Mexican American Civil Research Articles

Review: No Mexicans, Women or Dogs Allowed: The Rise of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, by Cynthia E. Orozco

Review: <i>No Mexicans, Women or Dogs Allowed: The Rise of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement</i>, by Cynthia E. Orozco

Quest for equality: the failed promise of black-brown solidarity

As the United States championed principles of freedom and equality during World War II, it denied fundamental rights to many non-white citizens. In the wake of President Franklin Roosevelt's 'Good Neighbor' policy with Latin America, African American and Mexican American civil rights leaders sought ways to make that policy of respect and mutual obligations apply at home as well as abroad. They argued that a whites-only democracy not only denied constitutional protection to every citizen but also threatened the war effort and FDR's aims. Neil Foley examines the complex interplay among regional, national, and international politics that plagued the efforts of Mexican Americans and African Americans to find common ground in ending employment discrimination in the defense industries and school segregation in the war years and beyond. Underlying differences in organizational strength, political affiliation, class position, and level of assimilation complicated efforts by Mexican and black Americans to forge strategic alliances in their fight for economic and educational equality. The prospect of interracial cooperation foundered as Mexican American civil rights leaders saw little to gain and much to lose in joining hands with African Americans. Over a half century later, African American and Latino civil rights organizations continue to seek solutions to relevant issues, including the persistence of de facto segregation in our public schools and the widening gap in wealth and income in America. Yet they continue to grapple with the difficulty of forging solidarity across lines of cultural, class, and racial-ethnic difference, a struggle that remains central to contemporary American life.

Editor’s Note

Editor’s Note Sarah Banet-Weiser, Editor This issue of American Quarterly marks the transition from one editorial team to another. As the new editor of AQ, I am deeply indebted to Curtis Marez for his impressive stewardship of AQ for four productive years. The previous managing editor, Jeb Middlebrook, is a model of careful and thoughtful organization, and I am fortunate to have inherited an editorial operation that runs so smoothly. During the past several years, Curtis and the editorial branches of AQ have been a part of an ongoing project of American studies that involves a reimagining of the field and of “America” itself through transnational, global, and hemispheric inquiries. It is my hope to continue this project of reimagination, and to include other articulations of the “America” in American studies. This might include seeing “America” as a series of migratory and mobile circuits, markets, cultures, and connections that complicate conventional maps of state boundaries and the geography of disciplines. In part, a networked American studies requires our attention to the travel of “America” within contexts of global marketing and flows that intersect with more traditional understandings of national identity, so that categories such as the “nation,” “race,” “gender,” and the “global” are increasingly unsettled, as well as rewritten, by shifting flows of culture and capital. It also means, in somewhat more material terms, that we are going to attempt to implement a multimedia component to supplement the print version of AQ, so look forward to that in upcoming issues. In this issue, we feature a forum that critically considers the travel of particular understandings of America to other transnational contexts. The forum, “From La Frontera to Gaza: Chicano-Palestinian Connections,” organized by Laura Pulido and David Lloyd, emerged from a symposium held at the University of Southern California on March 30, 2009, César Chávez Day, a holiday adopted by California in 2000. The activists and scholars represented in this forum ask important questions about the connections between pursuits of justice and the organization of bodies and nations. Following the precedent set by the selection of the 2009 ASA John Hope Franklin prize for best published book, Ussama Makdisi’s Artillery of Heaven: American Missionaries and the Failed Conversion of the Middle East, this forum explicitly addresses the complicated and critical geographies of American studies—what counts as “America” and therefore what counts as American studies. [End Page v] The essays in this volume address, from different vantage points, some of the intersections of race and the state, of cultures and borders. Ira Wells analyzes the coinciding discourses of Richard Wright’s Native Son and the legal invention and institutionalization of “terrorism,” arguing that Wright’s invention of Bigger Thomas as a particular kind of figure of terror forces us to confront our own cultural investments in the production of terror at the state, cultural, economic, and political levels. Randy Ontiveros looks at the supposed “Golden Age” of television in the mid-twentieth century, and focuses attention on the dearth of media coverage of the Mexican American civil rights movement, a lack of media visibility that occurred simultaneously as the Black civil rights movement was increasingly broadcast into American living rooms. Finally, Katherine Grandjean examines crime literature of the mid-eighteenth century, and in particular, sermons and confessions regarding the execution of Native Americans, arguing that a close examination of the intersections between Native Americans, clergy, and English communities in New England allows us a unique glimpse at developing notions of race. Aside from book reviews and an event review, in this issue we also include a call for contributions to the September 2012 special issue, “Race, Empire, and the Crisis of the Subprime,” guest-edited by Paula Chakavartty and Denise Ferreira da Silva. Key to AQ’s role in the field of American studies is the journal’s extraordinarily diverse scholarship and its steadfast commitment to interdisciplinarity. As has been true in the past, American studies, as a discipline, a body of scholarship, and a community, faces a critical and exciting juncture as we try to make sense of and engage with the parameters of the changing technological, academic, and political-economic environment. Always an...

