Media Owners Research Articles

When Media Owning Sports Club: Republika Editorial Policy in News Coverage about Inter Milan and Satria Muda

This paper aims to know about content of the news and editorial policy in Republika, when the media coverage news about Inter Milan and Satria Muda Pertamina. Both of the sport teams are owned by Erick Thohir, the boss of Republika. Based on literature, the interest of mass media owner and newsroom policy often difference. Because mass media owner have their goals, meanwhile the newsroom should obey the professional journalism standard. At the practice, the newsroom make usually make a compromise.This paper uses qualitative research methods. The data collecting technique are using documentary research and interviews. The documentary research held by collecting and analyzing news about Inter Milan and Satria Muda in Republika daily newspaper (print edition). The time period for Inter Milan news is August 2014 to October 2015 while Satria Muda in January to June 2016. At the time frame, both club did not win any competition that they were participated. So, at that time the club was in the negative period. The interviews held with the representative of the Republika sport section editor to confirm the result from text analysis.As the findings from text analysis, Republika always brings good news to Inter Milan and Satria Muda Pertamina, although both team was not winning the competition, and there were relatively much negative results in the single season. Republika explained that they have direct access to news sources from Inter Milan and Satria Muda Pertamina directly. So Republika will gain more information from both club than the other media. Not only in sporting theme (e.g. match results, preview, review), Republika sometimes deliver the news about the figure of Erick Thohir. Keywords : editorial policy, media ownership, sport journalism, sport communication

Examining the trade-off between compensation and promptness in eWOM-triggered service recovery: A restorative justice perspective

Our research examines the effectiveness of monetary compensation and the promptness of response during electronic word-of-mouth (eWOM)-triggered service recovery. Drawing upon restorative justice theories, we explore three main questions: whether the hotel's response to negative online reviews are always beneficial; whether offering compensation or responding promptly is more efficient under different levels of service failure severity; and how the hotel's response influences consumers' future engagement through eWOM media. Experimental results reveal that making minimum online service recovery effort is only effective in fixing consumer attitudes for less severe service failures. Compensation is the optimal solution for less severe failures, while prompt response is optimal for more severe service failures. The hotel's responsiveness to negative reviews and the service recovery outcome positively influence consumers' future eWOM behaviours through the same online medium. Implications for hotels seeking cost-effective management of negative reviews and for online media owners are offered.

Las defensorías de las audiencias de los medios de comunicación en El Salvador

Este artículo muestra los resultados de una investigación cualitativa sobre la factibilidad y aceptación de las defensorías de las audiencias en El Salvador, como un mecanismo para fortalecer el derecho a la información de la población salvadoreña, y con ello, mejorar la calidad de los contenidos que se ofrecen. Se realizaron entrevistas en profundidad y grupos focales con periodistas y líderes de opinión. Se buscó la opinión de los directores y dueños de medios, pero no se obtuvo ninguna respuesta. Los resultados fueron analizados en ATLAS.ti. La conclusión principal es que El Salvador no está listo para la creación de defensorías de las audiencias, pese a que se tiene claridad en que los contenidos mediáticos no son de la mejor calidad y no responden a los intereses de la población.

Journalists Taking the Offensive: Paradigm Repair and the Daily Ethics Scandal

This study examined how journalists defended their profession as a stream of journalistic ethics breaches have spawned an onslaught of criticism online and via social media. A textual analysis of more than 500 stories about journalism ethics violations in 2014 revealed that journalists are employing a broad-based discursive strategy reflective of so-called “second-order paradigm repair.” When confronted with a major scandal such as the uproar involving the disputed Rolling Stone story about an alleged gang rape at the University of Virginia, journalists can still respond in a manner consistent with traditional paradigm repair, which involves more elaborate strategies such as shifting the blame to rogue journalists and emphasizing corrective action by media outlets to reaffirm core values such as objectivity. Yet in response to the more commonplace journalism scandals, journalists have employed second-order paradigm repair, which allows members of the media to advance a competing narrative that enhances and supports a sense of professional identity. This identity is one in which journalists are portrayed as defending the profession from outside threats, such as challenges to press freedoms by governments entities as well as ethical compromises by media owners pandering to advertisers and business interests. This narrative can serve to deflect criticism of journalists, as seen in stories about media coverage of racially-charged protests in Ferguson, MO, which focused on challenges to press freedoms instead of criticism about the insensitivity of reporters. At the same time, journalists have utilized a quick-strike response to ethical lapses that often shifts the blame to the disruptive forces of new technology.

