State In Middle East Research Articles

Beyond conflict-related sexual violence: the continuum of violence in Iraq’s Women, Peace and Security action plans

Women’s experiences of conflict and their roles in its prevention have become an increasingly large focus for feminist scholars, particularly since the adoption of the Women, Peace and Security agenda in 2000. Iraq has been at the forefront of engagement with the Women, Peace and Security agenda, being the first Middle East state to adopt a national action plan. This article analyses Iraq’s Women, Peace and Security action plans, largely drafted by women’s civil society organisations, using the concept of the ‘continuum of violence’. In doing so, the article shows how a fuller breadth of violence is used by Iraqi women writing and working on Women, Peace and Security inside Iraq than what appears in Women, Peace and Security resolutions. The article therefore contributes to critical engagements with the Women, Peace and Security agenda by addressing two themes: the agenda’s limited capture of gendered violence in conflict; and the agenda’s top-down nature when it comes to reconceptualising the agenda, its limits and its opportunities.

MIDDLE EAST: STATES RIVALRY IN THE HORN OF AFRICA. KEY DRIVES, GEOPOLITICAL IMPLICATIONS, AND SECURITY CHALLENGES

The entanglements of Middle East states in the Horn of Africa are debilitating the politically volatile region. The Middle East states power projection schemes and the race to build up military bases have been threatening the security of the Horn region b

Middle East in a framework within the Global geopolitical transformation

Against a background of the substantial geopolitical changes, which are, symbolized breaking with westcentrism unipolarity, fi rst of all US supremacy in world aff airs and transition to a new more balanced global order. The Arab community is in search of its own place, which is correspond with its achieved mighty level. All is said in favor of this: the real practice of the Middle East States as far as is concerned foreign policy adjusting to the new realities and in vital interest of their own, having been proamericanly imbalanced during long period. This process is not simple: during it diff erent changes are quite possible even retreats to the previous stands. Mush is dependent on the force of Washington counteraction and of course dependent on political will and fi rmness of purpose of ruling circles of the Arab States in the Middle East. But most important is that the fi rst steps are already have made, fi rst of all in energy security. All of this is in favour of Russia, vitally interest in such world architecture of the global policy which is to work for majority of States on the Earth and be more justice. As far as the current situation is concerned Arad States of the Middle East even nowadays might be cold supportive partners of our country. Beside energy background of this partnership are ethics, social and confessional values, first of all in family relations and gender sphere. The most common factor, which gets as closer is our long non conflict multi centuries history of the mutual intercourse: we never fought each other under battle ground. On the contrary there are a lot of examples of our beneficial cooperation in economy, investment activity, medicine and so on and so forth, and in recent years — common struggle against national terrorism.

CHANGING THE PARADIGM OF STATES IN THE RABIC MIDDLE EAST REGION BRINGS AUTHORITARIANISM TOWARDS DEMOCRACY

The demonstration phenomenon that was launched by the Arab Spring has caused political upheaval in Middle Eastern countries, starting from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria which is still continuing today, is a bridge to change, the fall of authoritarian regimes, and also as a symbol of struggle pro-democratic Arab people who demand a paradigm shift in the Middle East state. The intended change is in the economic, social, open and democratic aspects of the political system. The Arab Spring phenomenon still leaves many problems, Middle Eastern countries are still in a slump, trapped in conflict and civil war. The democratic transition that was aspired to did not go well, being held hostage by the interests of authoritarian and sectarian regimes: ethnicity, religion, sects and political groups. Authoritarianism is one of the causes of instability and has colored the political dynamics of the Middle East. Socio-historically, authoritarianism and sectarianism in the Middle East have multi-layered roots over a long period of time. This paper tries to read the paradigm shift in the Arab region state state against authoritarianism towards democracy

PAKISTAN MEAT INDUSTRY: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES FOR THE FUTURE MEAT SUPPLY CHAIN POTENTIAL

