Mandatory Power Research Articles

A Cooperative P2P Trading Framework: Developed and Validated Through Hardware-in-Loop

In the past five years, the importance of peer-to-peer (P2P) trading for promoting the use of renewable energy has been demonstrated in many scientific literature and pilot projects. However, a large-scale demonstration of P2P trading in today’s electricity market is yet to be implemented. The reason for this can be partially attributed to two factors. First, most existing pilot projects focus on the aspects of communications between different participants and settlements of energy trading parameters between them without giving considerable attention to the impact of such trading on the distribution network. Second, scientific studies that have rigorously investigated the impact on distribution networks mostly validated their frameworks using numerical simulations without substantiating the findings through hardware implementation. In this paper, this gap is addressed by proposing a ready-to-implement canonical coalition game-based P2P energy trading scheme for electricity customers within a local distribution network. It is shown that the proposed scheme not only guarantees stable and fair outcomes for all participants, but also satisfies all mandatory power network constraints during the trading process. Importantly, the proposed framework is implemented in an RSCAD-RTDS (real-time digital simulator) platform and the readiness of the scheme for a real-field trial is demonstrated through validation in software-in-loop and hardware-in-loop setups. The usefulness and suitability of the proposed scheme to be implemented in today’s electricity network are established via both software-in-loop and hardware-in-loop case studies.

A DAB-Based DC Transformer for Multiterminal HVdc Dynamic Simulation Platform With Short Circuit Tolerance

The dc transformer (DCT) can be used to achieve a direct connection between various dc bus voltages. A multiwinding dual active bridge (DAB) structure is proposed to be used in that occasion for a dynamic simulation platform. For high voltage side, automatic voltage balance and power-sharing balance can be achieved automatically without mandatory power sharing control. To deal with wide voltage conversion gain application, a multimode modulation with peak current value optimization is proposed. It has the tolerance for the short circuit operation under dc fault. The power transmission can be suppressed rather low during the fault. A 1 kV/1.6 kV 10 kW DCT has been fabricated and applied in a dynamic simulation platform. The bidirectional power flow capability together with the short circuit fault tolerance has been verified through the test.

Changing Attitudes Toward the West Bank in Jordan

Changing Attitudes Toward the West Bank in Jordan Michael Sharnoff (bio) A quarter of a century after King Hussein’s disengagement from the West Bank, and nearly two decades after the signature of the Wadi Arabah Peace Accord with Israel, Jordan’s western border has still not been fixed and the fate of the Palestinian refugees on the East Bank remains uncertain. —Tariq Mreyoud al-Tal1 This quote, expressed by Jordanian scholar Tariq Mreyoud al-Tal probably appears strange to most Westerners and perhaps even non-Jordanian Middle Easterners. Jordan’s boundaries in question refer to its relationship with the West Bank, a landlocked territory bordering Israel and Jordan and home to around 3 million Palestinian Arabs and half a million Israeli Jews. Jordan occupied this land during the 1948 war and subsequently annexed it in 1950. The West Bank became an integral part of Jordan until Israel conquered the land from Jordan during the 1967 war. Despite Israel’s occupation, Jordan continued to assert sovereignty claims on the West Bank until King Hussein severed all legal and administrative ties in 1988 in favor of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Today, Jordan, along with nearly the entire international community, regards the West Bank as an Israeli-occupied Palestinian territory. The official position of the Hashemite Kingdom supports ending Israeli rule of the West Bank and establishing an independent Palestinian state [End Page 44] there, along with the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem as its capital. However, despite Jordan’s disengagement from the West Bank, the Hashemite monarchy’s stance obfuscates Jordan’s complex and historical, political, and legal relationship with this territory. Indeed, Jordan’s attitudes toward the West Bank have evolved, as explained by Adnan Abu-Odeh, former political advisor to both King Hussein and King Abdullah II, from an indivisible part of Jordan, to an occupied Jordanian land with Israel, to a territorial dispute with the PLO, and to an occupied Palestinian land.2 Jordan’s disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 and peace treaty with Israel in 1994 sought to affirm that Jordan is not Palestine, that Jordan would not become a substitute Palestinian homeland, and that the PLO was principally responsible to end the occupation and establish an independent state. This article aims to explain the changing attitudes toward the West Bank in Jordan from 1948 until the present. It will expand on Abu-Odeh’s remarks about the fluidity and evolving perceptions of Jordan’s attitude toward the West Bank and explain why some Jordanians espouse views toward the West Bank which challenge official Hashemite policy. In doing so, this article will demonstrate how Jordanian perceptions of the West Bank are influenced by Israeli and Palestinian politics and will assess how attitudes in opposition to official regime policy seek to defend the kingdom’s national security and protect the Palestinian people. Historical Context During World War I, the Allied Powers recognized Britain at the San Remo Conference in April 1920 to serve as the mandatory power in Palestine. The Allies endorsed the establishment of a Jewish national homeland in Palestine based on the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917, which would comprise land on both banks of the Jordan River. The League of Nations, the precursor to the United Nations, sanctioned the British Mandate of Palestine in 1922, which remained in effect until 1948. However, in 1921, Britain severed three-fourths of the original Mandate to Abdullah I, son of Hussein bin Ali, Emir of Mecca, based on agreements signed with London before the start of the Great Arab Revolt (1916–1918) against the Ottoman Turks. This new Arab entity became known as Transjordan and comprised territory east of the Jordan River. Transjordan, which gained semi-independence in 1923 and full independence from Britain in 1946, [End Page 45] consisted of vast territory with sparsely populated cities such as Irbid, Salt, Karak, and Ma’an. The ruling Hashemite dynasty governed over a quarter of a million Bedouin and non-Bedouin Muslim Arabs, settled Christian Arabs, and small numbers of Armenian Christians, Druze Arabs, Muslim Circassians, and Muslim Chechens.3 Abdullah I had grand territorial ambitions that Transjordan alone could not satisfy. Coveting a...