Claiming Rights and Righting Wrongs in Texas: Mexican Workers and Job Politics during World War II. By Emilio Zamora and No Mexicans, Women, or Dogs Allowed: The Rise of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement. By Cynthia E. Orozco

Claiming Rights and Righting Wrongs in Texas: Mexican Workers and Job Politics during World War II. By Emilio Zamora and No Mexicans, Women, or Dogs Allowed: The Rise of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement. By Cynthia E. Orozco

Communists and the Early Movement for Mexican-American Civil Rights: The Benjamin Moreno Inquiry and its Aftermath

Benjamin Moreno's short life was emblematic of the Mexican-American generation growing up in Southern California in the 1930s. The third of eleven children, he was raised in a five-room home with f...

World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights

World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights

World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights

World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights

On Collaborating: An Interview with José Cruz González

FALL 2009 159 On Collaborating: An Interview with José Cruz González Susan Vaneta Mason José Cruz González is a playwright, director, musician, lyricist, creator of the Hispanic Playwrights Project at South Coast Repertory Theatre in Costa Mesa, California, and Professor of Theatre Arts and Dance at California State University, Los Angeles. His parents and grandparents were farm workers and he grew up on California’s central coast. He went to college during the Mexican American Civil Rights movement where he was among the first generation of Chicano Studies students who defined and shaped Chicano theatre. González has a prolific career as a writer of youth and adult plays and has received numerous awards (Kennedy Center, NEA, TCG and others). During his development as an artist and throughout his professional career with commissions by numerous theatre companies, he has been committed to exploring diverse approaches to artistic collaboration. González’s latest play, Sunsets and Margaritas, was recently produced at the Denver Arts Center in Colorado. Susan Mason is González’s colleague at California State University, Los Angeles. She has collaborated with him on professional and academic projects. When and where did you first begin studying theatre? I did my undergraduate work at University of California San Diego in the late 1970s where I majored in U.S History/Chicano Studies and minored in Theatre. Why theatre? I knew I wanted to go to graduate school and thought theatre would help my communication skills. So I began by taking beginning, intermediate and then advanced acting. Eventually the teacher asked me to help coach ac- 160 LATIN AMERICAN THEATRE REVIEW tors. I was also tapping into the creativity in my childhood: painting, sketching, making things with my hands. How did theatre and Chicano Studies come together for you? Were you aware of Chicano theatre at that time? I first became aware of Chicano theatre by taking a class at UCSD from Jorge Huerta. We studied Teatro history and read plays. With that course I found my calling. Besides that, companies such as Teatro de la Esperanza toured to the university with bilingual productions. I also got to see the work of Carlos Morton who was an MFA student there. He had worked with the San Francisco Mime Troupe. Tony Curiel was a graduating senior who went on to Stanford and then El Teatro Campesino. Silvia Cortez, Olga Villanueva, and Goyo Flores, a Vietnam vet, were undergrads in the program. So I got involved with the teatro group Jorge created on campus. After UCSD I went to Arizona State University and worked on my MA in theatre. I poured over everything I could find on Latino theatre, the history of the movement, when, how, Nuyorican writing. I started a teatro there. We performed with local actors and created some of our own work. At this time my focus changed to directing. I directed The Hands of God by Carlos Solórzano that became my thesis project. I was also introduced to theatre for young audiences. At that time my overall goal was to work with El Teatro Campesino or Teatro de la Esperanza: to take my training and experience back to the theatre. So after ASU, I applied to the MFA program at UC Irvine for more training in directing. What kinds of directing opportunities did you have when you completed your professional training at Irvine? How did your employment at South Coast Repertory (SCR) come about? While I was at Irvine, I had a summer internship with El Teatro Campesino. I also directed a student production of a Mexican play, Los Fantoches (The Effigies), that we took to the Edinburgh Festival. At Irvine I also worked with EOP [Education Opportunity Program] that had participated in a project called Second Lives at South Coast Rep. Second Lives was about immigrants and refugees of Orange County. I met with the project director, Michael Bigelow Dixon who invited me to assist him at SCR. And that lead to full-time employment at SCR? I began reading plays in Literary at SCR while I was still a student at Irvine. And I directed a play, Terra Nova, in a black box theatre...