A Digital Baron for a Digital Age: Chris Hughes and Neoliberalism’s Ascendancy in Journalism

This article examines news media coverage surrounding Facebook co-founder Chris Hughes’s purchase of the magazine The New Republic in March 2012 in order to reveal the ways in which media narratives situated him as a new kind of media owner for a new kind of media age. This textual analysis is embedded within the framework of metajournalistic discourse, aiming to interrogate the extent to which characterizations of Hughes are aligned with emerging digital practices and neoliberal ideals. This article pays particular attention to coverage in the immediate aftermath of his purchase as well as to the new owner’s letter to readers and subscribers, ultimately arguing that Hughes is constructed as a self-enterprising and digitally savvy media owner, uniquely situated to preserve journalism by bringing tech industry philosophies and practices into the field. An abiding conflict between market logics and journalistic norms underscores the broader danger in knitting together neoliberal ideals of entrepreneurialism and startup culture with notions of how journalists can and should respond to financial and cultural threats of digital innovation to their industry.

“Politicamedia Authoritarian”: The Post-Idealism of Journalism

The mass media has been positioned as the fourth estate of democracy because of their ability as a counterweight and supervisor of other democratic pillars. Journalistic idealism that is based on independence and neutrality is highlighted by the involvement of media and political owners. The media has been judged to be a pragmatic political tool by its owners and political affiliations. The potential emergence of problems will occur in the general election in Indonesia due to the behavior of media owners in Indonesia is the head of a political party or coalition among them. In this study called as “Politicamedia Authoritarian”. When the media is no longer able to perform its functions and roles then the media paradigm as the fourth estate needs to be changed, as well as towards the legal system of the press.

Economic Issues and Ethical Journalism in Pakistan: Prospects and Challenges

Journalists are expected to perform truthfully and ethically which contributes to the strengthening of democracy by sharing reliable information. However, the political economy of media suggests that political and economic elites use the media for their vested interests. Politicians and media owners exploit working journalists. Journalists are not well paid, and they are forced to do unethical practices. The present study explores the journalists’ economic issues at Gujranwala (A city of Punjab, Pakistan) and how economic issues affect the ethical practices of journalists. Data was collected through in-depth interviews of 13 working journalists of Gujranwala city. Findings revealed that journalists are facing serious economic issues and these issues are leading them to unethical practices. It is suggested that government, judiciary, NGOs and journalistic bodies should play an effective role for overcoming this alarming situation.

