Mayoral Election Research Articles

Are we doing enough to address inequality?

IPPR Progressive ReviewVolume 27, Issue 3 p. 286-294 Article Are we doing enough to address inequality? Emma Congreve, Corresponding Author Emma Congreve emma.j.congreve@strath.ac.uk Emma Congreve is knowledge exchange fellow at the Fraser of Allander Institute, leading the Institute's work on poverty, inequality, and inclusive growth.Search for more papers by this author Emma Congreve, Corresponding Author Emma Congreve emma.j.congreve@strath.ac.uk Emma Congreve is knowledge exchange fellow at the Fraser of Allander Institute, leading the Institute's work on poverty, inequality, and inclusive growth.Search for more papers by this author First published: 09 December 2020 https://doi.org/10.1111/newe.12216 Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume27, Issue3Winter 2020Pages 286-294 RelatedInformation

HUKUM KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK PEREMPUAN (Studi Terhadap Perspektif Muballigh Pekanbaru Riau)

Election of Pekanbaru mayor is a phenomenon because one candidates is a woman and Islamic law used to attack political opponents. The purpose is to find out how according to Islam, the opinion of Riau preachers on women's leadership, the postulates of Islamic law that they use, and views on Pekanbaru mayor candidate, Septina Primawati Rusli. Researchers used survey instruments with a questionnaire to 100 Muballigh in Pekanbaru City. The researchers conducted more in-depth interviews. The results showed that first, according to Islam, women should not be leaders, women could be leaders, if women have capabilities, women may be leaders absolutely. Second, the preachers of Riau argued on fifteen themes, The nature of menstruation, pregnancy, until women were not strong in leadership. Third, the arguments of Islamic law are the Koran, Hadith, ijma ', qiyas, and justice and gender equality in Islam.

Political Promises in the Lens of Islamic Theology and Jurisprudence: A Case Study of Surabaya Mayor Election 2020

This research studied the status of political promises declared by Mayor candidates of Surabaya election 2020 during their campaigns started from September 26, 2020. It was field-library research with qualitative analysis. Data were collected by observing online media that particularly reports the election's campaign activities. They were then analyzed by using Islamic theology and jurisprudence approaches combined with structural-functionalism, symbolic interactionism, and social contract theories. It found four main remarks: first, Quranic verses and Prophetic traditions as theological underpinnings have definitely guided moral standards of Islamic politics, especially how to make such political promises. Secondly, the political realism of promises is a language of transactional politics and communication practice. Thirdly, political promises could only be legitimated by fulfilling strike pre-requirements and within very urgent conditions. Finally, the legal status of political promises must be contextual and conditional.

JURIDICAL REVIEW OF THE AUTHORITY OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT IN RESOLUTION OF GENERAL ELECTION DISPUTES FOR REGIONAL HEAD

purpose of this research is to find out what is the legal basis for the authority of the Constitutional Court in resolving disputes over the results of the General Election of Regional Heads in Indonesia and how the effectiveness of the authority of the Constitutional Court in disputes over Regional Head General Election. The method used in this research is juridical normative, namely, the materials collected by conducting a literature study. The authority of the Constitutional Court in judging at the first and last levels whose decisions are final in deciding disputes regarding general elections, there are several paragraphs that discuss the extent to which the authority of the Constitutional Court in resolving disputes over the General Election of Regional Heads has been contained in Article 157 of Law Number 10 2016 concerning the Second Amendment to Law Number 1 of 2015 concerning Stipulation of Government Regulations in Lieu of Law Number 1 of 2014 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors which form the legal basis for the authority of the Constitutional Court in resolving disputes over the results of the General Election in Indonesia.