White but not equal: Mexican Americans, jury discrimination, and the Supreme Court

Check out http://www.caminobluff.com/acahome.htm target=new>A Class Apart - the new PBS American Experience documentary that explores this historic case! In 1952 in Edna, Texas, Pete Hernandez, a twenty-one-year-old cotton picker, got into a fight with several men and was dragged from a tavern, robbed, and beaten. Upon reaching his home he collected his .22-caliber rifle, walked two miles back to the tavern, and shot one of the assailants. With forty eyewitnesses and a confession, the case appeared to be open and shut. Yet Hernandez v. Texas turned into one of the nation's most groundbreaking Supreme Court cases. Ignacio Garcia's White But Not Equal explores this historic but mostly forgotten case, which became the first to recognize discrimination against Mexican Americans. Led by three dedicated Mexican American lawyers, the case argued for recognition of Mexican Americans under the 14th Amendment as a ?class apart.? Despite a distinct history and culture, Mexican Americans were considered white by law during this period, yet in reality they were subjected to prejudice and discrimination. This was reflected in Hernandez's trial, in which none of the selected jurors were Mexican American. The concept of Latino identity began to shift as the demand for inclusion in the political and judicial system began. Garcia places the Hernandez v. Texas case within a historical perspective and examines the changing Anglo-Mexican relationship. More than just a legal discussion, this book looks at the whole case from start to finish and examines all the major participants, placing the story within the larger issue of the fight for Mexican American civil rights.

World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights

World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights

:Chicano Students and the Courts: The Mexican American Legal Struggle for Educational Equality.(Critical America.)

In this book Richard R. Valencia effectively weaves together a wide variety of large and small, famous and forgotten, Chicano legal challenges to educational discrimination and ties the entire corpus of activism around the concept of critical race theory. This book is successful as a reference work and as a synthesis of critical race scholarship on the varied, confusing tangle of Mexican American educational litigation. Valencia devotes specific chapters to the somewhat overlapping areas of segregation, funding, special education, bilingual education, school closures, undocumented students, higher education, and high-stakes testing. Unsurprisingly, the largest topic is school segregation. Valencia begins with the recent discovery of the Romo v. Laird (1925) case in Arizona, the first Mexican American anti-segregation lawsuit. He also insightfully examines the similarities between the Mexican American and African American civil rights movements, noting that educator Marie Hughes's pedagogical and psychological testimony in the landmark Mendez v. Westminster (1946) case of California “paralleled the arguments that were to be made later by Dr. Kenneth Clark in the Brown case” (p. 27). Valencia demonstrates that the racializing power of the law and the judiciary kept both civil rights movements from more neatly converging in this period. For example, a federal appeals court explicitly refused the efforts of both civil rights movements to apply the Mendez case to Plessy v. Ferguson in a way that would perhaps have ushered a Brown-like decision a decade earlier.

