Malaysian Foreign Policy Research Articles

Through the Lens of Neoclassical Realism: Understanding the Decline in Malaysia– India Relations Under Mahathir 2.0

This article suggests that since the end of the Cold War, Malaysia’s foreign policy towards a rising India has significantly intertwined with its overarching hedging calculations vis-à-vis the burgeoning power competition between the United States and China. Hedging, based on the conceptualization of Dr Cheng-Chwee Kuik, incorporates a largely structure-induced logic that encompasses a survival-driven, risk-averse and insurance-seeking behaviour to ensure the survival of less powerful states without putting all eggs in one great power’s basket due to concerns over future uncertainty. While the US and China are the most immediate and consequential structural factors impacting Malaysian foreign policy, Kuik presents the concept of dominance-denial as a sub-element of hedging, where a less powerful state aims to forge positive and functional ties with all major powers in the system based on its economic and security interests. Strengthening ties with India has been crucial in Putrajaya’s dominance-denial strategy. However, while Malaysia–India economic and defence ties continued to grow since the 1990s, bilateral relations backslid in 2019 due to former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed’s provocative stance towards New Delhi, leading to a considerable decline in economic relations. Therefore, this article seeks to theoretically explain these constraints in the relations between Putrajaya and New Delhi through a neoclassical realist lens in order to supplement Kuik’s hedging framework.

THE NEXUS OF SECURITY AND INTEREST: MALAYSIA'S APPROACH TO ARAB-ISRAELI NORMALIZATION

The Arab-Israeli normalization, characterized by the Abraham Accords and subsequent diplomatic engagements, has sparked significant debate among regional actors especially among Muslim countries. In this context, Malaysia's response is analyzed by employing a combined theoretical framework of Regional Security Complex (RSC) theory and national interest theory. The study employs a qualitative method of analysis of official statements, policy documents, and diplomatic engagements. It also examines the historical context of Malaysia's stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the shifts and nuances of its response in light of recent events. In addition, this study examines the domestic factors, such as public opinion, political dynamics, and the influence of religious and civil society actors, that influence Malaysia's foreign policy decisions. This study reveals that Malaysia has voiced its opposition to the process of normalisation, which has been influenced by regional security concerns rooted in Muslim solidarity and the support for Palestinian rights. Additionally, Malaysia's opposition is driven by its own national interests, encompassing domestic politics and economic relations with Arab nations.

Malaysia’s National Role Conceptions and Transitions of Foreign Policy From Tunku to Mahathir

Reviewing the history and trajectory of Malaysia’s foreign policy, this article highlights national role conceptions (NRCs) during Tunku’s premiership between 1957 and 1968 and the first and second Mahathir tenures of 1981–2003 and 2018–2020, respectively. Malaysia’s foreign policy and its fundamentals have remained reasonably stable over prolonged periods but NRCs, which define foreign policy, have witnessed shifting nuances and noticeable changes under different premierships. Foreign policy under succeeding Malaysian governments has seen major shifts occurring in the transition of foreign policy in tandem with changing NRCs. Malaysian foreign policy is articulated within the constraints posed by the global and regional environments and that of a highly politicised, often divided domestic landscape. In the Tunku era, Malaysia was decidedly a Western ally, symbolised by NRCs of being “pro-West” and “anti-communist”. Since then, Malaysia’s relations with major powers and regional countries have shown a stable, neutral and non-aligned stance and it emerged as a “regional neutral strategist” under the premiership of Tun Abdul Razak. This article argues that the shifts and revisions in Malaysia’s NRCs under Mahathir as a “global champion of the South”, exemplar of “Looking East” and “champion of moderate Islam” were not all just outcomes of elite preferences but reflected political agendas of elites and political agents within the domestic political game. Drawing on some examples of domestic contestations over NRCs and foreign policy, the article points to the re-definition and even the abandonment of policy directions which were not consonant with the imperatives of the domestic political game.