Meat is one of the major commodities with which food science is concerned. Meat is defined as flesh of animals used as food. The bulk of meat consumed in Pakistan is derived from goat, sheep, cattle, buffalo, camel, fish and poultry. The meat of poultry and fish is considered separately from the rest of meat. The meat of cattle, buffalo, sheep, goat and camel is an example of red meat.Meat (mainly beef) plays a more dominant role in Pakistani food, compared to other South Asian cuisines. It is reported that an average Pakistani consumes three times more meat than an average Indian. Per capita availability of meat in Pakistan is 19kg. Pakistan suffers in international markets as meat slaughtered in traditional abattoirs fails to meet international standards. Despite an increase in milk and meat production, the prices have moved upward abnormally. Exports of livestock, includingcows, buffaloes, sheep, and goats, are made to the Gulf States, Iran, and Afghanistan where there is a great demand for high-quality meat due to a lack of supply. The country, though rich in livestock, rarely got a chance to export meat or meat products to earn foreign exchange. It was offered an opportunity when various Middle East states stopped importing meat from European countries due to the incidence of the mad cow disease. The recent increase in meat prices is attributed to the export oflive animals or meat to the Middle East and Afghanistan. There was a time when animals used to be imported or smuggled from Afghanistan into Pakistan but after 9/11 the situation suddenly took a 'U' turn. The major constraints include non-availability of indigenous meat breeds, lack of proper animal husbandry practices, absence of modern abattoirs, meat processing plants and low priority by policy makers in the past as well. In meat marketing, the abattoirs are the production points and butcher’sshops are the only vending points to the consumers. The abattoirs are seriously lacking basic sanitation facilities (like light, adequate water supply, space for slaughtering and animal keeping, meat refrigeration, and disposal of offal) all over the country. A large portion of the by-products such as blood, glands, intestines, and bones are either wasted or poorly processed. The hygienic conditions of the slaughterhouses and meat shops are very poor. The flayers and butchers are also not professionallytrained. The fixing of prices of beef and mutton by local governments are serious obstacles in buying good quality animals for slaughtering. To meet the demand-supply gap of meat in Pakistan, the rate of growth must be at least 5 to 7% per annum. If Pakistan wants to continue meat and live animal export, besides meeting domestic demand, modern meat processing plants and livestock farms should be set up all over the country. Suggested program in this regard are: livestock production and development for meat production, development of feedlot fattening to maximize bio-economic and sustainable meatproduction and its value addition through meat processing and quality control.

The Impact of Sport on the Reputation of States in the Modern Political Agenda

The article is devoted to the use of sports as a tool of soft power, the influence of sports on the formation of the image of the state. The material examines the increased role of international sports organizations and sports in general. It is noted that in the modern world the possibilities of sports diplomacy have seriously increased. Particular attention is paid to the confrontation between the Middle Eastern states, which have practically mastered the ability to politically influence the world community using the tools of sports diplomacy.Theoretical generalizations and comparative analysis made it possible to analyze the resonant sports events that took place at the largest tennis, judo and rally racing competitions.The aim of the work is to determine the influence of sport as an effective means of soft power in modern international relations.As a result of the study, various types of use of sports as a tool of soft power were demonstrated, and its effectiveness as an effective means of political struggle was proved using the example of the Middle East states. As a conclusion, it can be noted that at present, states that successfully combine various aspects of public diplomacy will achieve greater success. In this context, the development of sports at the national level makes it possible to increase the reputation of the state, creates a positive image, which makes it possible to achieve certain goals in the political arena.

