Opposition Members Research Articles

"Playin' 'em like a Piana": Richard John Seddon and the Mastery of Public Performance

Introduction In late 1904 Premier Richard John Seddon showed great physical courage by confronting shopkeepers furious at his government‘s efforts to shorten opening hours. In a public performance, of which this enduring politician bragged that he played the crowd ―like a piana,‖ Seddon was able to subdue a hostile audience. Newspaper reports suggest that he received much flack at both an afternoon and an evening meeting from Opposition Members of the House of Representatives [MHR] as well as angry crowds. Furthermore, after leaving the Druids‘ Hall in Cuba Street, Wellington. Seddon received sustained booing from 200 to 300 people gathered outside seemingly unimpressed by his suggestion that they ―keep their hair on.‖ 1 The evening meeting proved even hotter. He almost lost his composure at one point, before restoring order by repeating his suggestion that the declaration of ―combined districts‖ (that is, the suburbs that would be included with the central areas of the main centres where hours would be restricted) could be delayed and a test case organized with the Department of Labour to hold back the legislation‘s introduction by another year. Even though the fiery meeting went on until the early hours of the morning, this act of courage and populist genius swung the audience around, and they ended proceedings by singing ―For He‘s a Jolly Good Fellow.‖ 2

Presidents and Party Teams: The Politics of Debt Limits and Executive Oversight, 2001‐2013

This article analyzes the president's leadership predicament in light of purely partisan considerations in Congress, meaning members' interests in winning and holding control of national institutions. I examine congressional votes to raise the debt limit, which are highly dependent upon patterns of institutional party control. I also examine high‐profile congressional charges of administration misdoing, another arena in which members of the president's party behave starkly differently from members of the president's opposition. These differences have consequences for presidential leadership, no matter the configuration of party control of national institutions.

The Champion of Human Rights Meets the King of Kings: Jimmy Carter, the Shah, and Iranian Illusions and Rage

Building on the recent re-discovery of the Iranian Revolution, this analysis examines the policies of the Carter Administration and their effects on Iran and the Iranian opposition. Starting with Jimmy Carter's election and hopes for a new era in American–Iranian relations, there occurred the progressive creation and expansion of a rift between the Carter Administration and the Iranian opposition. This rift was exacerbated by stubborn American support for an increasingly weak Shah, and by the complete unwillingness, both in Washington and at the American Embassy in Tehran, to meet with opposition members, let alone with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. In this sense, the horizon of the analysis of the origins of the Iran hostage crisis is expanded with a longer-term perspective. The taking of the hostages represented the final act of a troubled relationship that had probably begun before Carter took office.

Artisanal small-scale mining and mercury pollution in Ghana: a critical examination of a messy minerals and gold mining policy

The use of mercury in artisanal small-scale gold mining has generated intense debate because of its deleterious effects on human health. A narrative policy analysis of artisanal gold mining debates in Ghana’s parliament was carried out in this study. The results show that civil society and policy makers use various rhetorical idioms particularly rhetoric of loss, entitlement, endangerment, unreason, and calamity to support claims-making in the artisanal mining debates. This reveals the co-mingling of politics and science in environmental policymaking. Although the science of mercury has remained almost the same over time in the debates, the understanding of how knowledge is produced has certainly changed over time. The political and economic history of gold mining indicates that colonial and post-independence policies partly account for the persistence and limited integration of artisanal gold mining in the national economy and, by extension, the persistence of mercury pollution in mining communities. Consistently, opposition Members of Parliament (MPs) argued in favor of artisanal miners, unlike their counterparts on the other side of the political divide (ruling government) who virtually sought to blame the victims (artisanal gold miners). However, whenever political change of power occurred, these very same MPs changed their rhetoric from pro-artisanal mining to anti-artisanal mining. Furthermore, anti-artisanal gold mining remarks from government lulls in election years.

Reflexe syrského konfliktu v České republice

This study deals with the responses to recent Syrian conflict in the Czech Republic. The authors introduce particularly activities inside Syrian diaspora, actually formed during the time of communism. Syrians citizens living in the Czech Republic are not homogeneous, which is similar to the situation in Syria. In our country we can find both people loyal to the regime of Ba'ath Party and Bashar al-Assad, and also members of opposition that in fact has divided into two groups, since the mid-2012. The authors introduce reactions of various subjects from the Czech Republic.