THE RESTRUCTURING OF MALAYSIA'S FOREIGN POLICIES TOWARDS PALESTINE: THE ROLE OF NGOS IN BILATERAL RELATIONS AND SOCIOECONOMIC IMPACT

Malaysia's commitment to expressing objections against the conquest and tyranny inflicted by Israel on the Palestinian people has never faded. Various representatives of social movements, whether individually or collectively, have stepped forward to drive various initiatives to help the Palestinians, particularly NGOs. Indirectly, the involvement of NGOs in the Palestine issue has been able to contribute to enhancing the bilateral relations between Malaysia and Palestine. There are two objectives of this study, firstly to examine the essence of Malaysia's foreign policy towards Palestine. Secondly, how can the contributions of NGOs strengthen the interaction of bilateral relations and socio-economics between Malaysia and Palestine? The study design uses a qualitative approach involving focus group interviews and document analysis. The findings reveal that the medium of communication involving the process of interaction, negotiation, and soft diplomacy between Malaysia and Palestine simultaneously proves that the bilateral relations of the country are in good condition. The researcher also found that the interaction and cooperation between NGOs and the Malaysian Government is one of the contributing factors to the good relations between Malaysia and Palestine and the harmony of the country's foreign policy. However, the researcher perceives that the Malaysian Government's view on the role of NGOs in helping Palestine is somewhat restrained. The comments provided by the Malaysian Government are only based on the scope of how the genuine efforts of NGOs in assisting socio-economics through aid missions increase awareness of the Palestine issue among Malaysians and become a platform for delivering humanitarian aid to Palestine.

ABDULLAH BADAWI’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA: THREE-LEVEL ANALYSIS OF A PRAGMATIC AND IDEALISTIC DIPLOMACY STRATEGY IN A TWO-WAY COOPERATION

During his administration from 2003 to 2009, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi chose to continue the foreign policy of Mahathir Mohamad. However, he also applied a more ‘middle-ground’ approach that was neither provocative nor aggressive. This had on occasion portrayed him as a weak leader, contributing to the loss of majority seats for Barisan Nasional (BN) in the 12th general election. Nonetheless, during his tenure, there was an increase in cooperation between Malaysia and China in the educational and sociocultural fields, as well as cooperation with government-linked companies (GLCs), which had not happened before. How far did the moderate personality of Abdullah provide a significant impact on the structuring of Malaysia’s foreign policy towards China? This research will look at a three-level analysis that was conducted in assessing the foreign policy of Malaysia towards China during the period. The three levels that were analysed were international, national, and personality factors. A neoclassical realist approach was applied to look at the changing international political landscape and its impact on Malaysian foreign policy towards China. This research applied a qualitative method of obtaining primary data through structured interviews with key informants and an analytical method based on chronology—unsupported by empirical evidence from secondary data. In conclusion, the research revealed that Malaysia’s foreign policy towards China during Abdullah Badawi’s administration was a combination of ongoing maturing of relations and an increase in bilateral cooperation which had not been explored before. The research also found that although Abdullah Badawi was seen as a relatively weak leader in domestic politics, he made a significant impact on the continuity of Malaysia’s national interest, particularly in the soft power competition between the USA and China in Southeast Asia.

POSITIONING MALAYSIA IN THE REALM OF GLOBAL UNCERTAINTY: ANALYSING ITS CONCERN AND STRUGGLES OF PAKATAN HARAPAN GOVERNMENT

The US-China trade war juggernaut has shackled the political, economic and social landscapes of nation states globally at varying degrees. While trade talks are still ongoing and President Trump has hinted at the possibility of an interim agreement, the prospects of both sides agreeing on a comprehensive US-China trade deal in the near-term remains cloudy. Several factors place Malaysia to be in interesting position. First, Malaysia has and is still a geopolitically important trading route. Being an integral component to the production house of the global supply chain of finished products, its economy depends highly on the movement of goods and global currency. Furthermore, Malaysia is dominantly attached to the Chinese economy. It implies the fact that trade protectionism in the U.S. has resulted into a slowdown of Chinese growth, which eventually will have a domino effect on the Malaysian economy. Worsening the situation, COVID-19 shuts down major operations in the world, disrupting global supply and chain. Countries react towards inward strategies, alleviating national security and domestic economies at the expense of globalization process. While we have passed the first wave and re-generating world economy, global economy trajectory is still deemed ambiguous. China, as major hub for manufacturing, supply and chain is affected and struggles to increase its GDP from 6.1% end of 2019. In surfacing this uncertainty, the seventh Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohammed lays out three frameworks that guide the conduct of Malaysian foreign policy. First, Malaysia remains as an active discussant at all platforms which Kuala Lumpur is already a member. Second, it will communicate its influence towards any decision-making processes in platforms which Kuala Lumpur is not a member. Third, Kuala Lumpur will align with the increasing penetration of Industrial Revolution 4.0 and the blue economy. Should this be the way from 2020 onwards or new strategies ought to be crafted? What are the contemporary indicators Kuala Lumpur having to consider? Eventually, what could be the ultimate message Malaysia in positioning herself, which described her synergies and potential in near future? These questions will guide to examine the feasibility of Change in Continuity as a conduct of Malaysian foreign policy in near future.

