This is a wonderfully stimulating and powerful book. I continue to be impressed by how effectively Hodgson can draw material from the history of economic and social thought to raise issues and make points highly relevant to contemporary discussion and analysis. While I was reasonably familiar with much of the intellectual history that Hodgson considers in this book, I still learned a lot from his history of socialist thought, and his discussion of the various strands of ideological support for market capitalism. I have chosen here not to give a general review of Hodgson's book, but rather to focus on two (I would argue overlapping) issues raised by his exposition. The first is the question of how modern mainstream economic analysis became so narrow analytically, and so market-oriented. The second is the issue of how to characterize and understand modern mixed economies, which, of course, is what we have. This last year I had occasion to go back and reread many of the economic classics, from Smith, to Mill, to Marshall, Schumpeter, Frank Knight, Hayek. I was again struck by the breadth, sophistication, and in most cases the open-mindedness of our predecessors, and for the most part (Hayek here is an exception) the fact that they saw the warts on market organization, as well as the advantages. I propose that the intellectual, and ideological, narrowness of mainstream economics that is the subject of Hodgson's concern is a relatively recent phenomena, taking hold no earlier than the late 1960s or early 1970s. This is not to argue that prior to that time there were no prominent economists putting forth a dogmatic faith in market capitalism. There were; Hayek and Friedman are good examples. Hodgson's book gives many others. And there certainly were programs that were unified around that faith; for example the program at the University of Chicago, at least after 1950 But my argument is that these were far from the rule, and were balanced or more than balanced by economists and programs who were pragmatic and eclectic about the advantages and problems of market organization. My own graduate education in economics, which took place before that time, was not narrow, or strongly ideologically slanted in favor of market organization and capitalism. I, like I believe most American graduate students in economics at first-rate universities at that time, read a lot in the history of economic thought. Economic history was a required subject, and no weak sister to and econometrics. The courses on macroeconomics were very much oriented to an active Keynesianism. The problems of market power were taken seriously in courses in industrial organization, and considerable attention was paid to active government policies to prevent or break up monopolies, or to regulate them. The theory of market failure was taught along side the twin theorems of welfare economics, and provided what was regarded as a solid basis for public finance of public goods, and regulation of externalities. The issues of income inequalities and poverty were not glossed over either. And the term mixed economy for w hat we had in the U.S., in the U.K. and in Europe, was standard. What happened to cause, or to permit, the narrowing? I once thought fear of and ideological conflict with the Soviet Union was an important reason. However, that fear and conflict certainly was there in full strength by the mid-1950s, before the narrowing occurred. Rather, I now would focus on something else. One was the growing tendency within economics to think of mathematical modeling as not simply one useful way to theorize in economics, but as the only legitimate way. When I was a graduate student, some mathematics was used in the basic economic theory courses, but a lot of the discussion and reading was verbal and often associated with attempts to characterize real economic institutions. …