Turkish-French Relations 1923-1939 A.D

In 1921, the League of Nations placed Alexandretta under the French mandate. The Mandatory began to formulate a special political situation in the district, which later became an independent republic. During the period from the establishment of the modern Turkish Republic in 1923 until the outbreak of World War II in 1939, French-Turkish relations witnessed several developments, events and agreements that resulted from the tense international situations between the two world wars. The issue of the Alexandretta Brigade was the most important and fundamental detail in the nature of relations between the two countries, especially through the Turks' continuous efforts to return the brigade that was stripped from it to the Turkish border again. This is why it is noted how large the volume of diplomatic activity of the two countries is through the frequent meetings and constant visits of the two parties. France, as the mandatory power in Syria, agreed to include the Alexandretta Brigade with the aim of ensuring Turkey's neutrality in the eastern Mediterranean, especially when the signs of World War II began to appear on the horizon.

The ‘Native Question’ in Australia Exploring the Anglo-Australian Humanitarian Response, 1904–1939

ABSTRACT In the first thirty years of the twentieth century the ‘native question’ loomed large in the heart of the British Empire in the context of heightened imperialism in Africa. This reverberated in Australia in the context of the Commonwealth government gaining Dominionhood, making contributions to the League of Nations as an independent mandatory power, and becoming responsible for the administration of the tropical North. A local humanitarian network developed encouraged by what they saw as more humane ideas around ‘Native’ administration emanating from the League and promoted by the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines’ Protection Society. This alignment provides an opportunity to explore relations between empire and nation in connection to this question at a formative moment for both. In particular, it points to the tension created by the vernacularisation of British humanitarian ideals into an advanced settler colonial society and the reach and limits of a humanitarian settlement in the local context.

Comparative Study of Energy Consumption and CO2 Emissions of Variable-Speed Electric Drives with Induction and Synchronous Reluctance Motors in Pump Units

This study carried out a comparative analysis of indicators of electricity consumption and CO2 emissions for four-pole induction motors (IMs) of efficiency classes IE3 and IE4 with a rated power of 2.2–200 kW in a variable speed pump unit. In addition, innovative IE4 converter-fed synchronous reluctance motors (SynRMs) were evaluated. The comparison was derived from the manufacturer’s specifications for the power drive systems (PDSs) at various rotational speeds and loads. The results showed that the emission indicators for IE3 class motors were significantly worse compared with IE4 class motors for low power ratings, which make up the vast majority of electric motors in service. This justifies expanding the mandatory power range for IE4 motors to at least 7.5–200 kW or even 0.75–200 kW, as it will dramatically contribute to the achievement of the new ambitious goals for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. In addition, the operational advantages of IE4 SynRMs over IE4 IMs were demonstrated, such as their simpler design and manufacturing technology at a price comparable to that of IE3 IMs.

