Middle Eastern Governments Research Articles

A Potential Game-Changer: The Abraham Accord and its Implications

This study elucidates the relevance of the peace agreement between the UAE and Israel in reducing the country's ties to the Jewish state. The study's overarching goal is to decipher the truth behind the Abraham Accord and to explain the fundamental ideational variables like economy, politics, and defence that have contributed to this historical rapprochement and its influence in the region. With the global system in such a state of disarray, no country can be sure of the intentions or security of any other, driving them all into power politics. This is the framework that is used to make sense of the decision to normalize ties between the United Arab Emirates and Israel. The political, economic, and military aspirations of Middle Eastern governments as well as the fight of the United governments and Israel to imagine a new balance of power in the area independent of ideology have been examined.

Middle East energy consumption and potential renewable sources: An overview

Despite having enormous fossil fuel resources, the Middle East is susceptible to drops in oil and gas prices, which hurts the country budget. Even while the Middle Eastern countries that import energy enjoy cheaper energy costs, several of these nations have experienced war, social disorder, and political upheaval, which has made the position of the energy of the region very difficult. Water shortages are another significant issue in the Middle East. This region might be classified as a desert. The management of water resources is becoming more and more important in the area as water shortages become a serious problem. To address the current energy crisis and strengthen energy security, the Middle Eastern governments have established commendable renewable energy projects over the years. However, there is still a sizable gap between the potential of renewable energy and production that can be exploited due to rising demand and population growth. This research reported a description of the energy consumption of the Middle East and the viability of the potential renewable energy. The predicted technical result shows that the Middle East region is rich in potential solar and wind, which is the most probable option to satisfy future energy demands via a regional transmission system owing to the severe intermittent nature of renewable energy resources. In the end, it has been shown that, especially in the Middle East, which depends heavily on fossil fuels for its gross domestic product, several policy options need to be studied and put into place for renewable energy goals to be met.

Saudi-Iran Rivalry: Pakistan's Role from Neutrality to Mediatory

This study examines Pakistan's changing role amid Riyadh and Tehran's geopolitical and geoeconomic competition. It debunks the claim that Saudi Arabia and Iran's rivalry has long caused sectarian strife and economic and security problems in Pakistan. Pakistan's leadership has determined to prevent sectarian and supremacy tussles between the two Middle Eastern powers and to reduce tension diplomatically. Saudi Arabia and Iran's competition has affected not only Middle Eastern governments but also Pakistan, which faces internal and external issues. Pakistan's connections with Iran and Saudi Arabia are geopolitical and geoeconomic necessities. This conundrum has led Pakistan to act as an arbitrator between Saudi Arabia and Iran in its foreign policy. This research examines Middle East political tensions from 2015 to 2021 to determine Pakistan's evolving role from neutral to mediatory. The study paper analyses how Pakistan, while protecting its national interests, helped reduce Tehran and Riyadh's animosity from 2016 onwards when tension escalated.

HR Development on Government Sector in the Middle East

This paper will outline the efforts by the Middle Eastern government sector to improve its human resource. The paper will also cover the existing literature on human resource development and also provide recommendations on how the Middle Eastern governments can better their human resource in various sectors.

Iran\'s Foreign Policy Perspective on Syria Crisis in 2011

Iran urged Middle-Eastern governments to respect the legitimate demands of their people and to put an end to despotism in these countries. However, Iran adopted a different foreign policy on the protests against the Syrian government, which was the total support of the government against its opponents. The reason to adopt this tactic is Iran’s strategic point of view that the regional political systems are categorized according to two different strategies. Accordingly, Iran should support the protests in these countries and urge for fulfilling the legitimate demands of the people there. But we should adopt a different policy with regard to protests in countries like Syria, which are in the resistance line against domination system. From the view point of Iranian officials, the protests and unrests in Syria are the result of a pre-designed Western scenario to challenge the legitimacy of Syrian political system, leading to different political array which weakens the resistance line in the region against the system of domination by changing the political system in this country. According to this view, Iran wants to protect the Syrian government in the context of a realistic analysis, given the Syria’s strategic importance and position. According to Iran's foreign policy officials, on the basis of Iran national interest preservation, it is necessary for Iran to use its full capacity to help and protect the Syrian government in order to maintain and strengthen its regional role, the balance of power and the resistant forces.