Safevi Devleti’nin Hindistan’daki Müslüman Türk Sultanlıkları ile İlişkileri

Müslüman Türk Devletleri tarihinin şanlı sayfalarından birini oluşturan Safevi Devleti sadece Azerbaycan’ın değil, aynı zamanda bütün Yakın ve Ortadoğu’nun devletler tarihinde; uluslararası ilişkiler, askeri ve siyasi hayatında önemli rol oynamakla beraber, Avrupa-Doğu karşılıklı ilişkilerinde de çok aktif rol almıştır. Safevi Devleti dış ilişkilerinde özellikle önem verdiği bölgelerden biri de Hindistan’ın Dekken platosundaki Müslüman Türk Sultanlıkları olmuştur. 15. yüzyılın sonları ve 16.yüzyılın başlarında Dekken’de Adilşahlar (1490-1686), Nizamşahlar (1491-1633) ve Kutupşahlar (1512-1687) devletleri var idi. Safevilerin bu üç Türk Sultanlıklarla olan ilişkileri Safevi Devleti’nin kuruluşuna mütaakiben Şah İsmail’in kazandığı başarıları sayesinde kurulmaya başla¬mıştır. Hemen sonrasında Hindistan’da kurulan Moğol İmparatorluğu'nun (1526-1857) askeri üstünlüğü dikkate alınırsa, bu üç küçük Sultanlığ’ın imparatorluğa katılması sadece bir an meselesi idi. Ancak onlar Moğol İmparatorluğu’na karşı çıkmak yolunu seçerek İsnaâaşeriliği resmi devlet dini ilan edip, uzun bir süre Safevi Şahlarının egemenliğini kabullenmiş oldular. Özellıkle, Safevi şahları I. Şah tahmasp (1524-1576) ve I. Şah Abbas (1587-1629) dönemlerinde Safevi-Dekken Müslüman Türk Sultanlıkları arasında kurulan her yönlü ilişkiler yüksek seviyede olmuştur. Bir çok kaynakta “Şii Sultanlıkları” olarak da anılan bu üç Türk Sultanlığı, Moğol İmparatorluğu tarafından işğallerine kadar, zor şartlarda da olsalar Savefilerle olan ilişkilerini ihmal etmeyerek sürdürebilmiştir.

The relations between France and the Middle East states during the presidency of Emmanuel Macron in the context of settlement of regional crises

This article analyzes the relations between France and the Middle East states through the prism of foreign policy course of Emmanuel Macron, who was elected as the president of France on May 14, 2017. The Middle East vector of foreign policy is traditional for the Republic, and therefore is one of the foreign policy priorities for the current leader. The author aim to determine the essence and key peculiarities of the Middle East course of E. Macron. For achieving the set goal it is necessary to outline the priority foreign policy vectors of the president and range of countries in the region that are subject to the measures of his chosen course; analyze in which states and to what extent the leader of the Republic continues the policy of his predecessors who were in power since the early XXI century; and changes in the relations between France and certain Middle East states. The conclusion is made on the presence of particular factors that hinder the conduct of smart policy in the region, which would meet the interests of all Middle Eastern actors. Disaccord of the French leader with his international partners regarding the Middle East regulation significantly complicates the implementation of smart foreign relative to the Arab world. E. Macron is currently paying scrupulous attention to the policy of European integration, which raises a number of unresolved issues regarding the Middle East. This alongside the domestic political issues undermines the authority of the current French leader.

"МИРОВАЯ РЕВОЛЮЦИЯ" НА ОКРАИНАХ БРИТАНСКОЙ ИМПЕРИИ ВО ВТОРОЙ ПОЛОВИНЕ 1920-Х ГГ.: МИФ ИЛИ РЕАЛЬНОСТЬ?