Progress on Organic Solar Cells: A Short Review

Thin film organic solar cells have emerged as a replacement to inorganic solar cells based on silicon. Organic solar cells offer several advantages compared to silicon-based devices. In the last 10 years, concentrated research attempts towards accomplishing the mandatory power conversion efficiency of 10 % and environmental stability of the device still remain a main challenge. In order to influence the efficiency, polymers are frequently utilized to fabricate the absorber and buffer layers. Also, binary and tenary polymer blends have been devised to influence the performance in micro/nanostructures. In addition, the advantages of organic solar cells for realistic application, and potential solutions are also considered.

Lay Participation in Japanese Criminal Justice: Prosecution Review Commissions, the Lay-Judge System, and Penal Institution Visiting Committees

AbstractThis article highlights reliance on lay participation as a mechanism for solving perceived problems in Japanese criminal justice by examining three reforms aimed at increasing lay participation in Japanese criminal justice: the mandatory prosecution power given to Prosecution Review Commissions, thesaiban’in seido(lay-judge system), and Penal Institution Visiting Committees. The article argues that lay participation plays an important role in legitimizing aspects of the current system. Despite the Nagoya Prison Scandal in 2002–03, Japan’s extraordinary achievements in order inside prisons have been maintained and citizens are comforted that the system has oversight by Visiting Committees. Although PRCs andsaiban’in seidorepresent a more open approach to eligibility and selection than Visiting Committees, they too help to legitimize existing structures. The article concludes by considering challenges to the continued reliance on lay participation in Japan including reform fatigue, the demographic crisis, the impact of geography, and technological developments.

Optimal Energy Management of a Microgrid Incorporating a Novel Efficient Demand Response and Battery Storage System

In this paper, optimal economic management of a grid-connected microgrid (MG) with distributed energy resource (DER) and its interaction with incentive-based demand response programs (DRPs) is studied. The use of DR makes energy management system (EMS) of the MG an efficient tool in balancing the demand and supply, and therefore ensuring the network reliability. In this work, the cost function of customers is developed in the incentive-based DRP with the aim of receiving a more realistic incentive and then it is combined with EMS. Accordingly, the consumers offer hourly power reduction bids based on which they are sorted and then incentive-based payment model is implemented. At times, due to full utilization of grid and MG resources, the supply–demand balance cannot be maintained by respecting the consumer offers. Specific energy policies and contracts are required in this case for mandatory power curtailment in exchange for higher incentive payments by MG operator (MGO). The objective function attempts to minimize operation costs of the MG units such as Diesel Generator fuels costs, cost of power exchange with the main grid, battery energy storage system (BESS) costs and in the mean time, maximize MGO DR benefit. On the other hand, simultaneous EMS and DR management leads to a complex non-linear problem, which can be solved using whale optimization algorithm (WOA) in MATLAB software. To assess the performance of the proposed new approach, a grid-connected MG with DERs and reducible power of consumers is studied within a 24-h time cycle. Also, to verify the scalability of the implemented system, an MG with aggregators and a large scale battery is considered. Simulation results show that incorporating a developed DR into EMS is an efficient way in optimal performance of both demand and supply sides in conjunction with the goals of economic operation of MGs.

The Armenian Legionnaires: Sacrifice and Betrayal in World War I by Pattie Susan Paul (review)