Turkish foreign policy after the ‘Arab Spring’: from agenda-setter state to agenda-entrepreneur state

This article explores Turkey's changing foreign policy approach towards the Middle East after the spread of the Arab upheavals to Syria. Instead of preserving the status quo, Ankara has turned to a revisionist state that has begun to threaten Middle Eastern governments. While Turkey was reluctant to join the foreign military interventions against Middle Eastern regimes, (e.g. Libya) it has been instrumental in immersing NATO in the Syrian civil war. Such transformation ultimately undermines analyses that define Turkey as the kingmaker of the Middle East.

Access to orphan drugs in the Middle East: Challenge and perspective.

An orphan drug is a drug developed specifically to treat a rare medical condition. With a combined population of less than 400 million, about 2.8 million patients are estimated to be suffering from a rare disease in the Middle East. Some disorders such as hemoglobinopathy, glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase deficiency, autosomal recessive syndromes, and several metabolic disorders have a presence throughout the Middle East. In order to promote the treatment of these diseases, Middle Eastern governments need to facilitate education and training of healthcare personnel; develop and execute a method for obtaining and paying for orphan drugs; and, finally, provide tax, marketing, and other incentives to domestic and international firms to develop drugs specifically for the diseases of most importance to Middle Eastern patients.

China's “Surge” in the Middle East and Its Implications for U.S. Interests

Abstract The emergence of the People's Republic of China as a major political, economic, and military force in the Middle East has had a great impact on United States foreign policy and strategic interests in a vital region of the globe. The article examines the motivations behind and the modalities that characterize the recent upsurge in Chinese engagements in a variety of sectors as well as how they are being perceived by Middle Eastern governments and people before concluding with several recommendations for American policy.

Oil and the Politics of Fear

Washington politics is no longer about issues. It is about fear. To succeed, a politician has to play on the public’s fears, most of all fear of terrorism and fear of global warming. Republicans capitalized on fear of terrorism in 2002 and 2004 to win national elections. Democrats chose fear of global warming, and they have experienced political success with it. Strangely enough, both groups, riding a platform of fear, come to the same conclusion: Oil is the enemy. For Republicans, oil finances terrorism. For Democrats, oil causes global warming. For both, dependence on oil is a disaster in the making. A third group, mostly but not exclusively Democrats with neoconservative attitudes-let’s call them Republocrats-has also called for eliminating dependence on oil to foster democracy in the Middle East. They believe that eliminating dependence on oil will lower prices and decrease the flow of money to Middle Eastern governments’ coffers. According to this view, lower oil revenues will force governments to be more democratic. The three groups that dominate American politics now have a single enemy: oil. For all of them, if you eliminate dependence on oil, you solve the world’s most pressing problems: terrorism, global warming, and dictatorship. I wish it were that easy. Fear of terrorism, global warming, dictators, and consequently of oil has allowed politicians to spend billions of dollars to promote substitutes for oil. This spending has in turn created new and powerful industries that thrive as long as their oil-bashing supporters are in power. Amazingly, even the private sector has launched a war against oil.

Dealing with non-Palestinian Refugees in the Middle East: Policies and Practices in an Uncertain Environment

Despite the relevance of the issue in Middle Eastern politics, the study of non-Palestinian refugees and their treatment in the region is a subject that has received little attention in the academic community. This paper attempts to fill this gap by examining the evolution of refugee policies in the Middle East between two of the major events that have characterized the region in the last decade, the 1990-1991 and 2002-2003 ‘Gulf Crises’, and by critically analysing the factors that have influenced these developments. In mapping the legal and administrative provisions that Middle Eastern governments have devised to address the issue, I observe that no substantial breakthrough in formal policies has occurred. Overall, refugee policies in the region remain far from the standards of the international refugee regime. In turning to the ‘politics’ of refugee policy in the region, however, I show that this area has been more dynamic than the sole focus on formal aspects would indicate. This is apparent if we look at the issue of refugees in the Middle East from the perspective of the relations between local authorities and UNHCR, the main players involved in this policy area. Despite the difficult environmental conditions, negotiations have been ongoing throughout the 1990s, and they have led to some limited improvement in the treatment of refugees. Yet, with the deterioration of the regional and international political context, such promising developments have recently come to a standstill and this fact is reflected in the general worsening of the condition of refugees in the area.