Based upon the wide range of sources, including Russian and British archival documents, published diplomatic correspondence, diaries penned by some eye-witnesses and newspaper commentaries, the article dwells upon the attempts by the Comintern to bring to life the ideas of “world revolution” in the Middle East states – such as Persia and Afghanistan, as well as in the Chinese possessions – Sinkiang and Tibet, which in the period under review – the second half of the 1920s, gained a quasi-independent status. The author meticulously examines various forms and methods of exporting revolutionary practices to the British Empire Asian outskirts, where Indian subcontinent occupied a key position. As a result of the study, it was established that by the beginning of the 1930s, the concept of the “world revolution” as one of the directions of Soviet foreign policy underwent a transformation from reality into a myth, which began to perform mainly propaganda functions. Besides that, the author came to conclusion that the transformation had a serious impact on the development of Soviet-Britain relations during the second conservative government of S. Baldwin, being zigzag in nature – from the state of mutual confrontation in 1925–1926, through the rupture of 1927, to the restoration after the return to power of the Labour Party in 1929.

Power projection of Middle East states in the Horn of Africa: linking security burdens with capabilities

ABSTRACT The reported militarization of the Horn of Africa by Middle Eastern states has generated great interest among scholars and analysts alike. Their analyses and articles about the projections of power from the Middle East to the Horn of Africa are exaggerated, however, because they underappreciate the extant and enduring security burdens of the states in question and overestimate their national power capabilities. This is largely due to common misperceptions and faulty measures of military power. The question that this article answers is therefore not whether states such as Turkey or the United Arab Emirates (UAE) could redeploy limited military resources extra-regionally, but why would they and for how long? Using empirical data from interviews, defence statistics and data from recent deployments of the UAE and Turkey, we show how these key players are inhibited from prospective, long-term, and sustained deployments extra-territorially. This is supported by our analysis of the two states’ power capabilities (latent and actual) and their security burdens that constrain and limit options for the use of military tools abroad in the pursuit of foreign policy aims. This has led both Turkey and the UAE to engage in various forms of remote warfare involving local partners, allied militias, and mercenaries.

The Impact of Demographic Features on the utilization of Airbnb Platform; a Comparative Study of Aswan and Wahat in Egypt.

Share economy is becoming a worldwide trend. Two of the main prominent enterprises in share economy are Airbnb for share accommodation and Uber for share transportation, where the former became the largest with expected revenue of three billion USD in 2020. These enterprises launched their own platforms to provide services for their customers on the basis of share economy. In 125 countries, Airbnb platform operates under governmental umbrella and offers the opportunity for tenants of private units to take part in world tourism business. Egypt is a Middle East state that has a long history as a tourist destination with many terminuses that fit for various types of tourism. Aswan and Wahat are examples of these terminuses, however they are unique in nature since they offer private share accommodations. Unfortunately, this is done in isolation from any regulations whether governmental by MOT or organizational by ETF. This research uses PESTEL model dimensions and features to assess the adequacy of these terminuses to utilize Airbnb platform for share accommodations. Since the two terminuses are different in terms of their attractions and types of tourist they induce, this paper is geared to finding out differences among them concerning the utilization of Airbnb platform. Findings indicate that there are significant differences between the two terminuses concerning one of the dimensions of PESTEL model, namely, the demographic feature.

Tax treaties between Slovakia and the Middle East countries

The objective of this article is to provide a basic systematic review of tax treaties between Slovakia and the Middle East States and their similarities and differences as compared to the standard OECD/UN Model Tax Conventions. The methods used include abstraction, comparison, analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, and summarization. Findings include diverging practice concerning the scope and objective of double tax treaties such as criteria for residency, zakat provisions, transfer pricing rules, and anti-abuse rules. Taking into account the context of Slovak administrative practice and lack of experience with double tax treaties this diverging practice may lead to occasions of tax treaty override.

АРАБСЬКИЙ БЛИЗЬКИЙ СХІД У ЗОВНІШНІЙ ПОЛІТИЦІ ІСЛАМСЬКОЇ РЕСПУБЛІКИ ІРАН

The article considers the peculiarities of formation Iran's foreign policy course towards Middle-East region. The character of relationship's evolution of IRI and region's States is determined. The causes of occurrence of number of current issues, obstructing to constructive dialogue between Islamic republic and Middle-East States, are examined. The probable scenario of Iran's foreign policy discourse during political majority is formulated.

