Reviewed by: A Fractured Profession: Commercialism and Conflict in Academic Science by David R. Johnson Vassa Grichko David R. Johnson. A Fractured Profession: Commercialism and Conflict in Academic Science. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2017. 192 pp. Hardcover. $49.95. ISBN: 978-1-421-42353-1 Does commercialism impede upon academia? The book's author, David R. Johnson, Assistant Professor of Higher Education Leadership at the University of Nevada at Reno, noted, "We know remarkably little about commercial culture in the academic profession" (p. 6), and studied the prevalence of commercialism and its effects on highly esteemed American universities, from academic scientists' viewpoints. Specifically, he queried: "How does a commercially oriented reward system operate in the academic profession?" (p. 2). Methodologically, the author conducted a qualitative study in 2010, interviewing traditionalists, or "scientists [who] advance knowledge by sharing their discoveries with the scientific community. . . in exchange for recognition of priority in discovery," and commercialists, or "scientists [mandated] to contribute to economic development through the dissemination of their discoveries in the market in exchange for profits" (p. 2). To be classified as a [End Page E-20] commercialist, a scholar had to be an inventor on at least 5 patents, must have founded a company, or had to have a licensing agreement with a company. Sixty-one academic scientists, traditionalists and commercialists, participated in the study; slightly over half comprised the latter group. Fifty-two of the scientists (~85%) were males, and 9 were females (only 2 of these female scientists were commercialists). The interviewees specialized in chemistry (41%), biology (31%), or chemical/ biological engineering (28%). Remarkably, the sample featured a plethora of prominent scholars, including 3 Nobel laureates, 16 members of the National Academy of Sciences, and 18 fellows of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Four elite American universities (2 private and 2 public), located in different regions, were represented. These institutions were members of the Association of American Universities (AAU) between 1960–2005, and, combined, accounted for nearly 20% of all licensing activity among AAU universities from 2000–2007. Consequently, the author acknowledged that the findings generalize only to the commercial culture of elite universities, which are research exemplars, and are paragons of technology transfer to others. The work is divided into 4 chapters along with an introduction and conclusion. The sections are entitled: "Professional Ideologies in Higher Education" (Introduction), "Normative Tension in Commercial Contexts" (Chapter 1), "The Reconstruction of Meaning and Status in Science" (Chapter 2), "Embracing and Avoiding Commercial Trajectories" (Chapter 3), "Identity Work in the Commercialized Academy" (Chapter 4), and "Commercialism, Rationalization, and Fragmentation in Science" (Conclusion). The denouement is followed by an appendix (interview protocol). Twenty-four questions, with a few corresponding probes, constituted the interview protocol. It was fractionated into 4 thematic areas, titled "The Conception of the Scientific Role," "Motivations of Entrepreneurialism," "Norms of Science," and "The Operation of Reward Systems." The introduction recounts the rapid rise of research commercialization in American higher education since the 1980s. The author refers to the passing of the Bayh–Dole Act, or the Patent and Trademark Law Amendments Act of 1980, which permits a university, or non-profit institution, to pursue ownership of an invention that was created using federal funds. Thereby, the author thoughtfully selected interviewees to balance those who received PhDs pre-and post-1980. The opening recounts tales of research commercialization blockbusters. However, the author contends that the remarkability of these innovative feats is not their fiscal successes, but "the dramatic change they represent in the nature of work in aca demic science and the social organization of higher education" (p. 1). Thereby, this book delves into 2 divergent reward systems, which the author notes as breeding intraprofessional conflict. The first is priority recognition to traditionalists; the second is the exchange for profits for commercialists. Since this book predominantly focuses on cultural differences between commercialists and traditionalists, specifically with respect to "norm espousal, meaning and status, career paths, and identity" (p. 19), the first chapter examines how traditionalists and commercialists adhere to and deviate from Mertonian norms of science. Overall, the author found that "traditionalists espouse the institutionalized norms of disinterestedness, universalism, and communalism, whereas commercialists attitudinally or behaviorally...
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