Member Of Royal Family Research Articles

Features and Functions of Sŏnwŏnjŏn of the Late Chosŏn Period Reflected in Ritual Foods and Vessels, Interior Setting, and the Enshrined Portraits

Sŏnwŏnjŏn (璿源殿, Hall of Jade Source) stands out from other royal portrait halls within the late Chosŏn period on account of its unofficiality. This comes through in its rites, ritual foods and vessels, interior setting, and the enshrined portraits. Sŏnwŏnjŏn was an informal sacred hall where royal family members could personally present offerings and worship before portraits of late Chosŏn kings in the inner court. Birthday tea rituals (誕辰茶禮), which drew on non-Confucian traditions, were established as the representative rite of this hall. Unlike many other ritual halls at the time, these tea rituals often featured the active participation of royal women including queen dowagers and royal consorts. From the preparation of rituals to acts of veneration, they played an active role. This stands in stark contrast to the rites of Yŏnghŭijŏn (永禧殿, Hall of Eternal Happiness), the representative official portrait hall of late Chosŏn, which were always performed by male officials. Yŏnghŭijŏn primarily used oil-and-honey pastries (油蜜菓) and brass vessels for the offering tables. Conversely, Sŏnwŏnjŏn presented vessels made from the most luxurious materials of the time, such as silver, gold, and even jade. The vessels included delicacies comprised of various kinds of meat and fish dishes for the tea rituals. Objects originally produced for the king’s use in life were also incorporated into Sŏnwŏnjŏn rites. In sum, the ritual foods and vessels for tea rituals echoed the table setting for a king in the inner banquet (內進饌) to commemorate his birthday. The rites as well as the ritual foods and vessels of Sŏnwŏnjŏn seem to have followed the tea rituals of a spirit hall, in which a deceased king’s spirit tablet was enshrined for about two years and royal family members could serve as if the late king was alive. The physical environment of a chamber at Sŏnwŏnjŏn mimicked the interior setting of a spirit hall, and consisted of a baldachin, a three-sided Five Peak screen, a royal bed, and a set of four-panel peony paintings. This interior differs from one of official portrait halls, wherein there was a one-sided Five Peak screen and a royal bed without the use of Peony screens. Indeed, Sŏnwŏnjŏn functioned as a substitute for a spirit hall. In the 19th century, the hall was distinguished from a sprit hall by the more lavish decoration of its inner space with paintings rich in symbolism, additionally including Plum screens and Sea-and-Peaches of Immortality screens. The subject matter of the paintings expressed the royal family’s hope for the eternal life of their ancestors. Portraits selected for worship in Sŏnwŏnjŏn matched the intimate and informal character of this late Chosŏn portrait hall. Unlike Yŏnghŭijŏn in which full-length portraits of late Chosŏn kings in official attire were displayed, a majority of the displayed or enshrined portraits at Sŏnwŏnjŏn presented kings in ordinary attire. Moreover, half-length portraits were enshrined therein. Kings and also the queen dowagers were primarily responsible for deciding what went into it. While ritual requirements were important to these decisions, human feelings for the portrait subjects also influenced the selection.

Transnational Seasonal Land Grabbing in Pakistan: Power Positions and Resistance

Each year, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA), Pakistan issues a special 10-day hunting permit to royal family members of Gulf countries for seasonal hunting of Asian Houbara bustard ( Chlamydotis macqueen). This paper attempts to systematically present the understandings on seasonal land grabbing and its political economy in Pakistan. The role of local elites and government institutions and the response of local people, as well as their resistance, is discussed in detail.

Royally represented or royally shafted? Effect of positive and negative captions and ideological beliefs on readers’ evaluations of Kate Middleton and Meghan Markle

We conducted a randomized controlled experiment to investigate the role of descriptive captions (positively and negatively worded) and ideological beliefs (Right Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation) on viewers’ evaluations of two popular British Royal family members namely Meghan Markle and Kate Middleton. Participants included 300 undergraduate students from Dunedin, New Zealand who were randomly assigned to one of the four conditions: (1) Pro-Kate, (2) Anti-Kate, (3) Pro-Meghan or (4) AntiMeghan captions accompanying the parallel images of these Royal members. We also included several distractor variables about other Royal family members and traditions. Outcomes were recorded as evaluations of six royal members (Charles, Diana, William, Harry, Kate, and Meghan). We found no significant effect of caption manipulation on outcome evaluations of Meghan and Kate. However, social dominance negatively correlated with Meghan and Harry whereas authoritarianism positively correlated with ratings of Charles. Our results indicate that a one-off exposure to biased media regarding celebrities may not significantly alter audience’s evaluations of them, but ideological beliefs may influence this process, nonetheless.

