Mess Halls Research Articles

Cuisine Connect: Revolutionizing College Dining through an InnovativeOnline Platform

A well-thought-out website called "Cuisine Connect" was created to address the typical problems college students have when it comes to eating on campus. Affordability and convenience are the two main issues that students with hectic schedules and limited funds worry about. Taking this into account, ourapp provides students with an affordable and readily navigable way to find and explore food halls nearby. We provide students the power to make educated dining choices that fit their preferences and financial limitsby giving them accessto a user-friendly interface and detailed information about each food hall, including its location, menu options, price range, and available cuisine kinds. "Cuisine Connect" assists neighbourhood food businesses in addition to meeting the requirements of students. Because we recognize how important it is to promote neighbourhood businesses, our platform provides mess halls with an easy registration process. Mess halls can dynamically change and update their listings after registering, giving them the ability to make sure that their offers are always correct and current. By working together, this cooperative strategy creates a mutually beneficial relationship between students and nearby food companies, improving everyone's dining experience. The fundamental goal of "Cuisine Connect" is to give college students a quick and easy way to find and visit food halls in their neighbourhood.Our goal is to reduce students' anxiety and uncertainty about meal planning by providing a platform that makes it easier to locate food options on campus. Furthermore, we support the sustainability and vibrancy ofthe local food ecosystem by putting students in touch with nearby food businesses. "Cuisine Connect" aims to improve college students' dining experiences while building a feeling of community and belonging on campus by supporting neighbourhood businesses and engaging the community.

Daily Mess: Mobile App Initiative to Uplift Mess Halls

Abstract: Eating on a college campus can be a challenge, especially when it comes to finding options that are both convenient and affordable. To address this issue, we have developed a mobile app called "Daily Mess" which allows college students to easily locate and browse food halls in their area. The app utilizes the user's current college location to provide a list of nearby food halls, along with information such as distance, price range, and type of cuisine. It is an assistive technology / app that will help local food businesses to increase their customer base and their reach among students. The app will allow business to register as a local mess hall and have options to edit and change different features of their mess halls in real-time. Overall, our app aims to provide college students with a convenient and efficient way to discover and visit food halls in their community.

Alman Gündelik Hayatında Kültür ve Mekan Müzakereleri: Tübingendeki Türk Öğrenciler Örneği

This study mainly examines the place production processes of Turkish-origin youths in a German city. The main difference of this article is focusing on the dialectical relationship between space and identity by adding the space as a concept to the discussion of identity production processes of youth migrants in German context. As in the beginning of the socialization process, these youths in German schools are active agents, producing new places and transforming the existing places through negotiating their identities within the host country. In this study, an in-depth interview is conducted with 20 high school students in Tübingen. It is found that students not only produce their own identities but also create new existential spaces and reinterpret existing spaces. Cafes, restaurants, football fields, mosques/associations, Turkish lessons, mess halls, and celebration halls will be discussed with the concept of what I called “spatial negotiation”, inside and outside of the school. In there, students try to solve the existing tension between Turkish identities and German identities, and they are able to resolve this tension by producing new cultural forms. In other words, these places contribute to maintaining their own identities while at the same time creating new cultural values intertwined with other forms.

The Dual Meanings of Artifacts: Public Culture, Food, and Government in the “What’s Cooking, Uncle Sam?” Exhibition

In 2011, “What’s Cooking, Uncle Sam? The Government’s Effect on the American Diet” (WCUS) was exhibited at the Lawrence F. O’Brien Gallery of the National Archives Building in Washington, DC. Afterward, it toured the country, visiting the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) David J. Sencer Museum in Atlanta, the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia, and the Kansas Museum of History in Topeka. The exhibition website states that WCUS was “made possible” by candy corporation Mars, Incorporated. WCUS featured over a 100 artifacts tracing “the Government’s effect on what Americans eat.” Divided into four thematic sections (Farm, Factory, Kitchen, and Table), WCUS moves from agrarianism, through industrial food production and into mess halls, cafeterias, and individual kitchens. Photos, documents, news clippings, and colorful propaganda posters portray the government as a benevolent supporter of agriculture, feeder of soldiers and children, and protector of consumer health and safety. Visitors are positioned as citizens in an ideological mélange of paternalism and patriotism. In this rhetorical walk-through of the exhibition, we consider the display of archival materials for purposes of positioning, in consideration of past and present issues of diet and governance. Making explicit unstated assumptions, we claim that, although propagandistic artifacts take on different meanings to those viewing them decades later as memorabilia, they maintain their ideological flavor.

