Members Of Representatives Research Articles

PETRO GRIŠKEVIČIAUS PERSONALINIS TINKLAS: TARP KLANO IR KONSOLIDUOTOS NOMENKLATŪROS?

The notion of a clan of the first secretary in the soviet Lithuania or, in contrast, speaking about the consolidated titular nomenklatura enables to penetrate deeply into the governing of a soviet republic. The key questions here are: what kind of networks? Could the sort of networks and trust help us explain political dynamics in the soviet Lithuania and reasons why exactly Soviet Lithuanian Communist party became the first one in the Soviet Union that break with CPSU in 1989? What kind of circumstances and political context made possible the horizontal links among nomenklatura members and made nomenklatura likely to be a more consolidated network than the personal clan of the first secretary in such a centralized soviet system?Seeking to draw a difference between the clan and the consolidated titular nomenklatura, useful is the concept of krugavaya poruka presenting the Lithuanian nomenklatura as a cycle of functionaries bounded with interpersonal ties and collective responsibility against Moscow to drain out the political forms of nationalism in society. This article focuses on the personal network of Petras Griskevicius, the first secretary of the Communist party of Lithuania (1974–1987), revealing the importance of his networking in controlling the soviet Lithuanian nomenklatura.Griskevicius’ leadership network consisted of professionals and technocrats (functional nomenklatura), on the one hand, and the functionaries loyal to Griskevicius personally (Griskevicius’ personal clan) on the other. Tensions between members of functional nomenklatura and representatives of his personal clan appeared in many sectors of political, economic and social life of the republic. The article investigates cases of intelligentsia and technocracy in order to show how Griskevicius had used the competition between the functional nomenklatura and members of his personal clan aiming to gain more power.While the first secretary succeed in keeping balance among nomenklatura members, his power was limited by political circumstances. There were at least three factors that made possible the distinguished situation in the soviet Lithuania: 1) high expression of nationalism in society, 2) low status of the first secretary of the republic’s Communist party, 3) the role of the second secretary of the Communist party sent by Moscow into republic’s leadership.The obligation against Moscow to drain out political forms of nationalism in the republic led to functionalism in its nomenklatura leadership. Threat and political responsibility for the expression of nationalism demanded functional skills from party and soviet managers able to deal with political, social, and economic problems in the republic. For this reason, Griskevicius could not behave in the nepotism way by recruiting only trusted and personally loyal to him functionaries into leadership; he needed professionals.Secondly, in contrast to the “masters” in other republics, the first secretary of the soviet Lithuania had a comparatively low status in all-Union institutions. Both the first and second secretaries were only a member and a candidate member of the Central Committee of the CPSU. This low status of the first secretary in all-Union bureaucracy ranking made an impact on the behavior of the local nomenklatura, because it got a room for the personal play between the first and the second secretaries.

Polish–Kazakh Seminar, Warsaw, Senate of the Republic of Poland

The Senate of the Republic of Poland hosted another seminar in a series of Polish-Kazakh seminars. These seminars are an effect of the cooperation of Polish Senate, including the Senate Legislative Committee run by Senator Doctor Piotr Zientarski and the Embassy of the Republic of Kazakhstan in Poland headed by Ambassador Yerik Utembayev. These seminars serve the purpose of mutual closing and getting to know of the representatives of both countries’ parliamentary, scientific and cultural environments. The leading subjects of the June seminar were the issues of deportation of Polish people to Kazakhstan under Stalin rule and the relations of the Kazakh state with European countries – especially with Poland – in Middle Ages. In the seminar participated among others Vice Director of the Eastern Department Ministry of Foreign Affairs Mr Zdzisław Raczyński, Head for the Senate Legislative Committee and Deputy Head for Kazakh-Polish Parliamentary Group Dr Piotr Zientarski, Ambassador of the Republic of Kazakhstan in Poland Mr Yerik Utembayev, Head for the Department of Legal Systems and Human Rights of Zielona Góra University Faculty of Law and Administration Professor Andrzej Bisztyga, Head for the Department of Public Law, Human Rights and European Law of the University of Social Sciences and Humanities Faculty of Law and Administration and President of the Asia-Pacific Society Doctor Adam Marszałek. The active participants of the seminar were Doctor Władysław Sokołowski, former Ambassador of the Republic of Poland in Kazakhstan and Professor Andrzej Wierzbicki of Warsaw University. The seminar was attended by numerous Members of Parliament and representatives of various academic centres.