Royal Family Members and Financial Reporting Timeliness: Evidence from UAE

This study aims to examine the association between Royal family members on the board of directors and financial reporting quality in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). UAE has two markets, namely Abu Dhabi Exchange Security (ADX) and Dubai Financial Market (DFM). The data of the current study were collected from these two markets listed companies for the periods of 2011 to 2018 which resulted in 437 observations. The results of this study showed that the existence of royal family members on the board of the UAE listed companies is significantly associated with financial reporting timeliness. This study provides evidence on the role played by the elite groups (Royal Family members) in UAE in enhancing the role of the board of directors. The findings also reported that board independence, audit committee size, audit committee expert, and firm profitability are significantly associated with financial reporting timeliness. The findings of this study contribute to the existing theory and empirical evidence of how the existence of Royal family members on the board of directors adds values to the company and improves its financial reporting quality.

An examination of board diversity and corporate social responsibility disclosure: evidence from banking sector in the Arabian Gulf countries

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the impact of board diversity (e.g. education, gender, nationality and royal family members) on voluntary corporate social responsibility (CSR) disclosure for a sample of banks listed in the Arabian Gulf Council countries.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use the Global Reporting Initiative guidelines to construct the CSR disclosure index. The empirical analysis is based on the data of banks listed in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries over the period 2011–2019. To tackle the potential issue of endogeneity, the authors apply the system generalized method of moments (GMM) estimation approach to investigate the relationship between board diversity and CSR disclosure index.FindingsThe findings of the analysis show that there is a significant relationship between board diversity and the level of voluntary CSR disclosure. Specifically, the authors find that diversity captured by the education level, nationality and the presence of royal family members on board is positively associated with the level of voluntary CSR disclosure while diversity captured by the gender of board members is negatively associated with the level of voluntary CSR disclosure.Practical implicationsThe regulators, policymakers, stakeholders and the board of directors become aware of the diversity mechanisms that must be used to promote CSR practices in the banking sector of Arabian Gulf countries.Originality/valueThe authors extend the existing literature by providing empirical evidence on the association between board diversity and voluntary CSR disclosure practices of banks operating in the Arabian Gulf countries. This study also highlights that board gender diversity may have a different impact on voluntary CSR disclosure between developed countries and developing countries. This paper also provides preliminary evidence on the importance of education level, the presence of foreign and royal directors on board to influence CSR practices of banks operating in the Arabian Gulf countries.

DUNBROCH ROYAL FAMILY CHARACTERS AND THEIR ROLE IN BRAVE FILM (2012)

The aim of this research is to find out the characters of the Dunbroch Royal Family members which consists of Merida, Queen Elinor, King Fergus, Harris, Hubert and Hamish as well as their role in the plot of the Brave (2009) film. There are two data sources in this research. First is the Brave (2009) film, and the second is the script of this film itself. The data then categorized by using Reams’s characterization. The role of the characters the connected wirh Kenney’s plot development. The result of this research show that Dunbroch Royal Family member characters consist of four different kind of characters and all of them except for King Fergus have a significant role in the plot of the story.

Negotiating political power and stigma around fragile X Syndrome in a rural village in Cameroon: A tale of a royal family and a community.