A Framework for Integrating Human Factors in the Early Stages of Ship Design: Application to the Mess Halls of a Surface Combatant

The new F-110 frigates project is currently in the conceptual design and definition phase. General arrangement has to be defined; there are many demands and proposals of changes. One of them is the design of the most crowded areas, the mess halls. The aim of this article is to provide the Spanish Navy Staff with a decision tool that helps in determining the optimal distribution of the future F-110 mess halls. For this purpose, a new "analytical decision maker" model was designed providing advanced statistical methods and computer pedestrian simulations within multicriteria decision-making framework that allows optimizing conceptual designs. To reduce subjectivity, crew movement simulations and statistical methods were added to the multicriteria decision model, thus creating a less-subjective decision tool. A sensitivity analysis was conducted to check the robustness of results. An integrative decision and design approach are necessary for broad acceptance of human factors adoption within naval architecture design. 1. Introduction 1.1. Ship design and human factors Ship design is a complex challenging process that requires the successful coordination of many different disciplines and that necessarily involves trade-offs between competing interests to achieve a balanced result. Hence, ship designers need to understand the complex interaction between different design drivers and their influence on the final solution, always being aware that the cost of rework may become drastically high if errors are found in the later stages of the design.

Desert Diary: Japanese American Kids Behind Barbed Wire by Michael O. Tunnell

Reviewed by: Desert Diary: Japanese American Kids Behind Barbed Wire by Michael O. Tunnell Elizabeth Bush Tunnell, Michael O. Desert Diary: Japanese American Kids Behind Barbed Wire. Charlesbridge, 2020 [144p] illus. with photographs Trade ed. ISBN 9781580897891 $19.99 Reviewed from digital galleys Ad Gr. 3-6 From March through August of 1943, Miss Yamauchi and her third-grade students collaborated on a diary of happenings around the neighborhood—the fenced and guarded Topaz encampment in Utah where they and other West Coast Japanese immigrants and Japanese-American citizens were, under Executive Order 9066, forced to live. This diary, now housed in a Utah historical museum, becomes an important referent for Tunnell's heavily illustrated introduction to children's life at Topaz. Themed chapters such as "Barracks, Mess Halls, and Latrines," "School Days," and "Take Me Out to the Ball Game" highlight activities that spark reader curiosity, but the book often covers events and practices outside the diary's narrow scope, and frequent references to author Yoshiko Uchida (not one of the subject students) are unexplained. Diary entries, illustrated by the children, are strongly appealing, but with their collective, sentence-long observations, they are difficult to coordinate with the multi-themed narrative, and it takes time and plenty of inference to work out that Miss Yamauchi's tidy printing captured (and likely polished) her students' remarks. There's much here to appreciate in terms of visual and textual detail, but overall there's a missed opportunity to let the children's own scattershot concerns and authentic, uninterpreted voices take the lead. Copious end matter includes an author's note on Tunnell's research and interview process, a glossary, a note on terminology, photo information, source notes, a bibliography that highlights youth resources, and an index. Copyright © 2020 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

A Framework for Integrating Human Factors in the Early Stages of Ship Design: Application to the Mess Halls of a Surface Combatant

A Framework for Integrating Human Factors in the Early Stages of Ship Design: Application to the Mess Halls of a Surface Combatant

Meat and masculinity in the Norwegian Armed Forces

In 2013, the Norwegian Armed Forces decided to introduce a meat reduction scheme in its military mess halls, for both health reasons and environmental concerns. This article explores Norwegian soldiers' reactions to the introduction of Meat free Monday, and their attitudes towards reducing meat consumption. As of yet, Meat free Monday has not been implemented due to both structural and contextual challenges. We explore both the process and potential of the Norwegian military’s Meat free Monday initiative to promote sustainable and climate friendly diets. We found significant barriers preventing the military from implementing Meat free Monday. The main reason behind the resistance to reduce meat consumption among Norwegian soldiers was meat's associations with protein, masculinity and comfort. Our results underline the importance of acknowledging the social and cultural role of food. The study is qualitative and uses focus group interviews as its main methodology.