Мэры и их взаимодействие с муниципальными советами в странах Восточной Европы

This article deals with the institute of mayor and his interaction with municipal councils in the countries of Eastern Europe. The author points out that the mayor personifies the whole urban governance mechanism and acts as an arbitrator in the struggle of various interests coming into confrontation at the level of a modern city. The article contains analyses of the trend towards “presidentialization” of the local political system and decollectivization of the decision making process at the municipal level common for many modern cities. On the basis of popular support and expectations the mayor begins to increasingly squeeze positions of local councils in the municipal mechanism. Direct mayoral elections are becoming more common and increase the independence of the head of local administration from political parties and slightly reduce the role of the latter in the decision making process

Diskursus Pilkada Jawa Timur 2018 Di Media Televisi Lokal TV9

Abstract— General election to be one of public concern because in the process leaders will be selected both at the executive and legislative levels. Television media makes the implementation of elections as the content of choice to be broadcast to the public. If the national election is packaged in a broadcast program on national television, then the holding of regional head elections or local elections becomes the material for broadcast programs on local television. East Java is the province that held simultaneous regional elections in 2018, both the election of the Governor and the election of Regents and Mayors. This moment was then managed by TV9, which was one of the local televisions in East Java to present a dialogue program called Ruang Pilkada. From this background, the researcher wanted to find out how the results of the discussion presented in the broadcast program were related to the East Java elections. Talks from the speakers were important to describe as references to the next election. This study uses a case study method and collects data through interviews, observation, and documentation. The result is that the regional election broadcast program can provide an overview of the implementation of the election in accordance with the expected stages and processes of democracy. The discourse in the broadcast program is a reference that the socialization and discussion that educates the public will have an impact on the implementation of a safe and dignified local election. Keywords—: broadcast media; television program; East Java regional election;TV9.

KAJIAN ISLAM TERHADAP PROBLEM POLITIK UANG DALAM PILKADA DI INDONESIA

It's not only the citizen (constituent) who determines the image of mayor election (Pilkada) but also anybody who influences the citizen in order to gain the support from people has big influence through the image of democracy. One of political bad habits and law deviations which blot the image of mayor election (Pilkada) is money politics. It's the time for each people to not mortgage the democracy through money politics, since money politics can only make the future of country becomes even worse as a non-ethics country. In the Islamic doctrine, money politics can be categorized as bribing practice or a forbidden activity

Mobilizing Sophisticated Donors: What Candidate Facebook Posts Do Attract Intra- and Inter-District Donations?

Why do so many voters finance candidates, even out-of-district ones? We exploit two datasets from a candidate in the 2014 Taiwan City Mayor Election derived from 14,838 detail donation records and the candidate’s 296 Facebook posts during the campaign. We replicate previous findings at the district level, indicating that donations are influenced by both physical proximity and ideology. The post-level analysis shows that the neighboring effect does not build as a spillover of public policy or administrative reforms. Instead, residents donate more merely because they are closer to a campaign. Meanwhile, a candidate’s ideological posts can successfully increase donations within a few hours from a district where there are more friendly voters.

Changing dynamics of the nuclear energy policy‐making process in Japan

AbstractTo improve the effectiveness of environmental policy and governance, recent theoretical and empirical research increasingly suggests the adoption of multi‐level and more participatory policy‐making processes over traditionally centralized policy‐making processes. This article takes the Fukushima nuclear crisis of 2011 as a prime example in an attempt to assess the changing dynamics of the nuclear energy policy‐making process in Japan. To explore the changing dynamics, the paper focuses on the roles of the judicial branch and local governments in the nuclear energy policy‐making process. Nuclear energy policy in Japan has evolved along with industrial policies for economic growth. Before the Fukushima crisis, neither the judicial branch nor local governments were regarded as influential actors in nuclear energy policy‐making. The judicial branch basically supported government policy in litigation brought by civic groups. Local governments in rural areas tried to attract nuclear power plant construction because of promised subsidies from the national government and a solid tax base from construction and jobs. However, after the Fukushima crisis, both judicial branches and local governments became more influential in the nuclear energy policy‐making process. Local and high courts now actively issue injunctions against the reoperation of nuclear power plants. In gubernatorial or mayoral elections of local governments where nuclear power plants are located, candidates are politically pressured to express their stance on nuclear power plants more explicitly than in the past. Anti‐nuclear civic groups are also gradually changing the focus of their lobbying efforts to local elections.

Campaign resources and pre-electoral coalitions

Why do parties form pre-electoral coalitions (PECs) in executive elections? The party of the executive candidate may welcome coalition partners because of the votes that they can deliver. However, PECs often include parties that bring few votes to the coalition. I theorize that parties with a candidate in the executive election welcome small parties because of the campaign resources that they bring to the PEC. I test this argument using data from mayoral elections in Brazil, where parties do not control access to advertisement on radio/TV. The results indicate that campaign resources increase the likelihood of being admitted to a PEC when the party without an executive candidate has few votes to offer.