BackgroundFragile X Syndrome (FXS) is a neurogenetic condition that significantly impacts the lives of affected individuals and their families due to its association with intellectual disability (ID) and stigma.MethodIn this paper, we present the findings of an ethnographic study in the community of a patient who received a genetic diagnosis for FXS in Cameroon. This study builds on data from 28 participants of a royal family and 58 from the community who participated in 20 in‐depth interviews and nine focus group discussions.ResultsWe identified two types of stigma in this community: public stigma directed towards the royal family and associative stigma experienced by royal family members. We outline the stereotyping labels used for the family and its children with Fragile X Syndrome and describe the stigma‐power dynamic between the community members and the royal family. First, most villagers use less stigmatizing terms to addressing FXS children from the chieftaincy because of their position in society. Secondly, due to their social position, the royal family uses their status to negotiate marriages with community members. From these observations, we can suggest that the primary role of stigma in this community is to keep people away from FXS and keep them down through domination and exploitation.ConclusionWe advocate that other researchers examine if the same pattern exists in other inheritable forms of ID and conduct more qualitative research on FXS in Africa.

The controlling power of royal family members on the board of directors and audit committee effectiveness

This paper examines the association of the presence of royal family members on the board of directors with audit committee effectiveness. The sample of this study consists of 444 listed manufactured firms in Saudi Arabia for the period 2012-2019. Using the Pooled OLS regression, the result of the study shows that royal family ownership is associated with audit committee effectiveness, giving support to the substitution hypothesis. The result indicates that members from the royal families are good monitors imposed into the companies' managements as both taking the role of decision makers and owners who may substitute the effectiveness of the audit committee. The presence of royal family members on the board has an alternative for the effectiveness of the audit committee. The marginal effect of audit committee effectiveness as an internal corporate governance mechanism is substituted by the presence of royal family members on the board. This study provides insightful evidence to regulators and policy makers at the company and country levels on the relationship of royal family ownership and audit committee effectiveness.

알렌이 포착한 기회의 나라, 대한제국

Allen had worked in Korea for 21 years in a very close relationship with the royal family. He was regarded as a member of Korean royal family rather than U.S. Diplomat by surrounding people. For such a reason, his recognition and evaluation on the Korean Empire can be regarded as relatively concrete and accurate. His view on the emperor was negative. He used words as weakness, indecision, corruption, irresponsibility, and stubborn person for representing emperor’s personality and character as a man of supreme power. As for government officials of the Korean Empire, he commented on 97 persons including Lee Young-Ik, Seo Jae-Phil, Lee Wan-Yong, and the family of Min. He regarded Lee Yong-Ik as a figure of corruption ‘who should have never been appointed’. For Seo Jae-Phil who was an American citizen, Allen showed generous attitude to protect him praising his independence movement. For Lee Wan-Yong, on the other hand, Allen changed his attitude situatinally. Sometimes he criticized Lee and evaluated him as a figure of ‘excellent judgment and courage.’ Allen’s basic view on the officials of the Korean Empire was that they are genius of changing their image and opportunistists. Relatively, he evaluated the subjugated people as naive, diligent, hard-working and patient. He also commented that their diligence led to high enthusiasm for education, and they adopted quickly to the new environment and good workers. Allen also criticized that Japan carried out oppressive and uncivilized ruling without considering Korean’s high cultural sense and intelligent superiority. Such evaluation and recognition seem to have been expressed from Allen’s negative view on Japan as well as from his pity on Korean’s heartbreaking circumstance. Allen recognized the Korean Empire as a country of opportunity from which infinite rights could be created. Actually, Allen was involved in various kinds of rights such as gold mine, railroad, streetcar, electricity, telephone and water supply. For becoming U.S. Minister and maintaining U.S. Ministry as a person adhering to the royal family, Allen connected and mediated Emperor Gojong and American businessmen. Allen strived for the benefits of America and Americans, and regarded the Korean Empire as a rights market of America in negotiatians of rights.