Stalin’s and Mao’s Famines: Similarities and Differences

This essay addresses the similarities and differences between the cluster of Soviet famines in 1931-33 and the great Chinese famine of 1958-1962. The similarities include: Ideology; planning; the dynamics of the famines; the relationship among harvest, state procurements and peasant behaviour; the role of local cadres; life and death in the villages; the situation in the cities vis-à-vis the countryside, and the production of an official lie for the outside world. Differences involve the following: Dekulakization; peasant resistance and anti-peasant mass violence; communes versus sovkhozes and kolkhozes; common mess halls; small peasant holdings; famine and nationality; mortality peaks; the role of the party and that of Mao versus Stalin’s; the way out of the crises, and the legacies of these two famines; memory; sources and historiography.

No communicable diseases this month: public health nursing at the Colorado River Relocation Center, 1942-1945.

In the name of public safety, the US government forcibly removed more than 110 000 Japanese Americans from their homes along the West Coast of the United States during World War II. Incarcerated in crude barracks located in remote locations, Japanese Americans were suddenly required to share laundry facilities, toilets, showers, and mess halls with hundreds of likewise incarcerated Japanese Americans. With conditions ripe for spreading communicable disease, public health nurses relied on health promotion techniques of the time to prevent epidemic outbreaks of diseases such as measles, polio, and tuberculosis.

Chaucerian Obscenity in the Court of Public Opinion

Chaucerian Obscenity in the Court of Public Opinion

The Typology of Officers' Mess Halls in Japanese Military Heritage

With the buildings of the former Japanese Army facing the prospect of demolition, there are increasing calls for their historical significance to be assessed and for ways be found to reuse or preserve them. This is especially true of the officers' mess halls, the distinctive buildings that were most characteristic of Japanese military architecture. This thesis establishes mess hall typology.1. The officers' mess hall first appeared in Meiji 19.2. There was a standard mess hall layout.3. Construction was initially funded by the government, but subsequent funding came from private sources.Some mess halls were built in a special style or embellished differently to honor members of the imperial family visiting bases.

A Manufactured Wilderness: Summer Camps and the Shaping of American Youth, 1890 – 1960

232 Children, Youth and Environments Vol. 20 No. 2 (Fall 2010) ISSN: 1546-2250 A Manufactured Wilderness: Summer Camps and the Shaping of American Youth, 1890 — 1960 Van Slyck, Abigail (2006). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press; 296 pages. $27.50. ISBN 9780816648771. A Manufactured Wilderness is an engaging and nostalgic examination of a largely unexplored element of architectural history, the North American summer camp. Through a rich investigation of camp mess halls, sleeping units and program areas, Abigail Van Slyck investigates the major trends of camp development and their impact on the construction of childhood from the late 19th century through the mid-20th century. In particular, Van Slyck addresses American society’s changing attitudes toward children’s health, sanitation, play, gender relationships, and Native American culture, and investigates the role summer camps played in addressing social anxieties of the time: gender roles, class tension, race relations and particularly modern society’s impact on the lives of their children. In Van Slyck’s words, this volume differs from conventional works in the field of architectural history in two significant ways. First, it focuses on the cultural landscape, defined as the intersection of the built environment and social life with the natural landscape. Second, it “defines architecture as a process in which institutional priorities are translated into material form” (p. xxxi) by shifting the focus not onto the architects themselves, but onto the decision makers who hired the architects. Van Slyck investigates a range of camp operations, including private camps, religiously affiliated social service camps, and those sponsored by youth organizations in the Southeastern, Midwestern, and Northeastern U.S. and neighboring Canada. This volume is organized into six chapters, each examining a primary area of summer camp life—camp layout, program activities, housing and sleeping areas, cooking, eating and mealtime sites, 233 camp sanitation and hygiene, and the use of Native American motifs in the camp landscape—and how these reflected the changing views of middle- and upper-class childhood in North America. In Chapter 1, Van Slyck describes in great detail the changes in the physical layout and design of camps as they reflected the changing priorities of early 20th-century North America and also considers the “cultural meaning of the camp landscape in two realms” (p. 2). First, she examines the role of camps in the transformation of the North American rural landscape. Second, she investigates theories of camp planning and their impact on the camp sites themselves, with special attention given to the “metaphors embedded in the camp landscape” (p. 3). Van Slyck describes how camp directors restructured their camps’ layouts to reflect changing priorities and concerns of the day, noting the transition of camp layouts from ad hoc arrangements in the late 1800s, to strict, straight militaristic lines in the 1900s, to a trend toward more naturalistic design in the 1920s. The second chapter focuses on camp activities and programs. It offers an interesting description of the challenges faced by camp directors to make available recreational experiences that not only provided an outdoor experience (as part of the back-to-nature trend of the late 1800s) but also addressed the gender, race and social anxieties of the time. In the third chapter, on camp housing and sleeping, Van Slyck notes that camp directors maintained a keen interest in campers’ health, and sought to provide healthy living and sleeping conditions. This chapter traces the changing form of sleeping areas as they transitioned from the attic floors of Fresh Air Camps to canvas tents and wooden platforms to cabins and bunkhouses. Chapter 4 investigates the development of camps’ cooking and eating sites. Utilizing Elizabeth Cromley’s idea of the food axis, Van Slyck discusses the varied stages and locations for meal preparation, eating and clean up, noting how the architectural design of mess halls and dining lodges changed over time to both maximize the efficiency of the kitchen, and to minimize campers’ awareness of the adult activities associated with meal preparation. 234 This chapter provides several photo images and floor plan drawings to illustrate the changing architectural design of these facilities. Sanitation was of great concern from the earliest years of organized camping. Compared to schools, camps had the...