Journal polonais. Novembre 1978

JOURNAL POLONAIS. NOVEMBRE 1978Roselyne Chenu’s “Dziennik Polski” (The Polish Diary), being the record of the impressions of her visit to Poland in the fall of 1978, is an unusual record. Chenu was not a casual tourist interested in what was happening behind the Iron Curtain. As the secretary of the Fondation d’Hautvillers pour le dialogue des cultures, which aimed to help the opposition intellectual elites of the communist countries, she was well acquainted with the political situation in Poland. She knew little, however, of the everyday life of ordinary people in the communist system, thereforeshe recorded all its aspects in great detail. Thus, her diary written originally for her friends, became a valuable historical document over time. The diary also records her impressions of the attitudes of the members of the Polish opposition and their intellectual horizons.

„Niesłychanie pożyteczni szaleńcy”

“Extremely useful madmen”. Opposition in Poland before the “Solidarity” movement in search of a realistic formula for action
 To assess a level of realism of the opposition in Poland before the “Solidarity” movement we must first determine its effects. The estimate as modest. Polish opposition members from the 70s failed to effectively influence the public mood to initiate systemic change in the country. There have also developed valuable doctrine, or any political approach to be applicable in a free country. From this perspective, political activities in the 70s was completely devoid of realism. This does not mean, however, that the efforts of this people have gone completely down the drain. The achievements of the opposition in non‑democratic system, which was a communist, another measure should be assessed. Undoubted achievements of the five‑years activity of several opposition tendencies was to create a new elite that since the birth of “Solidarity” to this day the tone of public life in Poland. It was also planting at different points of the country and different social group the seeds of contention for further life in the communist lie.

Diverse Impact of Notch-1, Jagged-1 and Dll-1 Expression On Response to Treatment and Relapse Free Survival in Acute Myeloid Leukemia.

Abstract 2520 Objectives:Notch-1 signaling pathway is considered important for acute myeloid leukemia (AML) pathogenesis. Delta-like 1 (DLL-1) and Jagged-1 are functional opposite members of Notch-1 ligand family. There is evidence that Jagged-1 has oncogenic potential whereas DLL-1 is tumor suppressive in AML biology. Moreover, it has been shown that Jagged-1 can promote AML development by stimulation of Notch-1 receptor and in independent manner. The mechanism of DLL-1 function in AML remains unknown. This study was conducted to elucidate the clinical role of Notch-1 and its ligands in AML patients. The expression of Jagged-1, DLL-1 and Notch-1 was estimated in leukemic blasts of newly diagnosed AML patients. Additionally, the level of examined proteins was correlated with known prognostic factors, response to treatment, overall survival (OS) and relapse free survival (RFS). Methods:The Jagged-1, DLL-1 and Notch-1 expression was assessed in leukemic blasts obtained from bone marrow or peripheral blood of 75 AML patients with median age 58 years (21–82y). The expression of proteins was estimated by using multi-color flow cytometry. The isotype controls were performed for all measurements. The percentage of Notch-1, Jagged-1 and DLL-1 positive cells served as protein expression. Based on the median cut-off value patients were subdivided into low-expressers and high-expressers group. Results:The median (Me) expression of Notch-1 and its ligands Jagged-1 and DLL-1 was 2,2% (range 0,1–24,8%); 20,6% (range 0,9–89,7%) and 3% (range 0,1–35,7%); respectively. Significant correlation between Jagged-1 and Notch-1 protein expression in AML blasts (r=0,24; p=0.048) as well as a trend toward a positive correlation between Jagged-1 and DLL-1 expression (r=0,36; p=0.059) were observed.The highest expression of Notch-1 and DLL-1 but not Jagged-1 was observed in patients with poor-risk karyotype according to SWOG classification (Me 7,9%; Me 7,65%) as compared to good-risk (Me 1,1%, p<0,045; Me 1,9%, p<0.01) and intermediate-risk group (Me 1,85%, p<0,04; Me 2,8%, p=0.07); respectively. Moreover, we found significantly higher Jagged-1 expression in AML patients with WBC≤10 G/L (Me 24,2%) compared to group with WBC>10 G/L (Me 12,05%, p<0.04). Consequently, the significant negative correlation between Jagged-1 expression and WBC count (r=0.23; p<0.04) was observed.Forty two of AML patients (56%) received standard induction chemotherapy with daunorubicin and cytarabine +/− cladribine. Unfit elderly patients (n=25, 33%) received repeated courses of azacitidine, decytabine or low-dose cytarabine, and 8 frail patients were allocated to supportive therapy with hydroxyurea only. Twenty six of intensively treated patients (62%) achieved complete remission (CR). The CR rate in high-expressers of Jagged-1 was higher than in the low-expressers group (74% vs. 50%; respectively; p=0.1). In contrast, the CR rate in high-expressers of Notch-1 and DLL-1 was lower than in the low-expressers group (58% vs. 77% and 63% vs. 72%; respectively), however the differences didn’t reach statistical significance.The median OS for intensively treated patients was 12,2 months (95% CI 8,36–14,5). The median RFS and OS for high-expressers of Jagged-1 were longer than in low-expressers group (p=0.03 vs. p=0.2) (Fig. 1AB). In contrast, no relationship between Notch-1 as well as DLL-1 expression and survival was found. Conclusions:Jagged-1 protein is highly expressed in AML blasts and correlates with lower tumor burden, higher susceptibility to standard chemotherapy and longer RFS in AML patients. Expression of Notch-1 and DLL-1 is higher in poor-risk AML patients but does not influence clinical outcome. These data clearly demonstrate an independent prognostic value of Jagged-1 in AML. A better understanding of Notch-1 signaling pathway in leukemic blasts may create new options for AML therapy. [Display omitted] Disclosures:No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Solomon Islands