REVIEWS 181 appears as a backdrop for the symbolic and material deprivation of both the working class and local urban policy-makers, and for the concurrent victory of market capitalism and the factory owner, who had returned from the age of iron and steam in full glory. It looked like history had come full circle. I would have hoped for a wider discussion of the facets of modernity in terms of structural crisis, with more topographic and historical examples of its development — for example, the city’s living conditions, urban planning and economy. The case studies here seem dominated by a concept of modernity epitomized by politics and social turmoil, which is also at odds with the data presented in one of the figures (p. 268). I also wonder how, and if, the structural crisis of ‘heavy modernity’, which led to the demise of industrial jobs and the gradual disappearance of a modernizing aspiration, was conceptualized at ground level in homogenous socialist hubs. Such questions do not, however, undermine the numerous merits of this book, such as its persuasive argumentation, carefully chosen caesura and citations and, last but not least, the exceptional history of the city itself. Department of History P. Perkowski University of Gdańsk Pattie, Susan Paul. The Armenian Legionnaires: Sacrifice and Betrayal in World War I. With a chapter by Varak Ketsemanian. I. B. Tauris, London and New York, 2018. xxii + 266 pp. Maps. Illustrations. Timeline. Notes. Bibliography. Glossary. Index. £25.00. Between 2014 and 2018, there was an avalanche of publications and commemorative events surrounding participants in the First World War and its bloody aftermath. This book is part history, part collection of documents, part celebration of the heroism of the men who joined the Armenian legion, loosely tied to both British and French forces during the war. The men of this unit fought in Palestine, helping to break the last elements of Ottoman resistance in September 1918. Some of them wound up attached to French occupying forces in Cilicia after the Armistice. There they helped Armenians who tried to rebuild their communities and their lives after the genocide of 1915–16. The tragedy of this story is that by siding with the British and the French, the Armenian Legionnaires took the brunt of Turkish hostility to the imperial carve up of their country. The Treaty of Sèvres, signed in August 1920, created the Republic of Armenia in the north and placed Cilicia under French control. For Armenians, linking the two, possibly under a League of Nations mandate, would ensure the protection of the survivors of the genocide. SEER, 98, 1, JANUARY 2020 182 That was not to be, for a host of reasons. The most important was the resurrection of the Turkish army after defeat by Mustafa Kemal, and the military successes his forces registered in Cilicia in January–February 1920, and in Western Anatolia, where they routed the Greek army heading towards Ankara. On 18 September 1922 the Greek army had been pushed into the sea. Nearly one million Greek Orthodox residents of Anatolia fled with them. Ataturk’s victory enabled him to tear up the Treaty of Sèvres and to dare the French and the British to contest his sovereignty over all of Anatolia. At Lausanne, on 24 July 1923, they signed the Treaty of Lausanne, and the Republic of Armenia formally disappeared. By then it had been turned into a Soviet Socialist Republic. Armenia was devoured by a nationalist lion and a socialist tiger. Those who had fought with Britain and France paid the price for the realignment of imperial realities following the Turkish victory in the war against Greece. Who knows what would have happened had not the Greek government launched the insane and totally ill-prepared attempt to resurrect Byzantium at a time when, they believed, the Turkish nation was prostrate in defeat? Would the Armenian Republic have stood a chance? Probably not, for the simple reason that none of the Allies, including the United States was prepared to pay the price, politically and financially, to act as a mandatory power of the League of Nations in Armenia. Though this book does not say so, there were three...

Viability limits of the renewable source in an electricity mix: Application to the French mix with anamorphic evolutions

This article is the second part of a work devoted to the study of the physical and economic limits of the addition of renewable power sources to an electricity mix on a territory. In the first part of the work, devoted to methodology, we discuss three criteria of viability of the electricity mix, based on the spectral and statistical analysis of the load fluctuations, taking into account the intermittent nature of the production of the mandatory renewable sources. The present paper is devoted to the application of the MIXOPTIM software, which includes this methodological toolbox, to the metropolitan French mix. Starting from the French mix 2015, we change its composition in controlled and mandatory power sources by anamorphic deformations, and analyze, with the MIXOPTIM toolbox, the viability and performance indicators of the modified mix. The viability criteria determine the maximum amount of mandatory fluctuating sources that can be tolerated in the mix if frequent power cuts are to be avoided. They provide a tool to assess the respective merits of the controllable (e.g., coal, gas, nuclear, ... sources according to their agility and what would be gained if this agility could be improved. The study takes into account the influence of interconnection between the considered territory and its neighbors, and evaluates to what extent an increase of the interconnection capacity increases the physically allowable proportion of renewable power sources in the mix. We also evaluate the beneficial influence of demand smoothing, and of electricity storage facilities, and calculate to what extent the introduction of demand smoothing or storage facilities move the physical limits of the introduction of renewable mandatory fluctuating sources in the metropolitan French mix. In the last part of the article, we investigate the conditions under which a 100% renewable electricity mix might be viable in France.

Refugees, Displaced Migrants, and Territorialization in Interwar Palestine

The history of undocumented movement into mandate Palestine by non-Zionist displaced migrants and refugees is one which naturally highlights the territorialization of Palestine’s geopolitical space. From 1920, Great Britain, as the mandatory power in Palestine, bolstered its control over the territory’s physical space through its classification and categorization of refugees and displaced migrants, and the regulation of their movement. Yet, the reactions to these processes by migrants and refugees, highlighted by numerous examples from the archival record, are not entirely ones of resistance. Despite the changing definitions and benefits of refugee and migrant status from the late Ottoman through the interwar period, often-undocumented arrivals to Palestine actively engaged with the mandate’s new immigration and mobility-control regimes and documentary-identity regulations. The active engagement of refugees and displaced migrants included circumventing and subverting these new regimes in a number of pragmatic and inventive ways. As the paper demonstrates, this very engagement serves to highlight the limitations of the mandate administration’s policies on immigration and mobility and of its migrant classification system.