Enemy in the Mirror

In recent months, the media has been saturated with endless discussions on Islamic fundamentalism. People with little or no training in Islamic studies have been paraded in front of viewers and readers presenting useless, and at times mindless, commentary on Islamic theology and fundamentalism.
 Amid all this hyperbolic discussion, a refreshing and cogent analysis can be found in Roxanne L. Euben's excellent Enemy in the Mirror: Islamic Fundamentalism and the Limits of Modern Rationa lism. Euben, a Princeton Ph.D. who teaches political science at Wellesley College, offers a forceful illumination of Islamic fundamentalism, particularly the thought of Sayyid Qutb.In this serious and intelligent work of comparative politics and political theory, Euben seeks, through an interpretive approach, to understand the fundamentalists' own understanding of their meaning and purpose. She argues that Qutb's political thought is an indictment not only of western imperialism and colonialism, corrupt Middle Eastern governments, or modernity per se, "but also of modem forms of sovereignty and the western rationalist epistemology that justifies them." Euben maintains that Qutb's thought is neither unique nor idiosyncratic when compared to other Islamic fundamentalists. Yet she does not stop there - she argues that Qutb's critique of the modern condition shares many similarities with Christian fundamen­talists as well, and even with neoliberal political philosophers. 
 By situating Qutb in a crosscultural comparative context, Euben under­mines the perceived opposition between "us" and "them" or "Islam" and "the West." Instead, she maintains that Qutb and others should be viewed as part of an international thrust preoccupied with the "erosion of values, traditions, and meanings" that is seen as constitutive of post-Enlightenment modernity. Thus, Euben invites the reader to view Qutb and his theories through a critical analytical prism that is both instructive and enlightening. 
 Euben's book is divided into six chapters. The first two frame the gen­eral questions, define the key terms, and construct the book's methodology. It is clear that Euben is seeking to make sense, via a dense theoretical dis­course, of the rise of religious fundamentalism or what she calls "founda­tionalist political practice." This task is problematic, she argues, given that political science no longer sees any place for metaphysics in political life. This makes it difficult to interpret practices and actions guided by belief in divine truth. Furthermore, the discipline is grounded in a this-worldly scholarly discourse that finds "foundationalist political practice" a threat to modern politics and hence a menace to modem society (e.g., Samuel Huntington) ...

Muslim Countries and the Democracy Gap

As the year 2001 drew to a close, the international community confronted a widespread terrorist threat emanating from a fanatical global revolutionary movement. While one terror base, the Taliban's Afghanistan, appeared about to be eliminated, the international community faced a troubling future in which dispersed political fanatics and movements will seek to export terror into stable states and to topple politically weak Middle Eastern governments in order to foment international Islamist revolution.

Women's Rights, Human Rights: International Feminist Perspectives.