Solomon Islands Gordon Leua Nanau (bio) Like the preceding year, 2011 was politically intense for Solomon Islands, marred by political instability and the actions of citizens frustrated over leadership neglect of pertinent issues. The year's most dramatic events were related to the ongoing and never-ending "musical-chairs politics" of National Parliament. Moreover, there was a change in the leadership of the ruling government. Also notable were the activities of nongovernment organizations and civil society groups in pursuit of a better life and services for Solomon Islanders. Some encouraging events and decisions are highlighted in this review as well. Political developments throughout 2011 again confirmed the adage that in Solomon Islands politics "anything is possible." After the national general elections and the election of the prime minister in late 2010, the ruling National Coalition for Rural Advancement (NCRA) and the official Opposition were closely matched in terms of membership strength. For instance, at one point in February 2011, then-Opposition leader Steve Abana claimed that the two sides were even, at 24-24 (SIBC, 3 Feb 2011), but there were uncertainties over the real allegiances of some members of Parliament. Prime Minister Danny Philip and his advisers were very tactful in maneuvering through this volatile environment after the 2010 elections. Even as citizens anticipated an immediate fall of government, new ministers from the Opposition side of the House were sworn in to replace those who defected. The first sign of a crack in the Philip-led NCRA government appeared when Minister for Forestry Bodo Dettke was relieved of his portfolio. It was alleged that Dettke was overseas when his sacking was announced, and he protested, asserting that he had been sacked for ordering the seizure of logs from MV Pacific Banghu in the Western Province a few months earlier. Despite that assertion, people felt that his initial appointment as minister for forestry had bordered on a conflict of interest, as he owns the Success Logging Company (The Age, 1 Sept 2010). Nevertheless his ministerial appointment had gone through, along with those of some [End Page 407] other newly elected members of Parliament of questionable character. These included Jimmy Lusibaea, a former militant who was then facing murder charges; Mark Kemakeza, who has an unresolved case of abuse of funds for fisheries projects in his constituency; and Snyder Rini, the short-lived prime minister ousted by popular riots in 2006 over corruption allegations. Their appointments as ministers made the initial formation of NCRA somewhat unpopular. The "musical chairs" in Parliament continued into the first half of 2011. While the government and Opposition were matched in numerical strength, Prime Minister Philip kept the country in suspense and delayed the parliamentary sitting until March. Meanwhile, the prime minister seemed to have been having difficulties in appointing ministers to head vacant ministries. His special secretary, Andrew Muaki, responded to this and the delayed sitting by saying that "the four vacant ministries have already been filled up by acting ministers" (PINA, 3 Feb 2011). When six government ministers moved to the Opposition, the Philip-led government nearly collapsed, but the insecurity was rectified by a countermovement of six Opposition members of Parliament to the government camp. By April 2011 Prime Minister Philip had a majority to rule at least for a little longer. Besides having to live with numerical uncertainty, a string of allegations of corruption and use of insider information did not improve the NCRA's negative image. For instance, there was the so-called Intel Report by the prime minister's press secretary and veteran journalist Alfred Sasako, which was highly controversial and received an immediate rebuttal from the Australian government. This "secret intelligence report" suggested that the Australian Labor Government was behind moves to topple the NCRA and that their choice for prime minister was Opposition member Matthew Wale. It further alleged that Australia promised a reward of si$200,000 to each government member of Parliament who would cross the floor. Moreover, it claimed that Australia had set aside si$20 million in in-kind and monetary support to the Opposition for this cause (ISN, 8 Feb 2011). The Australian government and the coordinator of the Regional Assistance Mission to...