Fragmentation as a Challenge: Tribal and Sectrarian Identities in the Middle East

In the Arabian Gulf two identities can be really considered almost as important as the national one: the tribal and the sectarian ones. Someone should expect that the reinforcement of these identities is a direct response to inequality and processes of exclusion. Furthermore, parochial tribalism is expected to arise as the protector of cultural heritage, especially in a region where the ex-pats vastly outnumber the locals. Nonetheless, both statements are far from truth. In this paper we will analyze how in the Gulf, sectarian identity came to play a significant role only after the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran and it keeps on surviving through mainly instigations and Iranian propaganda, provocations and support. It should be noted that Sunni identity has been allegedly subjugated in other Middle East States (mainly in Syria and Iraq) but in the Gulf the sectarian challenge stems from the Shia communities, openly supported by Tehran. Strangely enough, the tribal identity does not pose that much of a challenge, since tribes are more the friend than the enemy of all Gulf States. Actually, these countries could not have survived without the loyalty and commitment of the tribes not only to the Royal families but also to the idea of the State and the ideal of the Nation – and Gulf Nations do protect their cultural heritage. Keywords: Gulf, Globalization, Fragmentation, Sectarianism, Tribalism

When China sneezes, middle east states get the cold.

The main objective of this study is to extend an economic perspective on the outbreak of COVID‐19 pandemic in the Middle East economies. The COVID‐19 pandemic, which was initially considered as a Chinese‐centric problem, has now affected more than 200 countries worldwide. The impact of the virus on human sufferings is unaccountable. However, economists consider the repercussion of the outbreak as contagious economically as it has been medically. Throughout this paper, we mainly address a few important research questions about the economic aspects of COVID‐19. We further highlight three critical channels through which the economic effect of the outbreak can be assessed. Finally, we explain the case of Middle East states and demonstrate the pathways that explain the economic repercussion of this global pandemic on the region. We conclude the paper by providing a few policy recommendations for the Middle East economies to fight the crisis.

China’s Foreign Aid to the Middle East: History and Development

As one of the important components of China’s Middle East diplomacy and overall foreign aid, Middle East states have received aid from China since 1954. While the research in this regard is fragmented to a certain extent, the problem of interpretation has become more and more controversial. This paper attempts to review the history of China’s aid to Middle East states through the integration of research data, through three stages of division and analysis of typical forms of aid. This paper finds that the medical teams of foreign aid sent by China in the 1960s and the labour export in the 1970s were developed from the practice of China’s aid to the Middle East states and then extended to other regions. In the early 21st century, China further strengthened its technological cooperation and human resources development cooperation with Middle East states in the new era of rising economic status. This article finds complexities in the role of Middle East states in the field of international aid and the dynamic changes in actual aid needs, due to the lack of authoritative information on relevant regions, total amount of country aid and the amount of funds for each type of aid, as well as the deviations in definitions of ‘aid’ at home and abroad, which has limited Chinese literature on aid to the Middle East.

Models of interstate cooperation in the Middle East

The research subject is the models of interstate cooperation in the Middle East region. The purpose of the research is to define the models of interstate cooperation in the Middle east and the peculiarities of their formation. The article considers the security issues including energy and economic security of the Middle East states. The authors give special attention to the problem of Israel’s involvement in the mechanisms of interstate cooperation in the Middle East. In order to conduct a detailed analysis of the models of interstate cooperation in the Middle East, the authors use the systems approach. Its application is conditioned by the fact that the formation of the mechanisms of cooperation in the Middle East was influenced by a range of socio-economic, political, religious and ethnic factors. The authors also use empirical and theoretical methods including synthesis and analysis. The research methods include content-analysis aimed at analyzing text content. This method is actively used by the authors for the analysis of the works of foreign and Russian scholars studying the topic under consideration. The scientific novelty of the research is determined by the subject and the topic of the research, and consists in the formulation of particular models of interstate cooperation in the Middle East. The authors formulate the directions of cooperation and, based on this information, define the mechanisms of their formation. The consideration of the key models of interstate cooperation in the Middle East allows defining the key obstacles hampering the formation of effective mechanisms of cooperation which would be able to solve various regional problems. The authors arrive at the conclusion that the mechanism of creation of effective models of interstate cooperation in the Middle east is significantly aggravated by severe regional problems including ethnic and religious conflicts, the lack of a regional leader, the weakness of regional organizations, the involvement of extraregional actors, and the presence of a large number of terrorist organizations.   