Women's Rights, Human Rights: International Feminist PerspectivesJulie Peters and Andrea Wolper, eds. London/New York: Routledge, 1995; 372 pp.Reviewed by Helle - Mai Lenk Department of Adult Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education Toronto, OntarioWomen's Rights, Human Rights is most recent and arguably most wide - ranging addition to growing body of literature on global movement for women's human rights.(f.1) interest has been most remarkable in last three years since 1993 UN World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna brought to international attention gender - based violations of human rights. In introduction to this anthology, Julie Peters and Andrea Wolper state purpose of their collection as twofold: to map directions movement for women's human rights is taking and to address ramifications of critical events and issues. Among latter, they single out rapes in former Yugoslavia and pressure for war crimes tribunal; trafficking of women and girls; female genital mutilation; and reproductive rights and coercive methods of population control.The 32 contributions by activists, journalists, lawyers and scholars from 21 countries (albeit for most part U.S. - educated or - based) have been organized under seven headings: Backgrounds, Regional Reports, Gendered Law, 'Public' and 'Private', Cultural Difference, Violence and Health, Development and Socio - Economy, and The Persecuted, Voiceless. However, in reading through essays, one finds that these categorizations necessarily overlap and certain common themes emerge, particularly those that pertain to situation of women in parts of world other than North America or Western Europe.The three essays in section entitled Cultural Difference address what editors identify as most critical issue facing human rights advocates: Does right to preserve and religious practices take precedence over human rights norms? (p. 5). role played by custom and in hindering advancement of women's rights is theme, however, that is broached by most contributors and permeates not only this volume but, I would argue, all aspects of movement for international women's human rights, movement which to certain extent owes its very existence to identification of West/non - West binary. In The Politics of Gender and Culture in International Human Rights Discourse, Arati Rao seems well aware of this fact. In what seems direct criticism of editors' introductory comments, she cautions against tendency to set up a false oppositional dichotomy in which geopolitical borders are erased and multitude of cultures are collapsed into falsely unified packages, one bearing stamp of human rights and other lacking it (p. 168). While not denying that defences of and religion have resulted in some of most egregious violations of women's rights, Rao points out that culture is series of constantly contested and negotiated social practices whose meanings are influenced by power and status of their interpreters and participants (p. 173).Ann E. Mayer might have benefitted from reading Rao's essay before embarking on her reflections on women's rights and what she terms the Eastern experience. Her article is replete with references to Middle Eastern Muslim women, Middle Eastern governments and Middle Eastern law as if national boundaries let alone racial and class divisions do not exist. When specific country is cited, as in case of Iran, author limits her references to books published in immediate post - revolutionary period of early 1980s.(f.2) While Mayer castigates those who in adopting cultural relativist position promote monolithic, static image of Eastern countries, she herself does little to dispel that notion.Finally, Maria Suarez Toro downplays importance of advances in women's rights made at international level maintaining that in Central America they have had little impact on women's everyday lives. …

Facing the new world order: Middle East geopolitics and Palestinian peace strategies

The purpose of this paper is to examine the future geopolitics of the Middle East against the backdrop of the Gulf War crisis and its aftermath. Special attention was given to the case of Palestinians and their search for peaceful solution to their territorial conflict with Israel. It is suggested that in an era of a new world order most Middle Eastern governments will give priority to their domestic problems, gearing toward power sharing at home and evolving a certain degree of liberalizations as an attempt to be accommodated within a worldwide sphere of social, economic and political reconciliation. Having overcome the post-Gulf political isolation, the Palestinians are now in a better position to make their claim for self-determination recognized. Ultimately, the fulfilment of such claim is desirable for achieving lasting peace and regional stability. This paper also proposes concrete suggestions for future Palestinian territorial behaviour addressed mainly to the Palestinian government to be considered while they are engaging in peaceful negotiations with Israel.

A Winter Of Discontent: Britain's Crisis In Jordan, December 1955-March 1956

The 1950s were years of profound change in the Middle East. In the realm of great power diplomacy, British hegemony gradually gave way to American ascendancy which, in turn, competed with the rapid spread of Soviet influence in the area. Within the region, the era witnessed the crystallization of a state system and, simultaneously, the growth of ideological movements dedicated to the unification of those states on national or religious bases. Internally, Middle Eastern governments sought new of opposition groups. These transformations, together with the dislocations of decolonization, the persistence of regional rivalries, and the introduction of new technologies, caused chronic instability throughout the Middle East, and in the winter of 1955–1956, combined to produce Britain's crisis in Jordan.