Regime Changes of Memory: Creating the Official History of the Ukrainian and Chinese Famines under State Socialism and after the Cold War

The year 2008 marked the 50th anniversary of the Great Leap Forward, which led to the greatest famine in world history. According to Western and Chinese scholars, 15-43 million peasants starved to death between 1959 and 1961. (1) It would be surprising if this anniversary received much attention in Chinese society or in the Western world. By comparison, the Ukrainian famine caused 3-3.5 million deaths by starvation in 1933, (2) based on conservative estimates, or up to 10 million deaths according to Ukrainian official sources. (3) Yet the Ukrainian famine has become an international topic since the mid-1980s as well as part of the new national identity of independent Ukraine. In the official narrative of Ukraine, the famine (Holodomor) is seen as genocide or even a holocaust against the Ukrainian people, committed by the Russian government under the leadership of Stalin. Even though the communist movement promised to abolish hunger, famines have occurred in many socialist states, including the Soviet Union in 1919-21, Ukraine in 1932-33 and 1946-47, China in 1959-61, Cambodia in 1979, and North Korea in the 1990s. The central cause of the famines remains controversial. Scholars disagree about the relative importance of factors such as radical government policies, unrealistic plan targets, high grain-procurement rates, bad weather, or the interaction between the state and the peasants. (4) Furthermore, there is no consensus on whether the socialist governments were able to organize effective famine relief to stop the suffering at the time. There is no doubt that the Chinese and Soviet governments exported grain to foreign countries and rejected international aid while millions of peasants starved. (5) The establishment of new collectives (the kolkhoz and the people's commune) resulted in chaos and a rapid decline of agricultural production in China and the Soviet Union. In China, the policy that ended the famine, which included the legalization of private plots and rural markets and the lowering of grain quotas and exports, was introduced in 1961 but came too late. Alongside these commonalities between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC), it is significant that the Chinese famine was a result of the Great Leap Forward, which had placed the direct transition to communism on the agenda, whereas in the Soviet Union, Stalin had proclaimed only a new stage in the socialist revolution. In 1958, the Chinese Communists started a radical social revolution in Chinese villages with the establishment of public mess halls. With the militarization of the rural workforce in 1958 and the newly founded public mess halls, the Chinese state took over management of the food supply and left the peasants without their own supply base. Some scholars consider the establishment of the public mess halls the most important reason for the famine. (6) In 1984, Thomas Bernstein attempted to compare the Soviet and the Chinese famines. He argued that the Soviet famine should be understood as punishment for the peasants in a context of conflicts between them and the Communist Party. By contrast, bureaucratic mismanagement based on false reports caused the famine in China. (7) Bernstein believed that the Chinese Communists held no bias against the peasants owing to their experience of a rurally based revolution. Based on recent research, it should be emphasized that the Chinese government had known that peasants were starving since early 1959. In his latest research, Bernstein shows that when famine really broke out in 1959, Mao Zedong could not believe that it was a nationwide disaster as opposed to merely a breakdown at the local level. (8) This article compares the memories of the Ukrainian and Chinese famines. Since the author is a Sinologist, the article uses English and German sources to discuss the Ukrainian case. The analysis of the Chinese famine is based on field studies and oral-history interviews that the author conducted in China. …

Resurveying Eden

Resurveying Eden

Public health in World War II assembly centers for Japanese Americans.