Mobilizing Sophisticated Donors: What Candidate Facebook Posts Do Attract Intra- and Inter-District Donations?

Why do so many voters finance candidates, even out-of-district ones? We exploit two datasets from a candidate in the 2014 Taiwan City Mayor Election derived from 14838 detail donation records and the candidate’s 296 Facebook posts during the campaign. We replicate previous findings at the district level, indicating that donations are influenced both by physical proximity and ideology. The post-level analysis shows that the neighboring effect does not build as a spillover of public policy or administrative reforms. Instead, residents donate more merely because they are closer to a campaign. Meanwhile, a candidate’s ideological posts can successfully increase donations within a few hours from a district where there are more friendly voters.

PENYIDIKAN TERHADAP KEPALA DESA YANG DENGAN SENGAJA MELAKUKAN TINDAKAN YANG MENGUNTUNGKAN SALAH SATU PASANGAN CALON PADA SENTRA PENEGAKAN HUKUM TERPADU (Studi Pada Satuan Reserse Kriminal Kepolisian Resor Pariaman)

canditates are criminal acts regulated in Article 71 paragraph (1) and Article 188 of Law Number 10 Year 2016 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors. In the election of Mayor Pariaman in 2018 there was a criminal offense due to the election of the state officials, namely the Village Head who during the face-to-face campaign between the community and the candidate pair gave remarks containing the invitation to choose the candidate pair. As a result of these actions, the Village Head was reported to the Gakkumdu Center for the Pariaman City Election Supervisory Committe and subsequently forwarded to the Pariaman Police Secretariat with Number: LP / B / 57 / III / 2018 / SPKT / Polres on March 29, 2018 for an investigation.

Voter Turnout and City Performance: Evidence from Italian Municipalities

Abstract Using data on mayoral elections in large Italian cities during the 2000s, we investigate whether and how voter turnout affects city performance across a number of dimensions. To address the issue of voter turnout endogeneity and identify the transmission mechanism, we exploit exogenous variation in participation rates in mayoral elections due to anticipated shocks (concurrence of local and national elections) and unanticipated shocks (bad weather on the day of the election) to the cost of voting. The results consistently point to a negative impact of voter turnout rates on indicators of urban environmental performance, life quality, and administrative efficiency. Interestingly, though, we find that only anticipated shocks to turnout affect the quality of elected mayors measured on a number of competence dimensions, compatibly with the hypothesis of a selection mechanism whereby parties choose candidates to maximize their chances of winning the elections based on their expectations on voter turnout rates (JEL D72, H72, C26).

Palm Oil and the Politics of Deforestation in Indonesia

This paper studies the interactions between political and economic incentives to foster forest conversion in Indonesian districts. Using a district–level panel data set from 2001 to 2016, we analyze variation in remotely sensed forest losses as well as measures of land-use licensing. We link these outcomes to political incentives arising before idiosyncratically–timed local mayoral elections as well as to price exposure measures based on oil palm soil suitability combined with global price variations for palm oil. Empirical results document increases of about 4% in deforestation in the year prior to local mayoral elections on average. Additionally, palm oil plays a crucial role in driving deforestation dynamics. Deforestation rates increase by 7% in places that experience a one standard deviation increase in local price exposure, but no upcoming elections. These effects are amplified to almost 19% larger forest losses in places that experience pre-election years and a standard deviation higher palm oil price exposure at the same time. We thus find clear evidence for economic and political incentives reinforcing each other as drivers of forest loss and land conversion for oil palm cultivation.

Media Reforms and Politics in Malaysia

Abstract This paper focuses on the political changes that have taken place in Malaysia leading to and resulting from the 14th general elections in May 2018. The political change offered an opportunity for changes and reforms in the media sector, especially in light of the promises made by the new government to free up the laws and rules on censorship and access to information. To date, the implementation of reforms has met hurdles, U-turns and the realities of structural and political barriers that see continuity of policies, rather than outright transformation. Reflecting on the experiences of media reforms and assistance, this paper argues that initiatives focused at media work and laws are expected to have limited results given the partisan and conservative nature of the mainstream media. It will also be difficult for Malaysia’s news media to regain public confidence after years of declining trust, especially as the media community has yet to come together reclaim and defend its rights.