Literasi Digital Sebagai Upaya Preventif Menanggulangi Hoax

One of the most important things in handling the false information circulation (hoax) in the post-truth era is increasing digital literacy. The goal is to give more control to the audience in interpreting messages in digital media. This paper will address the urgency of digital literacy, how it affects, and how to improve its skills in an attempt to overcome tricks. This research uses literature research methods in elaborating various literature in the form of books, journals, magazines, and literature relevant to the theme of writing. In this study, adjustments will be made to change the ecology of the media to encourage the novelty of previous studies, especially media literacy. Developing the definition of media literacy coined by W. James Potter, the author tries to divide the definition of digital literacy into three similar categories (by substituting media objects into digital technology) ie umbrella definition, process definition, and destination definition. Differences in level of literacy will affect the differences of individual control in the process of interpretation of existing information, especially information circulating in social media. On the one hand, social media can be seen as a step closer to democracy on the internet, and closing the digital divide between developing and developed countries. Access to information and social support can increase. But on the other hand, some negative cases are found in the realm of freedom of expression as the use of intense social media in society. Based on data from Diskominfo Jabar 2012, 92.4% of hoax news distribution channels are found through social media. Therefore, the digital literacy relationship with the effort to overcome the deceit cases need to be more excavated, especially in the social media group with the most deceitful cases of microblog types (Twitter) and SNS (Facebook and Instagram). First, digital literacy as a necessity in the life of communication will be reviewed from the theoretical concepts to its importance. Secondly, this paper will discuss the relationship of digital literacy with the prevention of deceit in the post-truth era. Third, the digital literacy skill enhancement mechanism will be presented as a preventive measure. The relationship of digital literacy in the fight against false news lies in the role of the cognitive ability of the audience in the process of verifying information. In fact, to a higher level, digital literacy can help individuals provide alternative information about incorrectly confirmed information. When the control of social media content is difficult for media owners, governments, or other groups, digital literacy becomes the best solution. By promoting digital literacy, self-control over the use of social media can be done optimally. Increased digital literacy as a form of self-control into a solution to prevent the case of false information circulation (hoax) becomes more and more repetitive. Digital literacy can be an effective way to tackle false information (hoaxes) in the post-truth era, by introducing false news alerts, information verification procedures, and following up on the phenomenon of hoax information.
 
 Keywords: digital literacy; hoax; post-truth era; Potter’s media literacy.

Ethnic media in Russia: between state model and alternative voices

ABSTRACTThe paper analyzes the current state of ethnic media outlets (print, broadcasting and online) in Russia, i.e. media produced and disseminated in the three national republics of Russia (Tatarstan, Bashkortostan and Chuvashia) and in languages of the biggest ethnic groups living in those areas (the Tatar, the Bashkir and the Chuvash), and discusses their possible trends of development. Using open data analysis, we look into funding options (the proportion of media with state budget only and those with state budget and alternative sources of financing, such as advertising revenues, subscription, donations, sponsorship, etc.) and ownership (the proportion of state institutions and private companies, organizations, individuals, etc. as media owners). At the end, we consider whether ethnic media in Russia today follow the traditional state model (i.e. are primarily state-owned and state-funded) or are gradually shifting towards an ‘alternative’ (i.e. non-state) one in terms of financing, ownership, management and other factors.

Prawne i praktyczne uwarunkowania realizacji redakcyjnej linii programowej

The term „editorial programme policy” appeared in the press law act of 1984 issued during the era of the Polish People’s Republic and remained in use for 34 years. It may be assumed that it had a significant influence on editorial practice, performing professional duties and relations between journalists and media owners. The aim of this article is to verify those assumptions and present a history of the researched phenomenon. The source basis of the analysis consisted of normative acts, press articles and scarce source literature.

Емоційний контент в новинному продукті інтернет-медіа України у часи пост-правди

The objective of the article is to find out the social and scientific problems of the phenomenon of mass emotions dissemination in social communications through mass media in order to lead public opinion. The article studies the emotional component in the news products of Ukrainian media in the run-up to the 2019 election campaign, the quality of audience feedback received through social media pages of the researched domestic media and the pragmatic intent of news communication with the audience. The methods used by the author to achieve the objective are functional-pragmatic analysis, media monitoring, content analysis and identification: the distinction between neutral and emotionally colored vocabulary is made on the basis of intuition and identification by the hedonic method of B.Dodonov. The main results and conclusions of the study: the interrelation between emotionality in the information product of Ukrainian news media and the pragmatic nature of social communications in which these mass media have been involved (taking into account the interests of media owners). It has been established that in the provision of communication services, some subjects of media communications in Ukraine consider this process as shaping public opinion rather than providing information that is contrary to journalistic standards in the world and in Ukraine. The article may be of interest to media experts, media managers, and journalists-practitioners in improving their activities, because it outlines the current trends in development of social communications and the factors of pragmatic emotionality in mass media.