Violence against health care must end: it's a matter of life and death

Violence against health care must end: it's a matter of life and death

From One-Stop Graft to Costly Corruption Webs: Democratisation and Shifting Patterns of Corruption in Korea

Abstract Democratisation has brought a new, riskier pattern of corruption to Korea. More groups and institutions have secured a role in a more inclusive democratic policy making process. As a result, corruption schemes now require the consent of a wide and diverse set of veto players, often including the political opposition, producing expansive democratic ‘corruption webs’. The key democratic element of competition for votes rewards opposition members in the web for blowing the whistle. Increased likelihood of exposure and punishment deter many from corruption, which has subsequently declined in Korea under democracy, as measured by perception polls, experience surveys and objective measures of elite rent exchange. The Roh Moo-hyeon NACF scandals demonstrate that democratic corruption webs also mitigate damage from scandals — forcing participants to limit rent exchange to minimise exposure to clean veto players. Democratic oversight ensures that even bribe-taking officials implement policy according to publicly-declared objectives. Finally, competition for votes encourages timely exposure of democratic corruption rackets.

Mobility and Conflict

We study the role of intergroup mobility in the emergence of conflict. Two groups compete for the right to allocate society's resources. We allow for costly intergroup mobility. The winning group offers an allocation, which the opposition can accept or reject, and wage conflict. Agents can also switch group membership. Expropriating a large share of resources increases political strength by attracting opposition members, but implies a higher threat of conflict. Our main finding is that the possibility of intergroup mobility affects the likelihood of conflict in a nonmonotonic way. Open conflict can arise at intermediate costs of mobility. (JEL D71, D72, D74)

Cross‐class Coalitions and the Making of the Arab Revolts of 2011

Theorists of social movements and revolutions have given great attention to the factors creating vulnerability for the state – including elite divisions, loss of foreign support, and economic problems. Substantial attention has also been given to factors facilitating the mobilization of protest actors, including framing, prior network ties, social and public media, and political openings. Somewhat less evident has been the role of cross-class coalitions, which play a vital role in affecting both the strength of the state and mobilization, and in shaping the outcomes of protest and revolutionary change. If a protest draws support mainly from just one class or group (peasants, workers, students, urban shopkeepers, professionals), the state can confront that group as a disruptive force, and seek to unify elites from other sectors against that threat. However, if protestors represent many different groups, it is much harder for the state to find allies against them. Moreover, while a state can claim to be preserving society by acting against isolated disruptive elements, it is far more difficult to maintain legitimacy when acting against a broad cross-class coalition. Elites are more likely to desert the state, creating crippling elite divisions, if protestors represent a broad spectrum of society. In addition, a broad cross-class coalition facilitates further mobilization by creating ‘meganetworks’ linking prior, tightly-linked within-group networks to each other. The impact of public media in favor of the protestors is also greater if media representation shows protestors as representative of the whole society, rather than as one particular group seeking partisan advantages for itself. For these reasons, virtually all successful revolutions were forged by cross-class coalitions that bridged the diverse goals and interests of different groups, thus pitting society as a whole against the regime and its loyalist supporters. Conversely, revolts rooted in the needs and organization of one particular class or group – peasant revolts, urban uprisings, student protests, regional rebellions – have usually been effectively repressed by regimes able to draw on other groups for support. The three successful revolutions in the Arab world in 2011, in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, all demonstrate the crucial role of cross-class coalitions.