Remembering Lili‘uokalani: Coverage of the Death of the Last Queen of Hawai‘i by Hawai‘i’s English-Language Establishment Press and American Newspapers

Remembering Lili‘uokalani:Coverage of the Death of the Last Queen of Hawai‘i by Hawai‘i’s English-Language Establishment Press and American Newspapers Douglas V. Askman (bio) Introduction: The Death of Liliu‘okalani On November 11, 1917, Lili‘uokalani, the last monarch of Hawai‘i, died at her residence, Washington Place, in Honolulu at the age of 79. The queen’s death and burial were covered extensively by the press in Hawai‘i, reflecting the enormous impact she had on the people of the territory. On the front page of the Pacific Commercial Advertiser on the day following her death was a declaration from the territorial governor, Lucius Pinkham. In his statement Governor Pinkham attested to Lili‘uokalani’s strong character, “I have found her tender and kind to her own race, thoughtful and helpful to others and a valued and appreciative friend.”1 Pinkham also ordered the flags of the United States and Hawai‘i to be lowered to half-staff in honor of the queen. [End Page 91] Government agencies demonstrated their respect for the queen in various ways, reflecting her great stature. Territorial courts were adjourned, ‘Iolani Palace was draped in black, and the House of Representatives chamber, formerly the palace’s throne room, hosted her funeral. The City and County of Honolulu closed its offices to mourn. Schools, both public and private, honored the queen by preparing special programs and flying their flags at half-staff. Public schools were given a half-day holiday in order for students to pay their respects to the queen, whose body rested in state at Kawaiaha‘o Church for several days prior to her funeral. Indeed, students from over half a dozen public schools marched in procession from Thomas Square to the church on November 16. From just one of those schools, St. Louis College in Honolulu, today St. Louis School, 900 students paid their respects to the former monarch. The Advertiser reported that in the course of just one day approximately 15,000 people passed through the church.2 The American military paid tribute to Lili‘uokalani as well. Soldiers from Schofield Barracks and Fort Shafter took part in the queen’s funeral as did other officials from the army, navy, and national guard companies from all of the major Hawaiian islands. The soldiers’ duties included not only marching in the funeral procession, but providing a twenty-one gun salute for the queen.3 Numerous local organizations also paid tribute to the former sovereign through official resolutions. These included the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce, the Japanese Chamber of Commerce, and the Honolulu Board of Supervisors. Indeed, members of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce, the Japanese Association of Hawai‘i, and the United Chinese Society marched in the funeral procession.4 The queen’s honorary pall bearers included the governor of Hawai‘i, chief justice of the territory, the president of the Hawai‘i senate, the speaker of the territorial house of representatives, officials of the American army and navy, a United States senator, and a member of the United States House of Representatives. Also in the funeral procession were other members of Congress, including senators and representatives from Montana, Utah, Kansas, Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts, Ohio, West Virginia, Minnesota, and Maine. Local representatives included members of the territorial legislature, the Hawai‘i Supreme Court, the mayor of Honolulu, and members of the Honolulu and Hawai‘i county boards of supervisors.5 [End Page 92] There was even an international component to the events surrounding the queen’s death. For example, on November 15, while the body of the queen rested in state at Kawaiaha‘o Church, Viscount Kikujiro Ishii, a special representative of the emperor of Japan who was traveling through Hawai‘i, visited the church and paid his official respects. Moreover, a contingent of several hundred Japanese sailors from the imperial navy participated in the queen’s funeral procession. In particular, a Japanese naval officer carried Lili‘uokalani’s Order of the Precious Crown of Japan, an award that was presented to the queen during her reign by the Japanese emperor. Also participating in the funeral were consuls representing Belgium, Denmark, Italy...