Responsiveness of low-income households to hybrid price/non-price policies in the presence of energy shortages: evidence from Colombia

At the beginning of 2016, Colombia was experiencing an energy shortage, and in order to avoid mandatory power cuts, the government launched an unexpected hybrid price/non-price energy-saving policy. In this paper, I evaluate how low-income households in a major Colombian city respond to this policy. Using hourly household electricity consumption data, I find that, on average, households reduce electricity consumption by 4.5% as a result of the policy. It is striking that even low-income households, who consume relatively small amounts of electricity, respond to energy-saving policies and engage in conservation behaviors in the short term. In my analysis, I also find that the effect is stronger the higher the household pre-treatment electricity consumption levels and smaller among poorer households. However, the heterogeneity in terms of income level vanishes once I control for household pre-program electricity consumption levels. Finally, my point estimates are comparable to the impact estimates of policies that are similar to the one I analyze in this paper.

The career of Ozdemir: a Turkish bid for northern Iraq, 1921–1923

ABSTRACTFrom 1921 to 1923, Turkey and the United Kingdom contended for control of the Vilayet of Mosul, now known as northern Iraq. The United Kingdom was the mandatory power in Iraq at that time. Although this crisis, which is known as the Mosul affair, was settled in 1925 in favour of Iraq, Turkey never totally relinquished its historical claim to this strategically important border region. Turkey's persistent claim to the area, and the fact that the region is predominantly inhabited by Kurds whose nationalism shows no signs of waning, make northern Iraq a potentially destabilizing factor in the region. The article will discuss the historical roots of Mosul frontier affairs, which is a legacy of colonialism in the Middle East. This international conflict has many dimensions, but the article will confine itself to the study of the distinguished career of Ali Shafiq, also known as Ozdemir, a Turkish statesman and the architect of Turkish policy during the Mosul affair. This is, to a large extent, a political history of the conflict and the author utilizes British and Turkish archival material and contemporary memoirs, journals, and relevant secondary sources in Arabic, Kurdish, Turkish, and English.

The Italo‐Abyssinian Crisis and Australian Settler Colonialism in 1935

AbstractBy exploring the themes of settler colonialism and modernity in Australian commentary about Italy's invasion of Abyssinia in 1935, this paper sets out to consider Italy's war in north Africa as an international crisis with significance for Australian progressive narratives about Aboriginal conditions, status and rights important to Australia's international reputation. Thus, Australia's role as a member of the League and a mandatory power will be read in the context of international debate about Italy, modernity, race and violence.My case study draws from the experiences of Bessie Rischbieth, alternate delegate for Australia to the League of Nations in 1935, who observed the Abyssinian protest being made before the Assembly. Rischbieth was seemingly persuaded by Italy's claims to the right to land and territory in the context of immigration restrictions into the United States (and we might add, in relation to Australia) and was provided evidence of slavery in Abyssinia mobilised by Italy and earlier by the Anti‐Slavery Society in London in defence of the civilising influence of Europe upon a fellow (non‐European) member of the League. However, Rischbieth was also an activist within liberal humanitarian networks critical of Aboriginal policy in Australia in this same era. Her responses to the crisis in African and League affairs offer some insight into the proximities between settler colonialism in Australia and the ‘race’ issues raised by the annexation of Abyssinia by Italy, and its implications for collective security and global governance.

Азербайджанская Демократическая Республика (АДР) и Великобритания на Парижской мирной конференции 1919—1920 гг.: проблема признания независимости АДР

The article is devoted to the key events of the foreign policy of the Azerbaijani Democratic Republic (1918-1920), the first state in the Muslim world with a republican form of government, and Great Britain, which initially pursued an occupation policy, and later promoted the de facto recognition of the newly formed state at the Paris Peace Conference. Also, the Republic of Azerbaijan viewed Great Britain as a Mandatory Power and sought to coordinate its foreign policy with it. The research is based on new sources previously not introduced into scientific circulation. A special place here is occupied by the documents of the head of the Azerbaijani delegation at the Paris Peace Conference, Alimardan Topchibashev, published in 2016 in the collection of documents The Paris Archives. The history of the first Azerbaijan Democratic Republic is represented, mainly, in the works of Azerbaijani researchers, among which Jamil Hasanli and Sevinj Yusifzadeh are widely known. In Russian science, the topic is practically not investigated.