Rethinking Gulf Energy Security in the 21st Century

This introduction outlines how the fragmentation of the Middle East state system, coupled with the shifts in the centrality of oil to the well-being of the Global economy, has now recast debates about the very nature of energy security and the future stability of the Gulf monarchies. Acting as a primer to the articles that comprise this special section of Journal of Arabia Studies, it highlights many of the attendant security issues surrounding energy diversification strategies now being adopted by many of the regions actors, while also highlighting the key differences that have shaped the responses of the individual Gulf monarchies to the challenges they now face in an ever more uncertain era.

ЗОВНІШНЬОЕКОНОМІЧНІ ВІДНОСИНИ УКРАЇНИ ТА КРАЇН БЛИЗЬКОГО СХОДУ

The article is dedicated to foreign economic relationship between Ukraine and Middle East Countries. There are a lot of scientific research which is dedicated to place of international economy and foreign economic relationship between Ukraine and Middle East Countries. In these researches there are some directions: relations between Northern Africa and Middle East states, influence of integration process on economic development of Middle East Countries, role of gulf countries in international economy. The economic relations between Ukraine and Gulf countries are at the Hasan Abumufreh and Saed Ankavi researchers. At these works were discussed relationship between Ukraine and Gulf State. But dates at these works are outdate and need update. The Middle East Countries are very various: Bahrain, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, Cyprus, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, United Arab Emirates. These countries have different level of economic development. Today Ukraine has foreign economic relationship with all Middle East Countries. Вut the main partners of this area are Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Turkey. Аfter analyze of trade Ukraine and Middle States, the main exporter can be divided on countries –leader (Egypt and Turkey) and potential leader countries (Saudi Arabia and Israel). For regulation of relationship there are contractual bases. The main direct of regulation are foreign trade, investments and organization of joint activity of trade-industrial chamber. At the trade of goods there are some trends: Ukraine has positive saldo in goods trade, the greatest saldo Ukraine has in trade with Egypt and Turkey. These countries also has the greatest trade balance. The export structure is very traditional for Ukraine trade. They are ferrous metals, grain crops. The trade relations are not strategic, because there is no machines. The main partners in trade of service are Cyprus, United Arab Emirates, Turkey and Israel. In export the main partner is Cyprus, in import – Turkey. The positive saldo has only United Arab Emirates, all other have negative saldo. The structure is very narrow. The main export service – is transport service. So trade Ukraine and Middle East State has great potential but not use for fully.

Political Theory of Societal Association: Case of the Failed State of Syria—Part 2

This is the second paper (of four) analyzing the failure of the Syrian state. Four papers have been required because of the complicated sequence of events in the history of Syria: 1) from territory from the Ottoman Empire to European colonial states, 2) to independent states, 3) to a near collapse under a terrorist caliphate, and 4) to refugee impacts on its former colonial occupiers. In this historical sequence, we are testing the validity of the modern theory of political association. In the previous paper of Part 1, we constructed this formal theory as a 3-D taxonomy of political association, which we used to analyze why the state of Syria failed in a vicious civil war (Betz, 2019). The history of modern Syria began at the end of the Ottoman Empire, from which the modern Middle East states were carved. Because of the complex details of the government of Syria after independence, we here review these events as a second paper, Part 2. This paper continues using the methodology of grounding social science theory upon historical studies.