Grassroots Participation in Decision-Making Process and Development Programmes as Correlate of Sustainability of Community Development Programmes in Nigeria

This study examines grassroots participation in decision-making process and sustainability of community development programmes in Nigeria. In spite of many policies on development programmes by the government, the physical and socio-economic conditions in most of communities in Nigeria do not seem to have improved significantly. The descriptive survey research design was used. The stratified random sampling technique was adopted to select 1,984 respondents (community leaders (266); change-agents (569); members of community development associations (1,022) and political representatives (127) in nine communities each from Osun (964) and Kwara states (1,020)). A questionnaire: Grassroots Participation in Decision-making Process and Programmes Scale (GPDPPS) and Community Development Sustainability Questionnaire (CDSQ) were used for data collection. One research question was answered and two hypotheses tested at 0.05 level of significance. Data were analysed using Pearson’s Product Moment Correlation. Results showed that there is significant relationship between grassroots participation in development programmes (r=.335**; p<0.05); decision-making process (r=.210**; p<0.05) and sustainability of development programmes. Furthermore, political instability, leadership problems, communal clashes, inadequate funding and poor accountability impeded sustainability. It was recommended that the problems of political instability, leadership, inadequate funding, communal clashes, accountability, and communication gap should be considered in grassroots decision making in development programmes.

Proposal for a new class within the phylum Proteobacteria , Acidithiobacillia classis nov., with the type order Acidithiobacillales , and emended description of the class Gammaproteobacteria

The order Acidithiobacillales was previously assigned to the class Gammaproteobacteria. Recent analyses have indicated that this order actually lies outside all the proteobacterial classes, as a sister group to the combined classes Betaproteobacteria and Gammaproteobacteria. We now confirm this result with multiprotein phylogenetic analysis of all the available genomes of members of the order Acidithiobacillales and representatives of all available bacterial orders, and propose the new proteobacterial class, Acidithiobacillia, with the type order Acidithiobacillales, comprising the families Acidithiobacillaceae and Thermithiobacillaceae with the type genus Acidithiobacillus.

Turismo sustentável em comunidades indígenas da Amazônia

RESUMO: O objetivo deste artigo consiste em analisar de que forma o turismo pode se tornar um instrumento para favorecer o desenvolvimento sustentável em comunidades indígenas, bem como, conhecer o posicionamento de instituições indigenistas e não indígenas quanto ao desenvolvimento e regulamentação da atividade. O trabalho analisa ainda os possíveis impactos ambientais, sociais e econômicos provenientes da atividade, tendo em vista que a atividade pressupõe forte interação com o meio ambiente e comunidades indígenas. Este estudo exploratório se baseia na análise qualitativa de dados tanto secundários (documentos, material publicado e relatórios), como primários (entrevistas estruturadas aplicadas a lideranças e membros da comunidade indígena Nova Esperança e aos representantes de órgão indigenista). A escolha desta comunidade deu-se em função de a mesma apresentar uma conduta empreendedora e desenvolver desde 2001 a atividade turística. Observou-se que as lideranças indígenas veem no turismo uma forma de obter renda, valorização da cultura e melhoria da qualidade de vida. Algumas lideranças afirmaram que tem dificuldade em implementar o turismo em função do posicionamento da FUNAI, que por diversas vezes os proibiram de receber visitantes. A experiência da comunidade Nova Esperança com o ecoturismo enquanto atividade econômica pode ser considerada emblemática no Brasil. Como resultado identificou-se a satisfação da comunidade e a diferenciação da qualidade de vida promovida pelo turismo, assim como sua preocupação com o meio ambiente e valorização da cultura indígena. Observa-se ainda que pensar o empreendedorismo nesta ou em outras comunidades, acaba por causar desconforto para as autoridades, que por ausência de informação, conhecimento e sensibilidade não enxergam, o turismo como uma atividade econômica importante para a região Amazônica, preferindo a manutenção da dependência em relação ao poder público.

CIVIL SOCIETY IN A MIDDLE‐INCOME COUNTRY: EVOLUTIONS AND CHALLENGES IN INDIA

AbstractIn 2008, India met the $1005 level of gross national income per capita, the World Bank's threshold to qualify as middle‐income country. Other major countries have followed a similar trajectory, the consequence being that most poor now live in middle‐income countries. The evolution, and the economic situation in many donor countries, has prompted a debate about how best to focus efforts of poverty alleviation. The historic roles of civil society, state actors and foreign donors are increasingly questioned in this new context. This study provides insights into the changing role of civil society in middle‐income countries by presenting views from India. It uses the findings of 35 interviews with academics, members of civil society, donors and representatives of the corporate sector. How do they describe the evolution of social and economic issues? How are interactions between major stakeholders such as the government, the corporate sector and civil society changing? Does the role of civil society change in the current context, and what are the challenges for civil society? With donors phasing out, how will civil society be affected? Copyright © 2012 John Wiley &amp; Sons, Ltd.