The Geopolitics of Gulf Sport Sponsorship

ABSTRACT The names of two major Gulf airlines, Qatar Airways and Emirates, have saturated the European football scene for many years, sponsoring some of the most prominent European teams and FIFA itself. These state-backed airlines are also active in motorsports, rugby, cycling, tennis, golf, cricket, and equestrian sport, while several prominent Gulf elites and royal family members have recently taken over major sports franchises in Europe and elsewhere. How should we understand these far-reaching sponsorship agendas in the Gulf? What can they tell us about the politics and ethics of international sport on the Arabian Peninsula? Moving beyond the general readings of Gulf sport sponsorship as an exercise in ‘soft power,’ this article shows how these deals are strategic nodes for diverse actors in the Gulf and in the international sporting community to advance various interests: personal, political, financial, and otherwise. Informed by a critical geopolitics lens that questions the coherence of the ‘state’ as an actor, I ask what it means to say that ‘the Gulf’ sponsors sport, and more specifically investigate the relevant actors behind these sponsorship deals. To do so, this article examines regional and global political economy through a focus on three Gulf airline sponsors, Emirates, Etihad, and Qatar Airways, and three elite sports sponsors—the UAE’s Sheik Mansour, Qatar’s Nasser bin Ghanim Al-Khelaïfi, and Sheikh Nasser of Bahrain. By decentering ‘soft power’ approaches to sport that unduly emphasize the ‘state’ as an actor, this article suggests a more grounded approach to the geopolitics of sport in the Arabian Peninsula, which simultaneously acknowledges the complicity of Western actors and institutions in the rise of Gulf sports sponsorship deals in the past decade.

Vernacular Story in and as Archives: (Re)MakingXingshi yanStories in Early Modern China and Korea

AbstractThis article examines literary texts both as records transmitted through archives and as cultural sites recording preferred knowledge. It focuses on the late Ming-era (1368–1644) Chinese vernacular short story anthology Xingshi yan 型世言 (Exemplary Words for the World, ca. 1632)—the only extant copy preserved in the Kyujanggak Archives in South Korea—and its Chosŏn (1392–1910) rendition in the Korean alphabet, Hyŏngse ŏn, housed in the Jangseogak Archives. Xingshi yan, taking seriously the Chinese vernacular literature’s claim of being “unofficial history,” provides its own historical narrative of the Ming at the end of the dynasty when it was threatened by the Manchus. Recording the notable Ming figures and affairs, this anthology creates a literary archive furnishing materials for Ming history. In addition, this article points out the significance of the Kyujanggak Xingshi yan in solving the ambiguous textual origins of several Chinese vernacular story anthologies that were previously associated with the famous Second Amazement. Eventually, it traces the trajectory of how Xingshi yan was preserved in the Korean royal archives and appreciated by royal family members, and how its stories were rendered into the Korean alphabet for reasons of cultural and literary preference as well as to address the intended audience of Chosŏn. The making and remaking of Xingshi yan stories in both China and Korea, this article argues, illuminate the varied knowledge preferences and selections in the forming of the two cultures’ respective literary archives.

The effect of royal family members on the board on firm performance in Saudi Arabia

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to empirically examine the effect of royal family members on firm performance of publicly listed companies in Saudi Arabia.Design/methodology/approachUsing 491 firm-year observations of non-financial publicly listed firms in Saudi Arabia’s stock market between 2009 and 2013, the study employs, besides others, the advanced econometric technique GMM-system estimator. This allows the dynamic nature and control of the endogeneity problem to be accounted for in corporate governance and firm performance.FindingsThe main result is that the attendance of royal family members at board meetings negatively influences firm performance but does not have an influence on firm value. The results also show that firms with many independent royal family members on the board of directors have better firm performance and firm value. In addition, firms with a high number of royal family members presenting on the board have better firm performance.Research limitations/implicationsThis study offers guidance to assist the further investigation of the SA Royal Family’s BoD membership either in SA or in other monarchy countries. It is interesting to compare these results in order to further understand the different effects that the Royal Family’s BoD membership have in such countries. This study’s results suggest that independent members of SA’s Royal Family on the BoD have some influence on firm performance in both the short and long term. Thus, policymakers should encourage the members of SA’s Royal Family to become more involved in firms’ BoDs.Practical implicationsThis study offers guidance for further investigation of royal family members in the region or in other monarchy countries. It will be interesting to compare these results. The study suggests that royal family members on the board have a partial influence on firm performance, especially the independent ones. Thus, the policymakers should encourage more involvement of independent royal family members on the board.Social implicationsForeign and minority investors, who invest in SA’s publicly listed firms, should note that when independent members of SA’s Royal Family are on the BoD their investment will benefit from the reduced risks and uncertainty.Originality/valueTo the best of the author’s knowledge, this is the first study undertaken to investigate empirically the influence a royal family’s presence on the board of directors has on firm performance. This study is based on both theories, namely the agency theory and resource dependence theory.