Public Health in World War II Assembly Centers for Japanese Americans Louis Fiset (bio) In the spring of 1942, the U.S. Army began a forced evacuation of 110,000 residents of Japanese ancestry from their homes in Washington, Oregon, California, and Arizona. More than 90,000 Nikkei 1 were herded into public facilities converted from racetracks and fairgrounds, so-called assembly centers. There men, women, and children waited out the construction of more permanent “relocation centers” in sparsely populated regions of the arid West, where they would eventually be dispersed. 2 Only weeks or months earlier, these focal points had sheltered racehorses, show animals, or other livestock; in their place, humans representing a hated minority now found themselves hidden away behind barbed-wire fences and locked gates, to be guarded by soldiers in watch towers armed with rifles and powerful searchlights. The months-long sojourn in these unsanitary and crowded habitats posed a great challenge [End Page 565] to the U.S. Public Health Service (USPHS) and to Nikkei resident physicians and nurses charged with preventing epidemic outbreaks and providing general medical care for the imprisoned population. The incarceration of Japanese Americans and their immigrant elders during World War II followed President Roosevelt’s Executive Order 9066 of 19 February 1942, a validation of the Army’s argument that evacuation was a military necessity because it was impossible within this population to distinguish the loyal from the disloyal. The president authorized the secretary of war and his military commanders to identify military areas from which “any or all persons may be excluded.” 3 Although the order was silent on which group or race should be excluded, or which geographic locations should become exclusion zones, its interpretation soon focused specifically on the Japanese American population residing on the West Coast, representing 90 percent of the entire Nikkei population in the country, two-thirds of whom were U.S. citizens by birth. The first phase involved removing residents from their homes and confining them in nearby holding pens under military control. Eventually, the Army would turn over its jurisdiction to a civilian bureaucracy, the War Relocation Authority, once the Nikkei reached the relocation centers. The Army took over fifteen preexisting public facilities abutting main-line transportation connections, which lay adjacent to Japanese communities in urban and rural settings, and constructed the sixteenth from scratch. Each had in place an infrastructure, including power, light, and water. One site, the Portland Pacific International Live Stock Exposition grounds, became temporary home to four thousand Japanese Oregonians and central Washingtonians, who no doubt believed the facility was aptly named. The owners of eleven racetracks and fairgrounds signed leases with the government. The larger buildings were converted to mess halls, recreation halls, and other large gathering areas. To supplement them, the Army Corps of Engineers constructed barrack housing for most of the inmates, allotting approximately three hundred square feet of living space for families with children. 4 But many unlucky families were shoved into whitewashed stalls that still reeked of manure, thereby exposing themselves as well as those with whom they came into contact to public health risks with potentially serious consequences. One interpreter of the experience at the Tanforan racetrack in San Bruno, California, a poet, later wrote: [End Page 566] Hay, horse hair & manure are whitewashed to the boards. In the corner a white spider is suspended in the shadow of a white spider web.5 Compounding the health risks of the unsanitary living quarters, the mess halls became potential breeding grounds for epidemic outbreaks. All were staffed by inexperienced workers with little knowledge of sanitation and proper food-handling methods. Although this phase of the incarceration was expected to last only a few weeks, life in the transitory facilities dragged through the long, stifling months of summer and well into fall. Only tiny Mayer Assembly Center, on the site of an abandoned Civilian Conservation Corps camp in Arizona, closed after four weeks of operation; the majority remained open for more than four months (see Table). The largest—the former Santa Anita racetrack, at Arcadia, California, now the Santa Anita Assembly Center—remained operational for seven months and did not close its gates until...