Facts and Fabrications: Experiences of Law and Legality Among Return Migrants in Ukraine

How do return migrants reintegrate back into the society? This question has been explored by much academic scholarship interested in the migration and development nexus. This paper contributes to these debates, but focuses on the experiences of re-adaptation of return migrants in the legal sphere. It systematically addresses three interrelated questions. First, how do return migrants re-establish their relationship with the legal system upon arrival? Second, how do their experiences of return and re-adaptation, upon being exposed to different ways of understanding and relating to the law, contribute to their interpretations of legality, and influence their values and attitudes to law? Finally, how do return migrants’ responses to the law in the commonplace contribute to the production of legal knowledge? (cf. Yngvesson and Coutin 2006: 178; Riles 2006). The analysis is based on 99 in-depth interviews conducted in Ukraine with return migrants, family members of migrants and representatives of organizations that help return migrants reintegrate back into the society. The data has been gathered under the auspices of THEMIS project. Discussing migrants’ legal adaptations I pay particular attention to the logic of difference (Moore 1986) between how law and legality are being perceived ‘at home’ and abroad, and what this can tell us about 1) the safety and personal security of return migrants; 2) their relationships with the police, bureaucracy and local officials; and 3) their choice of career paths and business ventures in Ukraine. I employ the comparative lens on the role of law to grapple with the fabrications of some of socially constructed ‘myths’ about legality in Ukraine.

New perspective for the management of M&A process: a merger case of a Japanese pharmaceutical company

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to provide a new perspective for effective management of the merger and acquisition (M&amp;A) process by making use of a case study of a merger in the Japanese pharmaceutical industry. As corporate governance and culture are notably employee‐oriented in Japanese firms, the paper seeks to explore whether M&amp;As in the industry may follow different paths from those in Western companies and lead to competitive advantage.Design/methodology/approachThe paper examines the case of a merger of a Japanese pharmaceutical company, Astellas Pharma, which was formed as a result of one of the largest M&amp;As in Japanese M&amp;A history. The case is analyzed in line with previous theories on M&amp;A process management.FindingsThe case was characterized by a strong momentum created by a core merger team consisting of a few members of management and workforce representatives, and the merger process was facilitated by both top‐down leadership and ground‐level support from the workforce. While broad engagement and non‐rapid rationalization of the workforce can slow the execution of the merger process and delay efficiency savings, it can also consistently drive the merger process and place the merged firm on a solid foundation with strong commitment from all levels.Originality/valueThis study suggests a new mode of the M&amp;A process by focusing on a particular merger case of a Japanese pharmaceutical company. The mechanisms observed in the case should be applied with appropriate modifications to the M&amp;As of Western companies.

The Law Treaty Negotiation: A Presidential Monopoly?