Pure Collectibles along Scholar’s Window: Collection of Painting and Calligraphy by Park Ju-bin an Official from Yiwangjik

Paying scholarly attention to Park Ju-bin (朴胄彬, 1882~1931), who has served Yiwangjik (王李職) or the Office of the Yi Royal Family, this essay examines how the Office facilitated appreciations of, and patronage for, painting and calligraphy; and seeks to understand the arthistorical significances of cultural exchanges that distinguished individuals of different social standings carried out with painting and calligraphy in the Japanese colonial period.In technical charge of royal rituals and ceremonies, Park Ju-bin has closely served the Yi Royal Family members for nearly thirty years from various posts of Gungnaebu (宮內府, Council of the Royal Household) and later Yiwangjik. Deeply interested in painting and calligraphy, Park produced an album of the ink-brush arts under the title Seochang cheonggong (書牕 淸供). The compilation album (translatable as “Panoply of Pure Collectibles along Window of a Scholar’s Study”) is based on what Park has collected from a total of sixty eminent individuals – including politicians, scholars, and professional artists – with whom he has established contact for the duration of his public service (1910~1930). They consist mostly of Park’s fellow officials or renowned figures from political and academic spheres, the membership suggesting Park’s high reputation and social status. In particular, the paintings in the album were primarily by artists affiliated to Seohwa misulhoe (書畫美術會, Painting and Calligraphic Art Association) or Seohwa hyeopoe (書畫協會, Society of Painting and Calligraphy). Probably Park has prioritized to collect works by members of the prestigious art organizations: for example, the painters of the Association and the Society enjoyed royal patronage of Yiwangjik—by the will of King Sunjong (純宗, 1874~1926; r. 1907~1910) and his brother Yeongchinwang (英親王, 1897~1970)—and constituted the mainstays of art productions for the royal house.Comprised of paintings and calligraphy by Park’s associates of social importance, the Seochang cheonggong provides a glimpse into the breadth of the artists’ activities of the early twentieth century as well as into an enthusiastic audience who admired and collected their artworks. Given the scanty of materials offering a general view on the art world of the period nor a wide command over contemporary public perception of modern artists, the album Seochang holds a profound significance since the involved artists include not only those who exercised a leadership in the community of painters and calligraphers of the time but also those of bureaucratic origin whose artistic careers await further synthetic studies. The album discloses a preference for traditional subjects and conventional styles: perhaps the conservatism to likings of Royal households or of high-ranking officials. These various traits of this album combine to show that Park represents the art collectors dealing with a complexity of issues such as the continuation of the royal art and patronage, the roles of bureaucrats in art, and art appreciations and collections over the transitional epoch especially when the innovative were steadily making inroads into the traditional.

ESG Reporting and Analysts’ Recommendations, and Royalty Political Connection

In this study, we investigate whether or not sell-side analysts consider or incorporate the environmental, social and governance disclosures (thereafter ESG) in their recommendations. We then test whether the possibility of a moderation effect of a royalty political connection of directors affects this relationship. Using a dataset from six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, we find evidence that analysts value and incorporate the ESG in their analysis about the firm. However, the royal political connections have a moderating negative effect on the association between sell-side analysts’ recommendations and ESG. This suggests that the sell-side analysts may assess the ESG disclosure in those firms with royal family members in the board as a superficial compliance rather than a genuine commitment. Our findings hold after we conduct numerous tests to address measurement issues.

Interjections in the speech of British royal family members

Interjections in the speech of British royal family members

Protecting the Passport: Defending US Borders Built in the United Arab Emirates

ABSTRACTMuslim American women who live or have lived in the United Arab Emirates (re)produce figurative US border walls by self‐ and group‐policing choices in marriage partners. The research presented in this article concentrates on a group of Muslim women who came together through the Tablighi Jama'at (Preaching Party), their relationship with Sharjah royal family members, and their shared history of living in a neighborhood built for them in the UAE. Since 9/11, a shift has occurred in how these Muslims choose marriage partners. Before, a potential partner's religiosity was paramount; since 9/11, however, the power of a potential husband's passport (i.e., how easily he can travel visa‐free) has taken precedence. This change, I argue, can be traced to restrictions imposed by the US “War on Terror.” After 9/11, Muslims became disproportionately surveilled and stereotyped. The women I study have internalized post‐9/11 security regime practices and prevent certain non‐US persons from getting citizenship through marriage. By discriminating against men without “powerful” passports, these women seamlessly perform their national, religious, and gendered identities. [marriage, (im)mobility, citizenship, Muslim Americans, United Arab Emirates]