World War II and Mexican American civil rights

Introduction by Richard Griswold del Castillo 1. Mexican Americans in 1940: Perceptions and Conditions by Richard Steele 2. The Federal Government Discovers Mexican Americans by Richard Steele 3. Violence in Los Angeles: Sleepy Lagoon, the Zoot-Suit Riots, and the Liberal Response by Richard Steele 4. The War and Changing Identities: Personal Transformations by Richard Griswold del Castillo 5. Civil Rights on the Home Front: Leaders and Organizations by Richard Griswold del Castillo Epilogue: Civil Rights and the Legacy of War by Richard Steele and Richard Griswold del Castillo

World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights ed. by Richard Griswold del Castillo (review)

maintains a comfortable pace in relating the techniques that Arthur Hill used in solving cases and apprehending felons. Law on the Last Frontier is a refreshing look at one man’s career in the fabled Texas Ranger service, carried out in a rugged, sparsely populated area of the state during a time that is often overlooked by historians. Lantana, Texas Stephen L. Moore World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights. Edited by Richard Griswold del Castillo. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008. Pp. 256. Illustrations, appendices , notes, bibliography, index. ISBN 978-0-29271-738-1. $55.00, cloth. ISBN 978-0-29271-739-8. $24.95, paper.) The Mexican American struggle for civil rights predates World War II, but when hundreds of thousands of men left their segregated barrios, enlisted in the military, and went to war for the United States, they profoundly impacted the movement for Mexican American civil rights. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of other Mexican American men and women took jobs in war industries or in other factory work, where they worked alongside whites, earned equal pay, and supported the massive American war effort. Trying to create unity during the crisis , foster patriotism, and garner support for the war, the U.S. government suddenly discovered Mexican Americans as an ethnic minority that had specific needs and, most importantly, the government believed addressing those needs was in the wider national interest, at least for the moment. Mexican Americans became important to the nation at the same time that their political awareness was increasing. Through service and sacrifice in a war they were told was fought to defend freedom and democracy, many Mexican Americans, especially veterans, believed that they had demonstrated their loyalty, proven their patriotism, and earned their right to be treated as equals. They were no longer willing to tolerate second-class citizenship. Richard Griswold del Castillo documents these developments in poignant sections on Mexican American GIs, on how the war affected Mexican American women, and on how those experiences fed an evolving political consciousness. Mexican Americans had already been demanding equal educational rights for their children, but during and after the war they exhibited new energy in their demands for equal access to public places and proper representation on juries, while more people, especially veterans, felt emboldened to challenge discrimination personally and through organizations fighting for fairness and inclusion. This rising awareness found political expression through the creation of new civil rights groups like the American GI Forum, and the renewed dynamism of older established groups like the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC). Overcoming entrenched prejudice, though, was an uphill battle. Richard Steele cites a 1942 poll of white Americans conducted by George Gallup in which 12 percent felt Mexicans were as good as Americans, while 59 percent felt they were inferior. No other nationality scored that low, including others whom Americans showed prej346 Southwestern Historical Quarterly January *jan 09 11/26/08 12:00 PM Page 346 udice towards, like the Chinese whose immigration to the U.S. had been selectively excluded, and the Japanese, with whom the country was at war. The authors show that the growing government concern expressed for Mexican Americans, though important in the long run, was mainly pragmatic during the war. There were two main elements to the government’s position. The first was the maintenance of the “Good Neighbor” policy, which sought friendly relations with Latin American countries, especially Mexico, and so the treatment of Mexican Americans earned greater scrutiny. The second was the desire to maintain a compact between labor and capital to limit labor shortages and work stoppages in order to keep factories running and war material rolling off assembly lines. That brought in the well-intentioned Fair Employment Practices Committee, which attempted to end workplace discrimination. Civil rights gains though, have had to come from direct challenges to discriminatory laws and practices from Mexican Americans themselves. This well-written, very readable book addresses important themes and develops them in a way that will appeal to a broad audience while providing a solid grounding in the established literature and insight from primary research. The book is enhanced by a collection of well-considered appendices...

The "Dallas Way": Protest, Response, and the Civil Rights Experience in Big D and Beyond

