Three closely related prehistoric landscapes located in the Burren in Co. Clare are investigated with the aim of exploring the relationships between households and the wider societies within which they functioned. Particular emphasis is placed on the spatial expression of residential, economic and ritual activities across the landscapes. The changing relationship between domestic production and the developing political economy is placed in its wider Irish and British context and discussed in terms of gift exchanges and debt relationships. Introduction The core activities of households have been identified in both ethnographic studies of contemporary societies and archaeological studies of ancient societies as production, distribution, reproduction, co-residence and transmission (primarily of wealth and social position). Although there is often a 'pull' towards the pursuit of these activities at the level of the individual household, ethnographic studies have shown that even in fairly simple societies, households are frequently incorporated into larger kin groups, work parties or residential groups to form efficient production units.1 Production concerned primarily with maintaining and perpetuating the family (domestic production) is, therefore, shaped in part by the wider relationships within which households function. The formation and maintenance of supra-household production groups is generally brought about through economic interdependence, ideology and symbolism working together to extend the definition of kinship relationships and thereby extend the labour available for domestic production. Even in fairly simple societies, domestic production is frequently increased and a percentage diverted to fund * Author's e-mail: carleton.jones@nuigalway.ie doi: 10.33 18/PRIAC.2010.1 1 1.33 1 Timothy Earle, 'Property rights and the evolution of chiefdoms', in Timothy Earle (ed.), Chiefdoms: power, economy ; and ideology (Cambridge, 1991), 71-99. Andrew Fleming, 'Land tenure, productivity, and field systems', in G. Barker and C. Gamble (eds), Beyond domestication in prehistoric Europe (London, 1985), 129^46. Augustin Holl, 'Community interaction and settlement patterning in northern Cameroon', in Augustin Holl and Thomas Levy (eds), Spatial boundaries and social dynamics (Ann Arbor, MI, 1993), 39-62. Marshall Sahlins, Stone Age economics (Chicago, 1972). Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy Vol. 1 1 1C, 33-58 © 2010 Royal Irish Academy This content downloaded from 157.55.39.116 on Sat, 11 Jun 2016 06:58:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Carleton Jones, Olive Carey and Clare Hennigar community ceremonies and building projects (the political economy).2 Relevant evidence for this type of behaviour in western European prehistory is the construction and use of megalithic tombs in the Neolithic, particularly those that emphasize collective burial practices and those which echo the architecture of ancestral houses.3 In more hierarchical societies, the political economy encompasses not only communal ceremonies and projects but also the financing of elites who are removed, at least partially, from the domestic economy. In prehistoric Europe, the Bronze Age is generally viewed as a time when inequalities were heightened and the political economy expanded to support elites. The use and display of metalwork seems to have been particularly important to these elites as a means whereby they identified themselves and legitimised their superior positions.4 Ethnographic studies have also shown that relationships of production, kinship and domination can all be related to the spatial expression of residential, economic and ritual activities across a landscape.5 The spatial dimension of these activities means that studies of archaeological landscapes, particularly when they are well-preserved landscapes, are a good route of investigation into the social dynamics of past societies, including relationships between households and the wider
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