A Concise History of the Middle East

This new edition of Arthur Goldschmidt's well-researched history includes a refined discussion of the life and mission of the Prophet Muhammad, updated scholarship on the 19th-20th century Persia/Iran, as well as clarification and exploration of the aspects of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.. The seventh edition of Arthur Goldschmidts widely acclaimed text has been extensively revised to reflect the latest scholarship and the most recent events in the Middle East, including a refined discussion of the life and mission of the Prophet Muhammad and a clarification of the aspects of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. As an introduction to the history of this turbulent region from the beginnings of Islam to the present day, the book is distinguished by its clear style, broad scope, and balanced treatment. Written for college students, the text assumes no prior knowledge of Middle Eastern history. It focuses on the evolution of Islamic institutions and culture, the influence of the West, the modernization efforts of Middle Eastern governments, the struggle of various peoples for political independence, the course of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the reassertion of Islamic values and power, the aftermath of the Gulf War, and issues surrounding the Palestinian Question. }The seventh edition of Arthur Goldschmidts widely acclaimed text has been extensively revised to reflect the latest scholarship and the most recent events in the Middle East, including a refined discussion of the life and mission of the Prophet Muhammad and a clarification of the aspects of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. As an introduction to the history of this turbulent region from the beginnings of Islam to the present day, the book is distinguished by its clear style, broad scope, and balanced treatment. Written for college students, the text assumes no prior knowledge of Middle Eastern history. It focuses on the evolution of Islamic institutions and culture, the influence of the West, the modernization efforts of Middle Eastern governments, the struggle of various peoples for political independence, the course of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the reassertion of Islamic values and power, the aftermath of the Gulf War, and issues surrounding the Palestinian Question. This edition also includes a detailed and updated chronology, a glossary of names and terms, and a bibliographic essay listing books and other sources that will prove helpful to both teachers and students. Maps, tables, and figures enhance the value of this edition. }

Jordan's Trade: Past Performance and Future Prospects

Many Middle Eastern governments are seeking to liberalize their trade policies. There is a desire to abandon policies based on import substitution through protectionism, and instead concentrate on export promotion. Advisors from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) urge governments to be less interventionist, and to create an environment where the provate sector can have freer rein. It is hoped that private entrepreneurs can revitalize the economies, and play a major role in emport promotion. Egypt, for example, has had an open door policy since 1974 following the years of government intervention and control under Nasser. Syria has also liberalized its import regime, and would like to encourage private sector exports, and Ba'thist socialist ideology has been less emphasized in recent years.

The recognition and enforcement of arbitration agreements and awards in the Middle East

THERE has for a long time been a general uncertainty as to the laws and attitudes of Middle Eastern countries1 to arbitration as a mechanism for resolving disputes arising out of international commercial arrangements. This has been expressed by the oft-profferred advice to be wary of submitting to arbitration disputes with parties from the Middle East. This situation is due in large part to ignorance in the West about Islam, which is a major influence on the laws of most all the Arab countries, ambiguity in the policies as expressed by the Governments in the region, and misunderstanding of Middle Eastern thinking. Arbitration has always been the most practical method for resolving disputes involving Middle Eastern parties. Although the law in many Middle Eastern countries has given rise to uncertainty and insecurity with respect to the effectiveness of the arbitration agreement and award, the Governments and Government entities of the Arab countries have regularly agreed to an arbitration provision in contracts with Western parties, and disputes arising out of such contracts have been submitted to arbitration and in most cases the awards made have been voluntarily accepted. In particular, in the 1950's and 1960's there were a series of arbitrations concerning the effect and extent of oil concession agreements granted by the Middle Eastern Governments over their territory.2 In recent years there have been an increasing number of arbitrations involving State3 and private entities from the Middle East and arising out of agency and distribution arrangements, turn-key projects and construction contracts.4 In most of these cases the awards have been accepted and given effect to, although there have been cases where enforcement has been sought. The misconceptions about arbitration involving parties from the Middle East has resulted from two principal facts. First, the absence in many …