The Development of Teun Van Dijk Model: A Discourse Analysis Towards News Report of Jakarta Regional Election on Media Indonesia.com Published from November Until December 2016

The direct regional election of 2017 is one of the democracy parties celebrated by the people of Special Capital Region of Jakarta. As the capital of the country, this regional election brings special meaning for the people, communities, and parties participating in this election to become the highest sovereign of this region. Philosophically, it will be easier to win the next national election when a certain party becomes the sovereign of this Special Capital Region of Jakarta. In this case, news media has a very important role in providing good and useful information to the people and the community. The independence of media is expected to provide balanced, neutral information because it may greatly determine the quality of the ongoing regional election. As the opposite, there is also a possibility in which media is used as a tool to build political power. That is why there is a new phenomenon in which many media owners are involved and even actively participated in politics in Indonesia. The dynamics of the current communication technology development is started to be taken seriously by the media owners. They realize that it is not enough just to build media power that leads into conventional media only since it is no longer strategic. Therefore, they emphasize more on using online media to develop their media business. One of the advantages of using online media is that it can provide the new propaganda faster. In addition, as the media is having its power to build the public opinion, they got the power to directly lead the stakeholders to certain political interests. In this study, news report on Media Indonesia.com published in November and December was used as the object of study in order to identify the case of regional election in Jakarta. This study used a qualitative approach by developing a Critical Discourse Analysis Model of Teun A. Van Dijk Model. The objective of this study is to analyze and to describe the reporting scheme of political-related matter of regional direct election in Special Capital Region of Jakarta. The results of this study showed that in the scheme for the production of textual discourse, the cognition and the context are intervened by an ideology as its own dimension.

Donald Trump dan Berita Imigran di <i>Aljazeera.com</i> dan <i>Foxnews.com</i>

Donald Trump’s policy on immigrants has been a controversy. The controversy culminated when the policy was reported by the media, such as Foxnews.com and Aljazeera.com. This study aims to compare news framing in both media, especially the application of ideology and political economic of media, as an effort to get objective and neutral reporting. This research uses qualitative approach with framing analysis method of Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki. The results show that framing by Foxnews.com and Aljazeera.com is in favor of the interests of media owners, namely Rupert Murdoch and the government of Qatar.

Coverage of climate change information in Tanzanian newspapers

PurposeThis study was conducted to analyse the extent at which Tanzanian newspapers paid attention to climate change information over the period of 10 years between January 2006 and December 2015.Design/methodology/approachSix Tanzanian newspapers were quantitatively content analysed for frequencies of coverage to climate change information.FindingsThe results indicate that of total six Tanzanian newspapers had very few (684; 0.84 per cent) articles on climate change which is an average of 68.4 articles per year. Much attention was given to entertainment (24,331; 30 per cent) followed by miscellaneous (19,413; 24.0 per cent) and advertisements (18,112; 22.3 per cent). The Pearson’s chi-square test indicates that there was a significant difference in χ2 = 21,765, p-value < 2.2e −16 between the level of coverage of climate change articles on other topics in the selected newspapers.Research limitations/implicationsScanning the sampled six newspapers for climate change information and recording the results in the code sheet for the period of 10 years was a tedious and time-consuming exercise which demanded researchers and coders to be extremely careful. Also it is possible that the sampling strategy used led to missing some data that would have resulted into different conclusions about each newspaper’s coverage on climate change. However, the systematic sampling strategy was applied for a long period, that is, 40 months for each newspaper that increased the reliability and accuracy of the results and conclusions about the overall trends in each newspaper’s coverage of climate change information.Practical implicationsThese findings imply that, as the disseminators of information, Tanzanian newspapers did not pay adequate attention to climate change issues. The study concludes that contrary to the fact that climate change is among the threatening phenomena in Tanzania that would commensurate a significant attention in the media, the findings of this study indicate that the volume of coverage devoted to climate change by the newspapers in Tanzania is very low and disproportionate to the level of threat. This leaves a question on the Tanzanian newspapers’ dedication to reporting climate change information. It is therefore recommended that newspapers’ media owners, editors and journalists should be environmental nationalistic enough to frequently report climate change information, and the scope of the government-owned newspapers should be revisited to ensure more coverage of climate change information in their publication which can be done by having a section specifically dedicated for climate change issue.Originality/valueThis study has therefore contributed to the growing body of analytical research knowledge on the role of newspapers in the dissemination of climate change information in Tanzania. This study has also highlighted the importance of taking into account newspapers coverage of climate change information which can further be used for policy recommendations to improve the climate change information communication system through the use of newspapers and show the credibility of the newspapers in creating awareness of climate change in Tanzania.