United States v. Curtiss-Wright (1936) involved a dispute over legislation passed Congress two years earlier authorizing president to impose an arms embargo in a region in South America. The issue was whether Congress had delegated too much of its legislative power to president. In 1935, Supreme Court had struck down two delegations of power to president involving domestic policy. (1) The question presented in Curtiss-Wright was a narrow one: could Congress delegate greater discretion to president in foreign affairs? Writing for a 7-1 Court, Justice George Sutherland decided that it could. Justice James C. McReynolds dissented, stating his opinion that district court reached right conclusion striking down delegation as excessive. Justice Harlan Fiske Stone did not take part in consideration or decision of case. Judicial Misconceptions In upholding delegation of legislative authority, Justice Sutherland spoke about the differences between powers of federal government in respect of foreign or external affairs and those in respect of domestic or internal affairs. He said two classes of powers different, both in respect of their origins and their nature. (2) Congressional legislation, to be made effective in international field, must often accord to President a degree of discretion and freedom from statutory restriction which would not be admissible were domestic affairs alone involved. (3) In this passage, Sutherland not only sustains delegation recognizes a field of independent presidential power that cannot be restricted Congress. The problems with his constitutional analysis and historical understanding are treated in an earlier article (Fisher 2007b). Many scholars have pointed out deficiencies of Justice Sutherland's sole organ doctrine, his recognition of inherent and extra-constitutional powers for president, and his account of flow of sovereignty and external affairs to United States (Brownell 2000; Goebel 1938; Levitan 1946; Lofgren 1973; Patterson 1944; Quarles 1944; Ramsey 2000; Simones 1996; Van Tyne 1907). This article examines errors of Justice Sutherland with regard to president's constitutional authority to negotiate treaties. Not only did Sutherland attempt to show that federal power over external affairs was distinctly different in origin and character from that over internal affairs, but participation in exercise of power is significantly limited. In field of external affairs, he said, Constitution required president to share with Senate treaty-making power, but he alone negotiates. Into field of negotiation Senate cannot intrude; and Congress itself is powerless to invade it. (4) In making this assertion, Sutherland ignored his own experiences and writings as a U.S. senator from Utah and demonstrated no grasp of how often presidents in past had shared treaty negotiation with members of Congress, both senators and representatives. Constitutional Theory The Constitution provides little guidance on how treaties are to be negotiated. Article II, section 2, empowers president, by and with Advice and Consent of Senate, to make Treaties, provided two-thirds of Senators present concur. Article I, section 10, prohibits states from entering into treaty, alliance, or confederation. That section also prohibits a state, without consent of Congress, from entering into any Agreement or Compact with a foreign power. The supremacy clause in Article VI defines treaties, along with Constitution and statutes, as the supreme Law of Land. Otherwise, Constitution is silent about many elements of treaty-making power. It says nothing about president's authority to negotiate treaties, process of terminating a treaty, or allocation of authority to interpret and reinterpret a treaty. …

One Hand Washes Another : Informal Ties Between Organized Criminal Groups and Law-Enforcement Agencies in Russia

This article discusses the forms, contents and peculiarities of the existing informal ties between members of organized criminal groups and representatives of law-enforcement agencies in the Tatarstan Republic of Russia. Particular attention is paid to the origins of informal ties; ways how these relations are established, maintained, and utilized by both parts; causes of corruption in the law-enforcement agencies and the possibilities to understand it. The main conclusions are based on the results of ninety-six in-depth interviews with the law-enforcement officers, businessmen, members of organized criminal groups, and journalists conducted in main cities and towns of the Tatarstan Republic under support of the Transnational Crime and Corruption Centre at American University.

Slavic anthroponyms in the judicial decisions of Demetrios Chomatenos

The present paper deals with personal names mentioned by Demetrios Chomatenos which can with some certainty be identified as Slavic in origin. For the greater part, these are well-known Slavic names, often of Common Slavic origin, also attested in other Slavic languages. A couple of uncommon names is also attested, such as Svinjilo and Svinja (Sb?niloz, Sbina). Among the names of non-Slavic origin, it is the Saints' names that are most commonly found, but some others are attested as well, like Kuman, Sarakin or Kandid all of them well known among the South Slavs. The Slavonic ethnicity of the carriers of these names can as a rule be established by tracing their family relations. In the course of the 11th and 12th centuries, family names became quite common and stable in Byzantium, at least with aristocratic families. As first noted by Jacques Lefort, some paroikoi on the territories belonging to the monasteries of the Holy Mountain had family names, too, but these tended to appear sporadically and to disappear after some time. Demetrios Chomatenos' judicial decisions show that at that period family names were carried by the majority of the inhabitants of Byzantine Macedonia, Epirus and other regions (including women, sometimes even monks), not only the members of the elite. However, the Slavic population of these regions still often stuck to the ancient custom of naming a person only with a personal name sometimes supplemented by a patronymic. This notwithstanding, more than twenty persons did have, apart from their Slavic name, another one, usually of Christian origin. Although the data do not always allow for an unequivocal identification of the functions of each of these names, it can be safely assumed that they are not instances of double personal names, but rather that the name of Christian origin functions as a personal name, the Slavic one as a family name. This is quite certain for the family of Svinjilos from Berroia (Ponem. Diaph. 81) and very probable for the family of Ljutovojs (Litobonz) from Skoplje (59). People with double names are usually persons of some importance, members of local aristocracy, imperial clerks or high representatives of the clergy, which is indicated by the fact that their names are often preceded by epithets like megaliphaestatoz, pansebastoz sebastoz, kyr or by administrative titles like arch?n. Family names are usually not grammatically different from personal names, mostly because it was common to simply take a personal name of an ancestor as the family name without further modifications, just like in Byzantine families. Chomatianos' judicial decisions yield only two derived family names, both formed from a Slavic stem with the Greek suffix -poyloz (Bogdanopoyloz, Serbopoyloz). Family names among the Slavs are attested at the same period in Dalmatian towns, whereas they are virtually unknown in the areas predominantly inhabited by Serbs, as evident from the Chrysobulls of Decani and other Serbian medieval documents.