Adversarial Discourse in Prime Minister’s Questions

In the United Kingdom, Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) are a weekly 30-minute parliamentary session, in which the prime minister (PM) responds to questions from both government and opposition members of parliament (MPs). In this study, 18 PMQs (April-November, 2007) were analysed, 9 with Labour PM Tony Blair, 9 with his successor Gordon Brown; in all 18 sessions, their opponent was Conservative Party leader David Cameron. In PMQs, MPs are expected to converse through questions and replies, while refraining from “unparliamentary language” (e.g., direct insults to another MP). However, within these constraints, PMQs are notorious for adversarial discourse, analysed in this study through the concept of face-threatening acts (FTAs). Six distinctive ways in which FTAs are performed by the leader of the opposition in questions and five distinctive ways in which the PM may counter FTAs in replies were identified. Overall, it is proposed that face aggravation in PMQs is not just an acceptable form of parliamentary discourse, it is both sanctioned and rewarded, a means whereby MPs may enhance their own status through aggressive facework.

The “Right” to be Trafficked

The post–Cold War dispensation in Togo, West Africa, ushered in a new lexicon of politically salient terms, among them droits de l’homme . Initially deployed in the early 1990s by members of the political opposition to expose dictatorial abuse, this potent signifier then found its way into society at large and, spurred by NGO support, was taken up by women’s groups in struggles over gender inequality. This essay explores droits de l’homme’s itinerary in the villages of northern Togo where teenage children embraced the term in proclaiming their freedom from parental control. Ironically, the same children now leave their villages to labor in Nigeria, declaring their “right” to abandon family and to participate in a labor regime that the United Nations and the NGOs describe as “child trafficking” and a new form of enslavement—and thus as a violation of these children’s “rights.”

地方への道

As for the relationship between Diet members and local assembly members in Japan, previous empirical researches mainly focus on their clientelistic relations among them and upward political career move from local assembly to the Diet. In this article, the author presents a different perspective from these previous researches, and elaborates the tendency that Diet members try to change their career to local politicians, especially governors and mayors of local governments. Two political reforms in the 1990s affected the ambition of Diet members; the electoral reform changed patterns of political competition in electoral districts, and the decentralization reform enhanced the attractiveness of the position of mayors. In this article, the author investigates the cases that Diet members / former Diet members, who stood as a candidate in the five elections before and after the electoral reform, challenge governor / mayor / local assembly elections. The results show that more Liberal Democratic Party members challenge to local elections after the electoral reform, and the more leading opposition members, who were affiliated with Japan Socialist Party or New Frontier Party or Democratic Party, challenge to local elections than LDP members. Besides, this article reveals that by measuring the effective numbers of candidate the patterns of political competitions in governor / mayor elections are different before and after the electoral reform.

The Consequences of Violent Politics in Norton, Zimbabwe

The lasting consequences of violent politics in Zimbabwe cannot be fully grasped without exploring both their institutional and material contexts and local interpretations of the meaning of particular acts of violence. Drawing on narratives of political violence from the town of Norton, three points are made. First, the extreme electoral violence of 2008 was interpreted by opposition members as an almost inexplicable moment of rupture. As a result, it damaged social relations in lasting ways. Second, the powerful link between the ruling party's coercive politics and people's livelihoods in a context of economic collapse meant that violence had deeply damaging effects on every aspect of people's lives from which many have not yet recovered. Third, regardless of their party affiliation, people's political relations with Zimbabwe's Inclusive Government, established in 2009, have been powerfully shaped by their understandings of the material and other obligations constituted through violence and suffering in previous years.