Jokowi in the Covid-19 Era: Repressive Pluralism, Dynasticism and the Overbearing State

The Covid-19 pandemic has thrown President Joko Widodo’s second-term plans into disarray. Jokowi’s aspiration for dramatically accelerated development between 2019 and 2024 to secure his legacy as a transformative president now appears unachievable. As he has grappled with managing the pandemic and salvaging key parts of his agenda, he has consistently prioritised the economy over public health, and has also abandoned commitments to uphold or strengthen an array of political and civil rights that are crucial to the quality of Indonesian democracy. He has allowed the military and intelligence services to greatly expand their role in public life, and his government has, in the name of defending Indonesian pluralism, initiated discriminatory measures against sections of the Islamist community, which the government sees as sectarian and intolerant. The president’s reformist credentials have also been dented by Jokowi’s decision to support the nominations of his son and son-in-law in mayoral elections in two major cities, bringing accusations of dynasticism and elitism.

Pork barrel politics and electoral returns at the local level

Does the targeted spending of public resources provide electoral benefits for incumbents? Despite the attention of scholars to that question, the empirical results are mixed thus far. The present paper supplies insights into the electoral benefits of discretionary funding on local elections. I study the consequences of pork-barrel politics in 7355 competitive mayoral elections in Slovakia between 2006 and 2018, finding that more grants from the central government enhance the likelihood of mayors winning reelection. The same advantage applies to mayors whose municipalities receive grants in local election years. The effects of the number of grants obtained as well as the timing of their distribution are, however, moderated by municipal population. More specifically, a larger number of grants and resources obtained near the end of the mayoral term provides electoral benefits only to small town mayors but give no advantage to the mayors of larger urban areas.

The Wirrall Family: Doncaster Merchants, Yorkshire Gentry, and Settlers in Ulster, 1514–1641

The Wirrall family emerged as leading figures in the borough of Doncaster in the early sixteenth century and by mid-century had begun to establish themselves firmly amongst the gentry. From time to time they exhibited abrasive commercial acumen in dealings with the borough corporation as they sought to make the most of the opportunities offered by their newly-acquired manorial rights. These tensions became evident in a series of law suits and in an episode of municipal unrest over a mayoral election. The fifth generation, Hugh Wirrall junior, knighted in 1603, was the last head of the family to be resident in the locality. After apparently calamitous business dealings he made various attempts to retrieve his financial prospects and ultimately became one of the settlers in the Plantation of Ulster.

Four ways to avoid centripetal effects. How political actors escape institutional incentives in divided societies

ABSTRACT For democracy in ethnically divided societies, political moderation is crucial. The centripetalist school recommends that countries should introduce institutions which offer parties and candidates incentives to rally for votes across ethnic lines. This article discusses the conditions of the centripetal effect of institutions, and actors’ strategies to dismantle this effect. Political elites might try to escape the pressure to seek inter-ethnic votes by building strategic electoral alliances that circumvent the centripetal effect, by engineering the composition of voters in electoral districts, engineering group identities, or mobilizing new voters. Empirically, this article analyses mayoral elections under the two-round majority vote, in a context where they display quasi-centripetal features: five South-Eastern European towns with ethnically heterogeneous populations, split evenly between two groups. Results show that political elites only exceptionally resort to centripetal strategies as expected by theory. Instead, alternative strategies, circumventing the centripetal effect, are predominant.

A diagram for analyzing ordinal voting systems

I introduce a diagram for describing and analyzing single-winner elections in which voters rank the candidates—a class of voting systems including positional methods (e.g. plurality, Borda count, anti-plurality), Condorcet methods, and instant-runoff voting (i.e. ranked-choice voting or the alternative vote). The diagram shows how the outcome of an election depends on each candidate’s share of top rankings as a function of the voting system and the pattern of lower rankings. Using as examples two Brexit polls, a mayoral election in San Francisco, and the US’s first instant-runoff congressional election (all since 2018), I show how the diagram can concisely present preferences and results under different voting systems, identify Condorcet cycles, highlight system properties such as join-inconsistency and the no-show paradox, and illuminate strategic voting incentives.