HIV/AIDS information and services: The situation experienced by adolescents with disabilities in Rwanda and Uganda

Purpose. The study had 2 aims: (1) To explore whether knowledge about HIV and AIDS was similar among adolescents with disabilities compared with their non-disabled peers; and (2) To determine factors which may increase vulnerability of disabled adolescents to HIV infection and/or inappropriate access to HIV related services.Method. A qualitative study using focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews was conducted with purposefully selected participants in Rwanda and Uganda. The participants included disabled adolescents, non-disabled adolescents, parents, teachers, members of disabled people's organisations and representatives of HIV/AIDS organisations. Interviews explored issues of HIV/AIDS knowledge, access to HIV/AIDS services and perceptions of personal risk.Results. Barriers preventing adequate access to information about HIV and AIDS experienced by adolescents with disabilities depended on the nature and severity of the impairment. For example, parents and health workers were unable to communicate with deaf adolescents using sign language, adolescents with physical impairments were often unable to access community meetings about HIV and print material was not adapted for those with visual impairments. Further, assumptions by health workers and community members that people with disabilities were not sexually active lead to the marginalisation of disabled people from HIV services. Adolescents with disability described low self esteem and issues of self efficacy affecting control of safer sexual relationships. A high level of targeted abuse, rape and exploitation was reported leading to vulnerability among this population.Conclusion. The impact of the HIV epidemic among people with disabilities is a neglected area. This study supports the need to develop strategies in HIV prevention programmes that include people with disabilities.

Recommendations for the use of new methods to assess the efficacy of disease-modifying drugs in the treatment of osteoarthritis

Background: Recent innovations in the pharmaceutical drug discovery environment have generated new chemical entities with the potential to become disease modifying drugs for osteoarthritis (DMOAD’s). Regulatory agencies acknowledge that such compounds may be granted a DMOAD indication, providing they demonstrate that they can slow down disease progression; progression would be calibrated by a surrogate for structural change, by measuring joint space narrowing (JSN) on plain X-rays with the caveat that this delayed JSN translate into a clinical benefit for the patient. Recently, new technology has been developed to detect a structural change of the OA joint earlier than conventional X-rays. Objective: The Group for the Respect of Ethics and Excellence in Science (GREES) organized a working party to assess whether these new technologies may be used as surrogates to plain x-rays for assessment of DMOADs. Methods: GREES includes academic scientists, members of regulatory authorities and representatives from the pharmaceutical industry. After an extensive search of the international literature, from 1980 to 2002, two experts meetings were organized to prepare a resource document for regulatory authorities. This document includes recommendations for a possible update of guidelines for the registration of new chemical entities in osteoarthritis. Results: Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) is now used to measure parameters of cartilage morphology and integrity in OA patients. While some data are encouraging, correlation between short-term changes in cartilage structure observed with MRI and long-term radiographic or clinical changes are needed. Hence, the GREES suggests that MRI maybe used as an outcome in phase II studies, but that further data is needed before accepting MRI as a primary end-point in phase III clinical trials. Biochemical markers of bone and cartilage remodelling are being tested to predict OA and measure disease progression. Recently published data are promising but validation as surrogate end-points for OA disease progression requires additional study. The GREES suggests that biochemical markers remain limited to ‘proof of concept’ studies or as secondary end-points in phase II and III clinical trials. However, the GREES emphasizes the importance of acquiring additional information on biochemical markers in order to help better understand the mode of action of drugs to be used in OA. Regulatory agencies consider that evidence of improvement in clinical outcomes is critical for approval of DMOAD. Time to total joint replacement surgery is probably the most relevant clinical end-point for the evaluation of efficacy of a DMOAD. However, at this time, time to surgery can not be used in clinical trials because of bias by non disease-related factors like patient willingness for surgery or economic factors. At this stage, it appears that DMOAD should demonstrate a significant difference compared to placebo. Benefit should be measured by 3 co-primary end-points: JSN, pain and function. Secondary end-points should include the percentage of patients who are ‘responder’ (or ‘failure’). The definition of a ‘failure’ patient would be someone with progression of JSN>0.5 mm over a period of 2–3 years or who has a significant worsening in pain and/or function, based on validated cut-off values. The definition of the clinically relevant cut-off points for pain and function must be based on data evaluating the natural history of the disease (epidemiological cohorts or placebo groups from long-term studies). These cut-offs points should reflect a high propensity, for an individual patient, to later require joint replacement. Conclusion: GREES has outlined a set of guidelines for the development of a DMOAD for OA. Although these guidelines are subject to change as new information becomes available, the information above is based on the present knowledge in the field with the addition of expert opinion.