Montezuma on the Missouri: A Centennial of Sorts

century ago, in the Fall of 1889 Carlos Montezuma, newly graduated from the Chicago Medical School, had his first look at the place where he was to be the physician, Fort Stevenson Federal Indian Boarding School, and as we look back on the life of this first Indian physician in American perspectives, we can see the consequences of his efforts. was situated on the right bank of the Missouri River, 78 miles from Bismarck, North Dakota and 17 miles from the Fort Berthold Reservation agency headquarters. was housed in the surviving wooden frame buildings of Fort Stevenson, one of a chain of military posts originally intended to protect emigrants headed for the gold fields of Montana. post had been built on a bend in the Missouri River in 1867 and maintained as a military post until the summer of 1883 when the army moved out. buildings were in a military pattern of barracks, administrative offices, mess halls, officers quarters, and stables, around a parade ground. farm of 150 acres surrounded the three acres where the former military post buildings stood. abandoned fort had been transferred to the Agent of the Fort Berthold Reservation for use by the federal Indian Service. use, after the troops moved out, was as a boarding for students from the Fort Berthold Reservation. Indian Service hired a contractor to repair the buildings and make the post fit for the needs of a school, which was to be classified as an industrial training school, with training in shoe repair, tinsmithing, laundry, seamstressing, and blacksmithing. None of these appear to actually be training for industrial employment, but rather an odd jobs collection of tasks to keep the going for no particular purpose but to keep going. Superintendent George W. Scott arrived in October, 1885 to take charge of the and acerbically recorded the kind of place it was: Upon my arrival I found that special preparations had been made to receive me. (No one knew or cared that he was coming.) He found that he was to live in: A small dingy room, with fireplace at one end, calico curtains, a dry goods box for a wash stand, an outfit of tin utensils, completed the convenience of my quarters. An old spring wagon, an older team, were placed at my disposal for conveyance (page 4 Annual Report, 1886). There were other things G.W. Scott didn't like, as he became better acquainted with the situation: The everlasting quarreling, degrading and nauseous twaddle between employees and pupils, the inherent laziness of the former, the abominably filthy condition of the quarters, the accumulated rubbish around the buildings, the advantages of training pupils unused, the dilapidated condition of the buildings, following an expenditure of $3,000, thereon, all has an injurious effect on this school (page 1, Reports of Indian Schools, Annual Report of the Commission of Indian Schools, 1886). In addition, Scott reported that the quality of the drinking water was not good and had brought about a siege of illness among the employees and students, (the water came from the nearby Missouri River). For some reason the water barrels were seldom filled for the laundry, so that clean clothing and bed linen were infrequently available. idea of sufficient bathing in the 19th century explains some of the health problems among the inmates of the former fort: The regulation of weekly bathing has been strictly carried out, although accomplished by means of a common wash tub and water heated in a kettle. It is to be hoped that before another year some arrangements can be made which will afford proper facilities