Liberalism, Nationalism, and Gender Dichotomy in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Germany: The Contested Case of German Civil Law

Often seen as immediate precursors of the Frankfurt National Assembly that convened during the 1848 Revolution, the Germanist conferences of 1846 and 1847 dealt at length with such politically fraught issues as the role of juries in German public life, the balance of Germanic and Roman legal traditions in the German states, and the looming crisis with Denmark over the Duchies of Slesvig and Holstein. The question of legal codification—which by the early 1840s had become a central demand of the German liberal nationalist movement—also featured prominently on the reformist agenda of the assembled scholars of German law, history, and literature who would so shortly help lead the German revolution. Among them was Carl Mittermaier, professor of law at the University of Heidelberg, leading opposition member of the Diet of the Grand Duchy of Baden, future president of the revolutionary PreParliament in 1848, and one of the most prominent German and European legal scholars of his generation. At the second Germanist conference in September 1847, Mittermaier introduced a motion. As a first, small step toward the legal unification of the German states, he urged that a committee be established to begin the process of codifying the many and varied versions of the law of marital property. With some biting references to the deleterious effects of Roman family law in the German context, and with suitable praise of the German family and companionate marriage, Mittermaier thought this the best place to make a start in the unification of Germany.1

Last lap to multiparty democracy?

REPORT□ SWAZILAND Last lap to multiparty democracy? Swaziland African larger state, neighbours is a completely tinyland-locked South surrounded Africa southern by and its Swaziland African state, completely surrounded byits larger neighbours South Africa and Mozambiqueto thewestand east respectively. Just 17,000km ofland,thecountry was a British protectorate alongside Botswana and Lesotho towards theend ofthecolonialera onlyregainingitsindependence in 1968. While post-independence Botswana and Lesothoexperimented withdifferent brandsof multiparty democracy sidebysidewithtraditional dynastiesand monarchies,the rulers of Swazilandonlysaw multiparty politics as a precondition imposedby the British as the only credible instrument throughwhich self-rule wouldbe restored. Asa result, on 12April1973, KingSobhuzaII repealedtheWestminster independenceConstitution anddecreedthat allexecutive andlegislative authority wouldbe vestedin himself. This effectively outlawed competitive multiparty politics, and re-affirmed Swaziland's retreat toabsolutemonarchism. Attempts at reform Swaziland remains sub-Sahara Africa'sonly absolute monarchy. The socio-economic ramifications ofthis political shift havebeenfelt eversince. It resulted initially in half-hearted agitation for reform whichmadesomegainsinthelastdecade thanks largely tothesporadic efforts oforganised labour. Ithas,however, provedextremely hardto sustain thepushtoward socio-political reform inan increasingly murky political milieu. In 1978 King Sobhuza II introduced Tinkhundla, a political experiment characterised by a crudefusionof traditional authority and contemporary formsof rule.According to this dual traditional-modern approach to public administration, parliamentary electionsare conductedevery fiveyears.Candidates contest seats ina bicameral parliament consisting ofHousesof Assembly and Senatebased on 'individual merit' and theymay not represent a politicalconstituency manifesto orgroupinterest. Sobhuza'sson,KingMswatiIII, succeededhis father in1986.After muchresistance, Mswati finally succumbedto the relentless pressurefrom labourunionsandtheir internal and international solidarity partners torestore a written Constitution. The Constitution thatwas signedintolaw in 2005, however, onlyformalised thestatus quo. For instance, thekingis bothabove theConstitution and immune to prosecution. He appointsmore thana third of members of a parliament thatis devoidofofficial opposition, allcabinet ministers, judges,and all influential portfolios of public office. Allofthem areaccountable onlytotheking as theultimate appointing authority. TheConstitution also hasa BillofRights which guaranteespeacefulassembly,association, and freedom ofexpression, amongst other rights. On theother hand,thesamedocument forbids politicalparty participation inparliamentary elections thereby rendering political parties ornamental. In effect, generalelectionseveryfiveyearshave nothing to do withregimechangesave forthe routine rotation ofpowerless facesina thinly disguiseddictatorial government arrangement. Swaziland's political configuration did not come