The role of penal policy in the resolution of low‐intensity conflicts

This article discusses the role that prisons and prisoners can play in the resolution of low‐intensity intra‐state conflicts. It argues that, despite the limited literature on the topic, the ‘prisons issue’ is a vital part of any conflict resolution process featuring state and sub‐state terrorist groups. Using examples from low‐intensity conflicts in Northern Ireland, Italy, Spain, Colombia, South Africa and Germany the article argues that there are three clearly identifiable roles that the prisons can play. First, they are an important part of the post‐conflict reconciliation process. The release of prisoners is an important element in any attempt to heal the divisions that have opened up in societies that have been involved in a protracted low‐intensity conflict by reintegrating combatants back into society. Second, the prison can be a channel of communication and/or a venue for dialogue between the state and insurgent group. This is because prisons are often the only place during a conflict where members of illegal organisations and representatives of the state come into regular contact with each other. Finally, prisoners are an important negotiation issue in themselves with release often being an important objective of sub‐state groups in any dialogue with the state.

Disciplina partidária e base parlamentar na Câmara dos Deputados no primeiro governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998)

This article analyzes the activity of the political parties in the Brazilian House of Representatives during the first Fernando Henrique Cardoso Administration (1995-98). The main source of data is the result of head-count votes. Three aspects are emphasized: the degree of party discipline; the parties’ rate of support for bills sponsored by the Administration; and the impact of maverick voting and absenteeism on the voting results. The link between the two dimensions treated separately by the literature (party discipline and party support for the Administration) shows that the strategy of evaluating Presidential power simply by counting the members of Representatives formally belonging to the Executive’s constituency should be done with caution in countries with undisciplined parties and high absenteeism during head-count votes.

At Law: Setting Priorities for Science Support

Government support for biomedical research is on the rise. Both Congress and the President have proposed substantial increases in National Institutes of Health funding for fiscal year 1999.[1] Although enhanced funding for research has strong bipartisan support, some members of Congress are critical of the way NIH allocates the tax dollars it receives. In the spring of 1997, the Senate and House of Representatives each held hearings on research priority setting[2] Participants included members of Congress, NIH officials, and advocacy group representatives. Testimony presented at the hearings illuminates a variety of ethical and political considerations relevant to allocation of federal research dollars. Congressional Testimony NIH Director Dr. Harold Varmus spoke at both hearings, primarily to explain the NIH budgeting process. Each year, the President and Congress determine the amount of money each NIH institute and center receives. Because the institutes and centers focus on different health topics, this annual budget distribution significantly affects the amount of money available to study specific health problems. In addition, the legislative and executive branches may set aside, or "earmark" funds for a particular area, such as breast cancer or childhood vaccines. Within these constraints, the institutes and centers decide how to apportion their funds, including whether to give special attention to certain research topics. Varmus emphasized two dimensions of NIH budgeting activities. First, each year the agency must use a substantial portion of funds to meet prior commitments, including multi-year awards to individuals and programs as well as long-term training and facilities projects. Allocation decisions also are shaped by earlier choices to establish institutes and centers devoted to specific health areas, for the very existence of an institute or center ensures some level of funding for such areas. Second, the complexity of both science and the NIH makes it difficult to assess the exact amounts directed to studies on particular conditions. Basic research investigations funded by various institutes and centers may shed light on numerous health problems and produce knowledge relevant to untargeted areas. Further, Varmus claimed, "excessive Congressional directives" on NIH resource allocation can drain support from potentially productive research areas to less promising topics. According to Varmus, the biggest gains in knowledge will come from a system in which NIH officials and scientists are given flexibility to distribute funds to areas offering the greatest opportunity for scientific advancement. At the same time, he noted, the agency must be free to maintain a program of ongoing research in diverse areas, "[b]ecause we cannot know when major discoveries will occur and what opportunities they will create." Not surprisingly, Institute of Medicine President Ken Shine echoed Varmus's call for substantial scientific autonomy over research priority setting. He took the additional step, however, of presenting his own views on the proper principles to guide research funding decisions: Congress and NIH officials should support (1) fields presenting the greatest potential for advancing knowledge and reducing disease burdens (defined as disability, pain, discomfort, and premature death); (2) some research in every field and on every health condition; (3) studies in areas unlikely to attract commercial or other private research dollars; (4) ongoing infrastructure and technology development adequate to support newly emerging research opportunities; (5) education and training adequate to produce a sufficient number of qualified scientists; and (6) research on diseases that inflict relatively heavy burdens on persons in the United States as well as the rest of the world. Representative Ernest Istook (R-Okla.) expressed the most dissatisfaction with the traditional approach to allocating biomedical research funds. …