The impact of existence of royal family directors on corporate social responsibility reporting: a servant leadership perspective

PurposeDrawing on servant leadership theory, this study aims to investigate whether the presence of royal family members on boards of directors impacts corporate social responsibility (CSR) reporting.Design/methodology/approachCSR scores from a Bloomberg database are used and royal family data are collected from annual reports. The required analyses to test the hypotheses of this study have been performed.FindingsThe findings demonstrate a positive relationship between the presence of royal family directors and CSR reporting.Originality/valueThis study seeks to contribute to the literature on servant leadership theory and CSR by highlighting the impact of royal family directors on CSR reporting. This study may also contribute to an understanding of royal family leadership as a predictor of CSR reporting.

Destinies of Old Family Lands in the First Half of the 17th Century

This article considers the peculiarities of the old family lands of the boyar elite in the first half of the 17th century. Despite the fact that many princes and boyars owned vast old family lands (the princes Shuysky, Romodanovsky, Pozharsky, Lykov, Repnin, Troekurov, Sitsky, Prozorovsky, and Bakhteyarov-Rostovsky, as well as the most prominent representatives of the old Moscow untitled boyars, such as the Romanovs, Sheremetevs, Morozovs, and Saltykovs), the history of these properties is not as transparent as many researchers believe. The author demonstrates that in the 17th century, most princes and boyars continued to own these legacies not only due to the principle of natural inheritance but also because they came into possession of lands they had lost in the 16th century during the Time of Troubles and the reign of Mikhail Fyodorovich. These returns were not a general rule and did not apply to most of the service class. As a rule, old family lands were only returned to the most prominent boyars and courtiers as special grants for their services or because of their position at court. Among the people granted old family lands which they had lost under Tsar Mikhail Fyodorovich in the 16th century (including the lands of distant relations), there were royal family members, favourites and the most prominent boyars (Ivan Nikitich Romanov, Fyodor Ivanovich Sheremetev, Prince Boris Mikhailovich Lykov, Prince Boris Alexandrovich Repnin, Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky, Prince Ivan Ivanovich Shuysky, the Romodanovsky, Prozorovsky, Sitsky, Troekurov, and Bakhteyarov-Rostovsky princes, and the old Moscow untitled boyars Morozov, Saltykov, Golovin, and Dolmatov-Karpov). Most of the other noble families either completely lost or owned insignificant remnants of their old family lands. Thus, even possession of such lands in the 17th century became a reward, which led to the increased dependence of the boyar elite on the monarchy.

Un prélat français de la Renaissance: Le Cardinal de Lorraine entre Reims et l’Europe ed. by Jean Balsamo, Thomas Nicklas, Bruno Restif