Caveat Emptor

FICTION CAVEAT EMPTOR / Barry Targati JOEY ROGOVIN SWUNG in and out of the way of the hard platoon marching like hammers on the Boardwalk. Like one more in the vast undulant sheet of searching pigeons, he would move aside for the rectangle of men and then fold back in the wake behind them. And like the pigeons, he was a gleaner too. At fifteen, unsure of the shape of irony, yet he responded to the fact of it: heavy armies might trample down the golden fields and destroy Empire, but along the way they also smashed it into the little pieces manageable by small scavengers. What Joey Rogovin in his own lifetime could never have hoped to share in now fell easily to his hand and wit, and he battened upon his luck and opportunity, for this was war. Not that the Boardwalk was a golden grain field, not that Atlantic City was that sort of Empire. Rather, it had suddenly become the largest military training camp in the world. By the potent magic of Supreme decree, it had been changed in a few months from the Queen of Resorts to the King of Armories. From December 1941 to the following April 1942, the grand hotels—the Haddon Hall, the Traymore, the Dennis, the Marlborough-Blenheim, the Shelborne, the Breakers, and all the rest—as well as every modest sidestreet inn and even some of the larger rooming houses—were converted to barracks. Nothing else in America was so ready-made, so in place, so quickly adaptable in 1941 to such a purpose as was Atlantic City. Partitions divided space to multiply it. The magnificent suites such as that on the fifteenth floor of the Ritz-Carlton high over the grey-green Atlantic of the south Jersey shore, that which even through the recent summer past had sheltered variously the Ludens of the Luden cough drop fortune; the Clothiers from Ardmore, Pennsylvania; the entourage of the mobster Louis "Thumbs" Mangore—that suite now housed forty common men. And now with no splendid view. All the windows facing the sea were blacked out, darkened against the lurking eye of the maurauding enemy U-boats, steel sharks waiting out in the ship channel not more than a dozen miles off shore. Partitions were erected or walls were ripped out, toilet facilities were expanded, shifted, or built. Stairwells and fire escapes repaired, evacuation plans made, elevator cables restrung—there were details. But in the main nothing could have been easier than this transfiguration . The large kitchens were ready, the crystal chandeliered dining rooms were turned into mess halls, the parquet ballrooms cleared for calisthenics when it rained. And of course there was the perfect drill field—the wide, substantial, flat, clean, resilient, and nearly endless The Missouri Review · 85 Boardwalk. AU day from reveille to retreat the khaki men would drill, marching north in the inland lane, south on the seaside. Between each element sufficient space was left, a hundred yards or sometimes two hundred, for the troops to be wheeled about and wheeled again, to be moved from ranks into files and back, to be dressed right, to parade rest. Order, containment—the discipline upon which unquestioned response in battle depended—was established here. "Companeeeeeee. . .halt!" the sergeant would call. "Take ten. Smoke 'em if you got 'em. Don't leave no butts." Then it was time for Joey Rogovin. The men on their ten minute break could move about but only within the loose shape of the unit. No one could walk back a half a block to a Boardwalk store to buy a coke or a hot dog or gum or cigarettes. Even if they were on the beach side of the Boardwalk and the company had chanced to halt across from a store, they could not cross to the opposite side. And along much of the Boardwalk where the men drilled, that part of the Boardwalk which before December had been an elegant promenade of elegant shops (Wing Fat's oriental knick knacks in jade) and auction galleries (Lloyd's for the finest lace, Boughton's for Wedgewood and Louis Quatorze chairs), along this stretch there were no hot...

The community-based rural welfare system in the People's Republic of China: 1949-1979.

The development of China's rural welfare system is traced from its beginning in the early 1950s to 1979. Traditionally, peasants relied on families for welfare support. After the Communist Party's (CCP) assumption of power in 1949, an estimated 3-5% of the rural population was old, infirm, orphaned, invalid, or without means of support. The concept of mutual aid was encouraged in which neighbors assisted each other in times of need. With the redistribution of land and the collectivization movement came the creation of the rural welfare system. Public welfare funds were secured from a percentage of the annual incomes of the agricultural producers' cooperatives and ranged from 1-5%. By March 1957, 97.3% of the peasant households had been organized into advanced cooperatives and the 5 guarantees system was introduced. Although varying considerably between cooperatives, the 5 guarantees included food, clothing, burial expenses, and either fuel and children's education or medical care and housing. The welfare system was based on 1/2 free supply and 1/2 cash relief. With the development of the rural communes in 1958, 2 significant changes occurred: welfare responsibility shifted to the commune, away from the family; and support shifted from a categorical approach to a universal approach. Communal services included: public mess halls, homes for the aged, nurseries and kindergartens, sewing, shoemaking and laundry teams. Income support was available at the discretion of the commune CCP committee. The failure of the Great Leap Forward brought another series of adjustments to the welfare system. The family was reemphasized, categorical assistance reemerged, communal services and facilities disappeared and welfare administration was decentralized and became the responsibility of production teams. 5 categories of families were assisted: those of servicemen, "Revolutionary Martyrs," cadres, model workers, and households with difficulties. Rural welfare reform in the wake of the Cultural Revolution included granting assistance to families with appropriate political attitudes, advocacy of commune self-sufficiency and a sharing of authority between the production brigades (administration), the commune CCP committee (policy formation), and the xian revolutionary committee (supplementary relief and broad policies).

Comment on the "Report" Concerning the Dissolution of Wu-Wei Hsien Mess Halls by Order of Chang K'ai-fan, Secretary of the Secretariat of Anhwei Party Committee (August 10, 1959)

Comment on the "Report" Concerning the Dissolution of Wu-Wei Hsien Mess Halls by Order of Chang K'ai-fan, Secretary of the Secretariat of Anhwei Party Committee (August 10, 1959)