Clarence Laws leads the Alabama Sympathy March through downtown Dallas to dramatize the murder of the Rev.James Reeb and to support voting rights. Courtesy the Dallas Public Library, PA83-42/'1965-3-14.1. The "Dallas Way": Protest, Response, and the Civil Rights Experience in BigD and Beyond Brian D. Behnken* A MERICANS NOW ALMOST UNIVERSALLY THINK OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS ii. movement as a war waged between peaceful, supplicating black activists and violent, reactionary white racists. Turn on any news retrospective about the middle ofJanuary, or during Black History Month, and you will likely see scenes from Martin Luther KingJr.'s "I have a dream" speech or the March on Washington juxtaposed against images of whites attacking nonviolentAfrican Americans with fire hoses, billy clubs, and German shepherds . While the factuality of these events cannot be disputed, the binary images ofviolence and nonviolence have come to represent the civil rights movement as a whole. But this is only a part ofthe story. Many communities witnessed a great deal ofprotests and black activism that did not generate a violent white response. The emphasis on violent confrontations has all but obscured the roles that many local people played in bringing civil rights to blacks across the country. Such a focus has skewed the larger picture of the struggle and left many heroes unsung.1 * Brian D. Behnken received his Ph.D. from the University of California-Davis. His dissertation compares the African American and Mexican American civil rights movements in Texas. He would like to thank Monic Behnken, Beverly Bossier, Chris Danielson, Charles W. Eagles, Gregory D. Smithers, Clarence E. Walker, Simon Wendt, and the anonymous readers at the Southwestern Historical Quarterlyfor their helpful comments and criticisms on earlier drafts ofthis paper. He also wishes to gratefully acknowledge the staff at the Dallas Public Library's Texas/Dallas History and Archives Division, especially Carol Roark. 1 Historians are beginning to rearticulate the basic outlines of the civil rights movement in new and exciting ways. David L. Chappell argues that the movement was not as violent as previously thought, an argument similar to the one I make below. See Chappell A Stone of Hope: Prophetic Religion and the Death ofJim Crow (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 2, 153. Darlene Clark Hine andJacqueline Dowd Hall both argue for an understanding of the movement disconnected from the King

Freedom Is Not Enough: The Opening of the American Workplace

In the 1950s, the exclusion of women and of black and Latino men from higher-paying jobs was so universal as to seem normal to most Americans. Today, diversity in the workforce is a point of pride. How did such a transformation come about? In this bold and groundbreaking work, Nancy MacLean shows how African-American and later Mexican-American civil rights activists and feminists concluded that freedom alone would not suffice: access to jobs at all levels is a requisite of full citizenship. Tracing the struggle to open the American workplace to all, MacLean chronicles the cultural and political advances that have irrevocably changed our nation over the past fifty years. Freedom Is Not Enough reveals the fundamental role jobs play in the struggle for equality. We meet the grassroots activists - rank-and-file workers, community leaders, trade unionists, advocates, lawyers - and their allies in government who fight for fair treatment, as we also witness the conservative forces that assembled to resist their demands. Weaving a powerful and memorable narrative, MacLean demonstrates the life-altering impact of the Civil Rights Act and the movement for economic advancement that it fostered. The struggle for jobs reached far beyond the workplace to transform American culture. MacLean enables us to understand why so many came to see good jobs for all as the measure of full citizenship in a vital democracy. Opening up the workplace, she shows, opened minds and hearts to the genuine inclusion of all Americans for the first time in our nation's history.

George I. Sánchez, Ideology, and Whiteness in the Making of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, 1930-1960