Reviewed by: Un prélat français de la Renaissance: Le Cardinal de Lorraine entre Reims et l’Europe ed. by Jean Balsamo, Thomas Nicklas, Bruno Restif Brian Sandberg Un prélat français de la Renaissance: Le Cardinal de Lorraine entre Reims et l’Europe. Edited by Jean Balsamo, Thomas Nicklas, and Bruno Restif. [Travaux d’humanisme et Renaissance, No DXLVI.] (Geneva: Librairie Droz. 2015. Pp. 472. $66.00 paperback. ISBN 978-2-600-01889-0.) Charles de Lorraine, cardinal de Lorraine and archbishop of Reims, became one of the principal leaders of the Catholic reform in France during the mid-sixteenth century. A member of the Guise branch of the Lorraine dynasty, Charles de Lorraine (1524–1574) personified a Renaissance prince and a reforming prelate during a tumultuous period of religious change and confessional division. His religious and political engagement in the first two decades of the French Wars of Religion (1559–1629) made him a controversial and polarizing figure. Un prélat français de la Renaissance. Le Cardinal de Lorraine entre Reims et l’Europe offers a historical portrait of the cardinal de Lorraine from various perspectives. This collective volume publishes twenty-five essays by historians, art historians, literary scholars, and other specialists on the cardinal de Lorraine and his historical context. The volume produces a nuanced view of the cardinal as a religio-political leader and a literary and artistic patron (Jean Balsamo, Bruno Restif). Several essays treat the documentary record and historiographical literature on the cardinal de Lorraine (Vladimir Chichkine, Isabelle de Conihout, Antoine Pietrobelli, Claude Langlois, Jean-Marie Le Gall). Charles de Lorraine served as archbishop of Reims and also played numerous other clerical roles. He embodied a reforming bishop, transforming his diocese of Reims into a major center of Catholic reform (Bruno Restif). Isabelle Balsamo assesses the archbishop’s artistic patronage in the cathedral of Reims, while Patrick Demouy focuses on the devotional activities and penitential processions that he encouraged. The cardinal promoted Catholic reform throughout the kingdom by sponsoring Jesuit missions in France and supporting other religious orders (Madeleine Molin). Joseph Bergin analyzes the “ecclesiastical empire of the Guises,” focusing particularly on the cardinal de Lorraine’s role as abbot of the royal abbey of Saint-Denis, where royal family members were interred. As archbishop of Reims, Lorraine crowned three French kings and engaged in religious politics in order to promote Catholic reform in the kingdom. The cardinal and his brother—François de Lorraine, duc de Guise—advised the young François II during his short reign (1559–1560). Charles de Lorraine maintained a broad clientele in the province of Champagne and beyond through his benefices and urban associations (Mark Konnert and Mark Greengrass). Charles de Lorraine’s attitudes toward heresy gradually shifted between the 1540s and 1570s. Theologian Claude d’Espence provided the young cardinal with spiritual guidance, but the he later fell under suspicion of heresy (Peter Walter). The cardinal promoted a religious reform program based on religious harmony and Christian unity in the mid-sixteenth century (Alain Tallon). Lorraine later organized a major theological discussion between Catholic and Calvinist theologians at the Colloquy of Poissy (1561), but the meeting utterly failed to produce any theological [End Page 352] compromise between the increasingly divided confessions (Max Engam-mare). The cardinal de Lorraine seems to have gradually embraced strict anti-heresy policies, pressing for executions of Huguenots who had participated in the Conspiracy of Amboise and justifying massacres of Protestants. Calvinist writers such as François Hotman demonized the cardinal as a “tiger” and a “viper” for his “cruelty and avarice” toward Protestants. Hugues Daussy traces the crystallization of this negative image of the cardinal. Lorraine engaged in European politics through relationships in Germany, Italy, Scotland, and the Netherlands (Eric Durot, Matteo Provasi, Federica Veratelli, Jules Versele, and François Pernot). The cardinal de Lorraine conducted several diplomatic missions and acted as one of the main negotiators for the peace of Cateau-Cambrésis in 1559 (Thomas Nicklas). He participated in the papal conclave for the election of Julius III, and his brother, the cardinal de Guise, took part in two additional conclaves (Alain Cullière). Yet, electoral...

THE POLITICS OF MATARAM KINGDOM DURING THE REIGN OF SULTAN AGUNG

The period of Sultan Agung (1613-1645) is seen as the golden era of Mataram-Islam thanks to its various achievements in military, political, socio-cultural, and religious aspects while, in fact, the Kingdom was facing grave challenges both internally and externally including the fragmentation of Java into many conflicting small kingdoms, the dominance of VOC in Batavia, the threat of social fragmentation due to the divided stances between those keeping a Hindu culture and those adopting an Islamic worldview, as well as the penchant for rebellion among the noblemen in the conquered areas. This article asks the question of what kinds of politics and praxis the Kingdom of Mataram-Islam carried out in the midst of such grave challenges that it achieved a golden age. The result shows that the Kingdom founded its political vision of the unification of Java by strengthening the Javanese-Islamic identity in the midst of the Javanese Muslims who were clinging to the Javanese-Hindu tradition. The praxis it carried out included waging wars against the neighboring powers, sending two major expeditions against the VOC in Batavia, marrying the royal family members off to the rulers of the conquered regions, and synthesizing Islamic worldview and Javanese culture.