The Unique Character of the Mandate for Palestine

The Mandate for Palestine has a unique character regarding both its beneficiaries, the Jewish people, wherever they live, and the obligations of the Mandatory power. At the same time it has been a burdensome stone right from the beginning. Representatives of Palestinian Arabs have rejected it as being incompatible with their right to self-determination. The policies of Great Britain, the Mandatory power, show a gradual departure from its obligations. The establishment of the Jewish national home became, instead of the primary obligation, just one of the duties of equal weight and content as others under the Mandate. Following the establishment of the State of Israel, the relevance of the mandatory system in the light of Article 80 of the UN Charter has been recognised, inter alia, by the International Court of Justice. The unique character of the Palestine Mandate, however, has been kept under wraps. Some academic writings and legal actions by the Palestinians now offer a radical revisionism, which uses the Mandate as the legal basis for a Palestinian state. This trend is not without consequences for the recognition of Israel as a Jewish state and for the right of the Palestinians to self-determination.

The Mandate System as a Messianic Alternative in the Ultra-Religious Jurisprudence of Rabbi Dr Isaac Breuer

Dr Rabbi Isaac Breuer, a German jurist and Jewish rabbi, represented the ultra-orthodox community in Palestine before the international committees which considered the future of the Palestine Mandate. In his work, Breuer criticised the concept of sovereignty and introduced an alternative regime for global governance of developing peoples. His unique position, as analysed in this article, can contribute to contemporary debates surrounding the role of sovereigns as trustees of humanity, sovereignty and international law and ways of promoting global peace and human welfare.By introducing Breuer's thought, this article seeks to contribute additional sources – both Jewish and universal – to these ongoing debates. Letting these neglected voices in international legal history enrich the debate can convince us, once again, of the importance of the periphery and of peripheral voices for the development, vitality and relevance of international law.Breuer's model replaces the notions of ‘sovereignty’ and ‘rights’ with those of internalised obligations and subservience to law and justice. Limiting any national aspirations to total sovereignty, he implored the United Nations to refrain from elevating the Jewish national home to statehood. Opposing the Zionist position, he insisted that the Mandatory power and international institutions would enable two nations to develop side by side, in what he termed ‘the state of peace’, under international trusteeship.We carefully draw on Breuer's insights to reflect on present debates on trusteeship, sovereignty and the management of areas devastated by conflict.

Un Apostolat en Orient

The origin of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, or U.S.J., dates back to the Seminar of Ghazir founded by the Jesuit Fathers in 1843. The College of Ghazir, established with the intention of training the local Maronite clergy, was transferred to Beirut in 1875. This center for higher studies was named Saint-Joseph University. Pope Leo XIII, in his audience of February 25, 1881, confers the title of pontificalUniversityontheU.S.J.
 The present article deals with the historical context of the U.S.J., the firstgreatFrench-speaking Jesuit institution in the area which, at the time, bore the name of “Syria.” We studied the historical context for the creation of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, located in a province of the Ottoman Empire coveted by the future mandatory power, France.
 This paper intends to show that after decades of conflict,Catholicsandrepublicansin the empire ultimately buried many of their disagreements by embracing a notion of French civilization that melded both Catholic and republican ideals. Focusing on the much-neglected intersection of politics, religion, and imperialism, it offers a new understanding of both the nature of French culture and politics at the findesiècle, as well as the power of the colonial experience to reshape European‘s most profound beliefs.

Un Apostolat en Orient

The origin of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, or U.S.J., dates back to the Seminar of Ghazir founded by the Jesuit Fathers in 1843. The College of Ghazir, established with the intention of training the local Maronite clergy, was transferred to Beirut in 1875. This center for higher studies was named Saint-Joseph University. Pope Leo XIII, in his audience of February 25, 1881, confers the title of pontificalUniversityontheU.S.J.
 The present article deals with the historical context of the U.S.J., the firstgreatFrench-speaking Jesuit institution in the area which, at the time, bore the name of “Syria.” We studied the historical context for the creation of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, located in a province of the Ottoman Empire coveted by the future mandatory power, France.
 This paper intends to show that after decades of conflict,Catholicsandrepublicansin the empire ultimately buried many of their disagreements by embracing a notion of French civilization that melded both Catholic and republican ideals. Focusing on the much-neglected intersection of politics, religion, and imperialism, it offers a new understanding of both the nature of French culture and politics at the findesiècle, as well as the power of the colonial experience to reshape European‘s most profound beliefs.