THE HISTORY of how a nation treats its mothers and children is a fascinating revelation of its public policy and the social values that motivate its actions. Recently, historians, particularly feminist historians, have focused on the development of programs to aid women and children and in doing so they have brought to the fore the origins of public policy and the vital role women played as volunteers, activists, and professionals in creating welfare-state structures. Several excellent recent histories of maternal and infant health movements of the United States, Great Britain, Germany, and France have illuminated both the political power of women to shape welfare policy and the changing nature of the economic value nations place on their children (Klaus, 1993; Meckel, 1990). A declining birth rate, economic competition, and frequent wars in Western Europe in the late 19th century forced governments to reassess the value of children's lives to their nations. Concern for the number and health of future mothers, soldiers, and workers transcended political divisions and led to powerful coalitions that moved governments to initiate public supported maternal and child welfare programs. In no country was this more true than in France, where declining birthrates, viewed as a potential national catastrophe led to innovative health programs and financial support for mothers and children. American political leaders and reformers of the late 19th century also came to view women and children as a national resource but for different reasons. The massive influx of immigrants, with their unknown physical and moral attributes, frightened many citizens. Reformers, citing increases in crime, mental illness, alcoholism, and prostitution, sought ways to increase the birthrate among the native-born white middle class, in the hope that this would counteract the harmful eugenic effects of immigration. Women, not yet legally enfranchised, had assumed expertise and dominion over motherhood and children and as such, they were natural leaders in the maternal-child health movement. Political coalitions of women's national organizations, church groups, and social reformers convinced Congress that the establishment of the Federal Children's Bureau, in 1912, was necessary to protect America's children. In addition, the availability of women nurses, social workers, and physicians to staff the new bureau and its innovative child activities assured adherence to its congres
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