Let us keep in mind that the Mexican-American can easily become the front-line of defense of the civil liberties of ethnic minorities. The racial, cultural, and historical involvements in his case embrace those of all of the other minority groups. Yet, God bless the law, he is white! So, the Mexican-American can be the wedge for the broadening of civil liberties for others (who are not so fortunate as to be white and Christian!). George I. Sanchez (1958) By embracing whiteness, Americans have reinforced the color line that has denied people of African descent full participation in American democracy. In pursuing White rights, Americans combined Latin American racialism with Anglo racism, and in the process separated themselves and their political agenda from the Black civil rights struggles of the forties and fifties. Neil Foley (1998) (1) THE HISTORY OF RACE AND CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE AMERICAN SOUTH IS complex and exciting. The history of American civil rights is also promising, particularly so in regard to understanding the role of whiteness. Both selections above, the first from a American intellectual of the mid-twentieth century and the last a recently published statement from a historian of race and identity, are nominally about whiteness. But the historical actor and the historian discuss whiteness differently. The quotation from the 1950s advocates exploiting legal whiteness to obtain civil rights for both Americans and other minority groups. The one from the 1990s views such a strategy as inherently racist. The historical figure writes of Americans and African Americans cooperating in the pursuit of shared civil rights goals; the historian writes of the absence, the impossibility of cooperation due to American whiteness. This contrast is worth further consideration. This essay examines the American civil rights movement by focusing on the work and ideas of George I. Sanchez--a prominent activist and professor of education at the University of Texas--in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. Sanchez is the most significant intellectual of what is commonly referred to as the Mexican American Generation of activists during this period. As a national president of the major American civil rights organization of the era, however, Sanchez's political influence within the American community was just as important as his intellectual leadership. Sanchez pondered notions of whiteness and actively employed them, offering an excellent case study of the making of American civil rights. (2) First, this work examines how Sanchez's civil rights efforts were vitally informed by an ideological perspective that supported gradual, integrationist, liberal reform, a stance that grew out of his activist research on African Americans in the South, Americans in the Southwest, and Latin Americans in Mexico and Venezuela. This New Deal ideological inheritance shaped Sanchez's contention that Americans were one minority group among many needing governmental assistance. Second, this liberal ideology gave rise to a nettlesome citizenship dilemma. During the Great Depression and World War II, Americans' strategic emphasis on American citizenship rhetorically placed them shoulder-to-shoulder with other U.S. minority groups. It also marginalized immigrant Mexicans. The significance of citizenship was controversial within the American community and coincided with the emergence of an aggressive phase of Americans' civil rights litigation that implemented a legal strategy based on their whiteness. Third, Sanchez's correspondence with Thurgood Marshall of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in the 1940s and 1950s reveals early, fragmentary connections between the American and African American civil rights movements. All these topics address important interpretive debates about the role of whiteness. …

The Impact of Brown on Mexican American Desegregation Litigation, 1950s to 1980s

The Brown v. Board of Education (1954, 1955) decision of the 1950s had no appreciable impact on ongoing Mexican American desegregation litigation during the 1st decade of its implementation. In the long run, however, it led to a shift in the community's litigation strategy for achieving equality of opportunity in the United States and for improving academic achievement in Latino schools. Because of Brown, Mexican American civil rights lawyers abandoned the "other White" legal strategy that had been used for decades in their struggle against discrimination. In turn, they embraced the equal protection strategy and gained legal protection as an "identifiable ethnic minority group." This introduced them to the national desegregation struggle as meaningful actors until they decided to abandon this strategy and focus on gaining equality under the banner of bilingual education.

Think Globally, Write Locally: Contextualizing a History of Mexican American Civil Rights

The story of the quest for Mexican American civil rights has yet to be fully and convincingly told. Despite some excellent studies about disparate aspects of the struggle for full inclusion in the United States, we lack a synthesis that brings all these efforts together into a coherent interpretation. In particular, the crucial questions about when and how the drive for Mexican American civil rights began and the nature of the ideologies and leaders that propelled the movement remain subjects of debate. One school of thought locates the origins of civil rights agitation in the middle decades of the twentieth century, emphasizing the role of the reformist middle-class leadership of the Mexican American generation of the 1930s to 1950s.1 Among those who challenge this view and posit a more radical working-class genesis is labor historian Zaragosa Vargas.2 In Labor Rights Are Civil Rights, Vargas not only masterfully synthesizes two critical decades-the 1930s and 1940s-in the labor history of Mexican Americans, but he also gives them a bold new significance: the post-World War II civil rights activism that gave rise to the modern Chicano movement was rooted in the seedbed of labor strife as workers fought to improve miserable wages and working conditions in unskilled agricultural and industrial jobs during the 1930s and 1940s. The New Deal and World War II presented unique conditions that opened new opportunities for Mexican Americans to push for economic, social, and political equality in unprecedented ways; this is where it all began. Important books are provocative-they teach us new things, open new conversations, and point the way to new research. Labor Rights Are Civil Rights does all of this. Among its many virtues, two especially stand out. First, Vargas's book presents a nuanced treatment of Mexican American labor history of the 1930s and 1940s that reveals new insights about its multi-faceted

&lt;em&gt;Hernandez v. Texas&lt;/em&gt;: Legacies of Justice and Injustice

&lt;em&gt;Hernandez v. Texas&lt;/em&gt;: Legacies of Justice and Injustice

Hernandez v. Texas: Legacies of Justice and Injustice

Hernandez v. Texas: Legacies of Justice and Injustice