aboutas an accidentof history. It was a deliberate strategy for theroyal rulers topoliticise Swaziculture, and to tactically pullat theheartstrings of thegeneralpopulacewho have been warnedagainst activepolitics becauseitpitssubjectsagainstGod -given kingship. Directly questioning orchallenging traditional authority isakin tosacrilege and is,atbest,frowned uponas culturally un-Swazi bymanySwazicitizens. A seniorandinfluential prince recently publicly claimedthat localjournalists wouldbe 'showered withGod's blessings'iftheystoppedreporting aboutsensitive royalaffairs. Politicsand splitin labour Theunclear nature ofSwaziland's politics isattributabletotheunresolved question regarding which isthedriving force for socialreform -political partiesorlabourfederations . Thisis also hardly accidental .Government has consistently condemned labourunions'tendency to dabblein politics, or condemned political formations forinterfering in labourdisputes thatshouldonlyinvolve workers and their employers consisting ofeither thestate orprivate business. Thisisa clearcase ofthestate resorting totheage-olddivide-and-rule strategy. Labourunions, on theother hand,havealways arguedthatthe decisionsand actionsof politiciansoversuch matters as labourlegislation or publicexpenditure directly affect labourpractices and relations. In fact,labourissuesand politics areinseparable inSwazilandandattempts atseparation aremerepolitical manipulation. Workers constitute bothsociety's think-tank and itsgenerators ofwealth.Theyarealso subjectto theexploitation ofthepublic-private sectorcapitalistpartnership . In the Swazi contextwhere politicaloppositionis officially proscribed, a politicised labourmovement isbothdesirable and unavoidable.This is, in fact,the reason that labourhas alwaysbeen thedriving forcebehind activism forchange.Itis also thisvery roleas the 'official' unofficial opposition that defines strained relations betweenstateandorganised labour. Itwas organised labourthatstagedthebiggest andlongest massprotest in 1997anddemanded, inter alia,a written Constitution that was eventuSipho Jele died in I police custody I Sipho Jele died in suspicious circumstances while inpolice detention DR SIKELELA M D LAMINI Is Secretary to the Swaziland Chapter off the SDC and a freelance writer and independent researcher. This article first appeared In the South African Labour Bulletin, see: www.south africanlabourbutletin.org.za Page 3Volume 17Issue 3201 0 INTERNATIONAL union rights Manybelieve his death was a politicallymotivatedmurder STEVE FAULKNER Is International and Equality Officer for the South African Municipal Workers' Union ('SAMINU1) allypromulgated in2005.Itwas organised labour toothat forced government toamenda restrictive Industrial Relations Act(1996) as a precondition for retaining Swaziland'sstatusin the USA's African Growthand Opportunity Act ('AGOA') and Generalised System ofPreferences CGSP')at theturn ofthemillennium. Howeverdespitethesemilestone achievements andan emerging enabling localenvironment and globalsupport, labourstillfellshortof pushing forregimechange.The reasonswererelatedto statepropaganda.Statepropagandais greatly aidedbystatemonopoly on radioand...

Anatomy in the Third Reich: An outline, part 2. Bodies for anatomy and related medical disciplines

All anatomical departments of German universities used bodies of the executed and other victims of the National Socialist (NS) regime for their work. Many of these victims had been executed in prisons and were members of the German political opposition; others had perished in camps for prisoners of war or forced laborers and concentration camps, and were of various European and other descent. Anatomists generally welcomed the increased influx of "fresh material" for purposes of research and education of the growing numbers of medical students. No anatomist is known to have refused work with the bodies of NS victims. Other medical disciplines also made use of these bodies, among them were racial hygienists and neuropathologists. In the late 19th and early 20th century, the fields of anatomy, physical anthropology, and racial hygiene (eugenics) were closely related in their subject matter. Anatomists were involved in the biological foundation of racial hygiene, most prominently among them Eugen Fischer. The discipline was established as part of the medical curriculum after 1920. Racial hygiene became the scientific justification for NS policies that led to racial discrimination, involuntary sterilization and ultimately mass murder. Anatomists taught racial hygiene throughout the Third Reich and did research in this area. Some were actively involved in NS policies through propaganda and evaluations for the so-called Genetic Health Courts, whereas others became victims of their own science in that they were dismissed for racial reasons.