Stratification, authority, and justice in the law of the Islamic Middle East: a bibliographical essay

ion, and the notion of justice, with which Islamic law did not come to terms, status laws were widely implemented, and even where they were not followed, they remained influential as the recognized norms. Therefore, these norms must be studied in their application--whether This content downloaded from 157.55.39.35 on Fri, 02 Sep 2016 06:01:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms complete or partial--if the extent of their impact on status is to be assessed with any accuracy. A work that shows how essential it is to consider status norms in context is S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, ii (Berkeley, 1971), where the impact of the jizya imposed on non-Muslim tributaries is assessed with reference to the Jewish community in Fatimid Egypt. Goitein shows how the tax, far from being the relatively innocuous nuisance that one might suppose, was a burden that led to severe hardship and deprivation. Using the same Cairo Geniza records, he discusses the position of slaves in Fatimid Cairo, in his 'Slaves and Slavegirls in the Cairo Geniza', Arabica, ix (1962), pp. 1-22, suggesting there the interplay of legal and socio-economic factors affecting their status. B. The Erosion of Legal Norms Affecting Stratification The legal norms affecting stratification have been seriously affected by the encroachment of socialist and Marxist ideologies. While Islamic law does not envisage or mandate any specific economic order, it accepts economic disparities and is most solicitous of the rights of property owners. Islamic law has in the past confirmed privileges of wealth by reason of the protection it afforded to private property: it did not envisage measures that would level out disparities in wealth or wholesale redistribution of assets and resources in the common interest. The institution that has most often been pointed to by those who maintain that Islam called for a redistribution of wealth that presaged modern socialism is that of zakdt, or the alms tax, regarding which see 'Zakat', in SEI; Aghnides, pp. 207-375. However, it is clear that this one tax could not and was never intended to dismantle the hierarchy of wealth and privilege within the Islamic community. An article the title of which suggests it may be helpful but which I have been unable to consult is R. Arnaldez, 'Sur une interpretation economique et sociale des theories de la 'zakat' en droit musulman', Catalogue de l'Institut des Sciences ,conomiques Appliques, v (1960), pp. 65-86. See also G.H. Bousquet and J. Schacht (eds.), Selected Works of C. Snouck Hurgronje (Leiden, 1959), pp. 132-70. The justifications which Islam affords for inequalities of wealth and for a capitalistic ethos are provocatively discussed in M. Rodinson, Islam et capitalisme, (Paris, 1966), which has appeared in English as Islam and Capitalism, (London, 1974). In adopting socialist or Marxist approaches to property ownership, Middle Eastern governments will inevitably be led to take measures that contravene Islamic law as they move to dismantle an economic hierarchy which Islamic law props up. Highly recommended are the scholarly treatments of the conflict between the Islamic laws on property and private ownership and the exigencies of modern socialist policies in K. Dilger, 'Eigentumsordnung und Sozialismus in den arabischen Staaten', Zeitschrift fuir vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, lxxv (1975), PP. 171-201 (bibliog.); and K. Dilger, 'Das Recht unter dem Einfluss des Sozialismus in der Volksrepublik Jemen', ibid., pp. 1-38 (bibliog.). Works that have not been available to me but which may be useful include K. Timm, 'Der moderne Islam iiber Privateigentum, soziale Gerechtigkeit, und Nationalisierung', Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Humbo ldt-Universitit, Gese Ztschaftsund Sprachwissenschaft iche Reihe, xxi (1972), pp. 201-19; and W. Ule, Bibliographie zu Fragen des Arabischen Sozialismus, des Nationalismus, und des Kommunismus unter dem Gesichtspunkt des Islams (Hamburg, 1967). The fact that the old economic order is sanctioned by religious law has not been overlooked by conservative forces, who have used the weight of Islamic authority to oppose economic change.

Book Reviews: The Pure Theory of Politics, The Nature and Limits of Political Science, Social Science and Political Theory, in Defence of Politics, The Theory of Political Coalitions, The British Political Elite, Amateurs and Professionals in British Politics, 1918–59, London Government and the Welfare Services, Local Government Today … and Tomorrow, Public Expenditure: Appraisal and Control, The Lessons of Public

Book Reviews: The Pure Theory of Politics, The Nature and Limits of Political Science, Social Science and Political Theory, in Defence of Politics, The Theory of Political Coalitions, The British Political Elite, Amateurs and Professionals in British Politics, 1918–59, London Government and the Welfare Services, Local Government Today … and Tomorrow, Public Expenditure: Appraisal and Control, The Lessons of Public