Changing Political Economy of the Hong Kong Media

Most observers argued that press freedom in Hong Kong has been declining continually over the past 15 years. This article examines the problem of press freedom from the perspective of the political economy of the media. According to conventional understanding, the Chinese government has exerted indirect influence over the Hong Kong media through co-opting media owners, most of whom were entrepreneurs with ample business interests in the mainland. At the same time, there were internal tensions within the political economic system. The latter opened up a space of resistance for media practitioners and thus helped the media system as a whole to maintain a degree of relative autonomy from the power centre. However, into the 2010s, the media landscape has undergone several significant changes, especially the worsening media business environment and the growth of digital media technologies. These changes have affected the cost-benefit calculations of media ownership and led to the entrance of Chinese capital into the Hong Kong media scene. The digital media arena is also facing the challenge of intrusion by the state.

Pemberitaan Hutang Indonesia Dalam Bingkai Media Online

In Indonesia the ownership of online media is generally controlled only in the hands of a few people. The practice of this media conglomerate is considered a logical consequence of the development of the business world. Finally, the content of all media in Indonesia has become similar to each other and contains the interests of each media owner. For this reason, this study aims to see how online media Okezone.com and Viva.co.id in reporting Indonesia's debt reporting continues to roll throughout 2018. In analyzing, this study uses the analysis method of Zhongdang Pan and M. Gerald Kosicki framing for know how Okezone.com and Viva.co.id in framing reporting on Indonesian Debt in April 2018. The results showed that Okezone.com and Viva.coid lacked weight in framing the news. Okezone.com framed to show its alignment by posting news that constructed that Indonesia's debt was still at a safe level and debt was a natural thing. While Viva.co.id framed the news in favor of the Jokowi government. Viva.co.id emphasizes that the Indonesian government has a good ability to manage debt.

Keberpihakan Media dalam Pemilihan Presiden 2014

The 2014 election results were a major victory for the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) of the Struggle after being opposed for ten years. Jokowi's 2014 victory opened big opportunities for him and his party to return to power in the 2019 election. His victory cannot be separated from the news about himself in the media. Online media is in charge of constructing the reader's mind about the ideal leader character for Indonesia. This paper aims to provide an overview of media involvement, especially online media in winning presidential candidates and the discourse/issues they build to show the advantages and cover the shortcomings of their presidential candidates. This article uses a construction analysis approach to reality with text as its object. The results of this study indicate that online media owners play an active role in constructing the presidential choice. This is because of media interests, namely the interests of political practice, ideology, and business. In addition, online news presented to the reader contained subjectivity in order to form a strong character for the presidential candidate. At the same time, this news is used to dismiss the issue/discourse that harms the candidates.

Safety Threats, Impunity and Professionalism: Journalists' Dilemma in Pakistan

This study primarily aims to examine the impact of contextual factors on journalists' safety in Pakistan. The study also analyses the ways safety risks and Pakistan's climate of impunity affect professional journalism in the country. Data have been gathered using the quantitative method of survey and the qualitative method of in-depth interviews. Findings reveal that all surveyed male and female journalists (100%) view the factors of government's and military's threats and pressure; impunity; the country's socio-political situation and laws, religious extremism and social conservatism as most crucial in affecting their safety. On the other hand, 76% and 91% journalists consider a lack of safety training and ineffectiveness of measures as important aspects causing safety risks to them respectively. Drawing on the social responsibility theory, this study suggests that the Pakistani journalists are considerably unable to do 'objective and investigative reporting' freely, truthfully and accurately because of diverse safety threats emerging from internal political and ethnic conflicts; government's, military's and media owners' pressure; law and order situation; religious extremism; conservatism and impunity. Hence, the study questions the notion of media as watch dog and media as the mirror of society in the prevalence of news culture that lacks truthfulness and accuracy. The study invokes for creating professionalism and fostering safe and free journalism necessary for truthful, accurate and impartial reporting in the sake of public's interest and their right to know in Pakistan.

