ut-Tahrir and the far right Party for Freedom with respect to the Jyllands-Posten affair, the 2015 Charlie Hebdo attacks, and the 2020 killing of a French schoolteacher. Considering its cultural and political foundations of mutual respect and tolerance, the Dutch case is pertinent for examining the tension between the right to free speech and support for extremist and popular forms of (far right and Islamist) identification.

Gewalt im Namen des Islam: Muslimische Fragen und Antworten

Abstract Distinguishing Islamism from „mainstream,“ non-Islamist Islam is not always an easy task as far as the basic assumptions concerning the nature of Islam and its normative foundations are concerned. It is with regard to strategy in general and the use of violence (especially against Muslims) in particular, that distinctions tend to become sharply drawn. Islamists aim to transform state, society, culture, and law in light of the normative texts of the Qur’an and Sunna, considering the early period of the prophet Muḥammad and his successors (the “pious ancestors”) as the definitive model of an Islamic order. Jihadist Islam pre-dates 9/11 but was propelled into new directions as a result of these acts of violence. The legitimate use of violence, and of Jihad, has always been a contentious issue among Muslims. Significantly, the religious status and affiliation of those involved (Muslims; recognized non-Muslim communities; non-Muslims living beyond the Islamic realm; self-declared Muslims not recognized as such by their enemies) have played a crucial role in these debates. At the core of contention is takfīr, the accusation of unbelief launched against self-declared Muslims, be they Sunni, Shi’i or other. Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966) elaborated the theological underpinnings of takfīr, but it was militant Islamist groups that took the concept to it extremes and put it into practice. Faced with a jihadist logic based on the Qur’an and Sunna, Islamic scholars and Muslim political authorities have propagated the principle of moderation (wasaṭ and wasaṭiyya) as the truly Islamic model of thought and behavior. While wasaṭiyya lacks the emotional and medial resources available to its militant opponents, and while it has been denounced as a strategy of containment employed by the powers-that-be, it seems to have been embraced by broad Muslim audiences.