Government Regulations and Health Care Delivery

Dennis W. Weissman, president and publisher of Washington G-2 Reports , addressed the Colorado Springs III Conference. Mr Weissman has 13 years’ experience as a working journalist in the laboratory field and 5 years’ experience as a “DC insider” representing a professional organization. A well-known figure on Capitol Hill, Mr Weissman gained his expertise about government regulation and health care policy by reporting on the news, talking with key decision makers, and interviewing members of Congress, congressional staffs, and agency representatives. Following are excerpts from Mr Weissman’s presentation.

Coal and Natural Gas: Fuel and Environmental Policy in Pittsburgh and Allegheny County, Pennsylvania, 1940-1960

Although there has been considerable speculation by scholars, the media, and policy-makers about the eventual content of U.S. energy policy, its social effects, and the public response to its impacts, almost no attempts have been made to inform such speculation by examination of past instances of energy-related alterations. The United States today faces problems involving energy supplies and usage which will directly affect future social patterns, industrial development, and environmental quality. Moreover, public policy decisions will be shaped by such elements as economic, political, and environmental factors, availability and comprehensiveness of scientific and technological information, and value-orientations of the administration, Members of Congress, their constituents, and representatives of the scientific/technical community. Once implemented, energy policy will have a range of impacts caused by higher prices, the shift to more expensive and alternative energy sources, and decisions made involving energy/environment and equity/efficiency tradeoffs. Here again the value-orientations of the participants will have critical effect, for example on the way the public deals with these impacts and their consequent effects upon life styles. Public values themselves may alter, as members of society confront new conditions of energy stringency. Among key issues today, for instance, in the framing of National Energy Policy are: (1) What form and shape should our energy policy take and to what extent should it represent the value orientation of one group in the policy-making process-such as conservationists-as opposed to another group-such as congressmen from oilrich constituencies? (2) To what extent do the values of energy policy-makers reflect actual national values? (3) What are the social, economic, and health costs and benefits that will stem from a particular energy policy and how should they be distributed? (4) What are the value orientations of affected groups and how will they respond to the policy? (5) To what extent will energy policy alter individual, community and group values? (6) What are the tradeoffs between the fulfillment of energy needs and preservation of environmental quality? While the media and policy-makers proceed as if questions and issues such as these are unique to the contemporary situation, all of them have arisen, at least in a generic manner, in several past instances involving energy change. Through an examination of the factors that entered into energy policy formation in the past, and the social and value impacts of this policy, we can gain insight into a crucial policy area facing the nation.

Tenure of Trade Union Office

This study is confined to problems relating to trade union leaders in the strict sense of the term, i.e. persons performing management functions at any level within the trade union, usually as members of the executive. The study is not concerned with questions of election and removal of workers' representatives within an undertaking, such as shop stewards, staff delegates, members of works committees and other outside representatives of trade unions. It is, moreover, primarily with workers' organisations that the study is concerned, since the legislation of many countries on trade unions does not apply to employers' organisations.