Agentes, no víctimas. Estrategias de periodistas para evadir las agresiones no físicas en Baja California

En.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; The nuances and consequences of the structural precariousness of Mexican journalism vary with the region. Attacks on journalists by power groups (in- cluding public officials, politicians, and business and media owners) in the northwest of the country appear to be one of the many problems linked to its economic, socio-cultural and political instability. In Baja California, journalists practice their profession under constant threat of economic, ethical and psychological attack, obliging them to regard the phenomenon in one of two ways: as a naturalized aspect of their profession and there- fore inherent to it; or as a trigger for creating strategies to circumvent it, including adapting aspects of their professional journalistic lives. The topic is relevant because the classifica- tion and differentiation of attacks has not been explored by Mexican studies on the press and power, apart from identifying and defining the structural violence and investigating physical attacks against journalists (murders, assaults and “express kidnappings”). By way of a four-month ethnographic study of the union of journalists from the five municipalities of Baja California and 25 interviews with journalists, editors, heads of information, public officials, politicians and business owners, this paper analyzes the strategies employed by print journalists to cope with abuses. Having another job concurrently (within or without journalism); publicly proving who is trying to influence them; and maintaining union and solidarity among colleagues when publishing sensitive news are all strategies employed to counter attacks. In this journalistic world, those who employ these strategies become agents and not victims of the structural precariousness that has developed in Baja California over the better part of a century.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D;

A neofeudalização da política mediatizada e a construção narrativa sobre a corrupção no Brasil

This paper aims to reflect on how the narrative on corruption constructed prior to the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in Brazil in 2016 shaped the Workers’ Party (PT) as the only and most corrupt in the country, by pointing out that the end of corruption in Brazil would depend on the party’s departure from the power, therefore, of the then President of the Republic, considered as colluding with the dubious practices of his party. We analyze 6 editions of two Brazilian newspapers with large national circulation, Folha de S. Paulo and Estado de S. Paulo, published in December 2014. In the theoretical-methodological dialogue, we reflect on the public sphere, understood as the arena of public use of reason in the search for common goal and legitimacy of individuals and their acts from the communication processes of mutual consensus between peers; on mediatization, understood as the articulated virtualization of sociocultural processes by the media and its increasing influence on the day-to-day functioning of social institutions; and critical analysis of narrative and enunciation. The selection of print newspapers was based on the configuration of a locus of production and distribution of discourses that guide the interpretation, explanation and understanding of sociocultural events, as well as important devices and tools for the study of transformations social and cultural aspects of society and its instituti ons in contemporary times. As a result, we point out the narrative and enunciation strategies of the Brazilian press with the use of linguistic and extralinguistic elements in their games of journalistic conviction to construct the public image of President Dilma, distorted by omission or excess. We thus find that this narrative construction, in fact, represents the neofeudalization of the public sphere of Brazil. By neofeudalization we mean the establishment of a public sphere in which the public power is legitimized from the bonne volonte of political agents and, as an extreme of this process, the will of the mass media owners. In this sense, neofeudalization allowed us to see two distinct realities in the Brazilian political sphere: the exchange of favors between the journalistic field and the political field on the one hand, and on the other, in relation to the socio-political interests involved, the usually unilateral initiative of the field to define or define the normative rites of the political field. Thus, neofeudalization proves to be an important tool for understanding narrative rites and their motives in constructing or deconstructing the public image of political agents. This neofeudalization of media policy has, to a certain extent, strengthened the impeachment process of the former president, Dilma Rousseff, through the process of (de) construction and narrative (re)signification of the fight against corruption in Brazil.