POSITIONING MALAYSIA IN THE REALM OF GLOBAL UNCERTAINTY: ANALYSING ITS CONCERN AND STRUGGLES OF PAKATAN HARAPAN GOVERNMENT

The US-China trade war has shackled the political, economic and social landscapes of many nations globally at varying degrees. While trade talks are still ongoing and President Trump has hinted at the possibility of an interim agreement, the prospects of an agreement between the two sides on a comprehensive US-China trade deal in the near-term remains uncertain. Several factors have placed Malaysia to be in a favorable position. One of these factors is that Malaysia continues to be an important geopolitical trading route. In addition to being considered an integral component to the production house of the global supply chain for finished products, Malaysia’s economy is highly dependent on the movement of goods and global currency. Furthermore, Malaysia is also predominantly reliant on its trades with China. It is suggested that the trade protectionism in the U.S. has resulted into a slowdown of China’s growth, whereby this has created a domino effect on the Malaysian economy. Moreover, the economic prospects of many countries have worsened due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which has led to a shutdown of major operations around the world that has disrupted global supply chains. Countries have employed inward strategies to alleviate national security and domestic economies, at the expense of the globalization process. Although the first wave of the virus has passed and world economies have started to recover, the global economy trajectory is still deemed ambiguous. China, which is a major hub for manufacturing, was heavily affected, and struggles to increase its GDP from 6.1 percent since the end of 2019. Due to the uncertainty on future prospects, the seventh Prime Minister, Dr. Mahathir Mohammed, had established three frameworks that would guide Malaysian foreign policy. Firstly, Malaysia will remain an active participant in all international organizations and treaties that it is a member of. Secondly, Malaysia will communicate its influence towards any decision-making processes in platforms where it is not a member. Thirdly, Malaysia will align its aims to the Industrial Revolution 4.0 and the blue economy. Should this be the way forward from 2020 onwards, or would new strategies need to be crafted? What are the contemporary indicators that Malaysia should consider? Finally, what would be the ultimate message that would be delivered when Malaysia positions itself for its increasing potential in the near future? These questions will help guide this study in its examination of the feasibility of change in Continuity, as a strategy for Malaysian foreign policy in the near future.

Long-term Themes in Malaysian Foreign Policy: Hierarchy Diplomacy, Non-interference and Moral Balance

ABSTRACTMalaysia’s approach to foreign relations over seven decades has been in some ways both creative and distinctive. This article focusses on how Malaysian foreign policy has been influenced by the heritage of inter-state relations among the Muslim monarchies (sultanates, kerajaan) of the Malay Archipelago in the pre-colonial period. Taking note of current research on China’s foreign-policy traditions, the article examines Malay literature and letters with the aim of identifying key principles and values operating in the four centuries preceding the consolidation of the British and Dutch colonial domination in the 1800s. It asks how the state was constituted in Malay thinking, and what the Malay writings reveal about the drivers operating in inter-state relations. Particular attention is given to the style of relationship-building, and the way the monarchies responded to hierarchical relations, especially involving “rising powers”. An insistence on non-interference in the domestic affairs of others is also noted – as is a persistent aspiration toward what might be termed “moral balance”. The article seeks to throw light on Malaysia’s present-day approach to China – which is receiving much international attention – as well as its long-term support, in ASEAN and other contexts, for a strongly organic concept of regionalism.

Dancing with the Ummah: Islam in Malaysia’s foreign policy under Najib Razak

This paper analyses the role of Islam in Malaysian foreign relations under the Premiership of Najib Razak. While most observers acknowledge the importance of Islam to Malaysian foreign policy making under Prime Ministers Mahathir Mohamad (1981 to 2003) and Abdullah Badawi (2004 to 2008), they tend to underplay its significance in Najib’s tenure as leader of Malaysia. Departing from this, we suggest that Islam was significant in Najib’s foreign policy in three ways. First, Najib utilized regional and international conflicts involving Muslims, particularly the Rohingyas and Palestinians, in order to construct Malaysia as a guardian of disenfranchised Muslims. Second, Najib relied on the notion of wasattiyah (the middle way) in order to buttress Malaysia’s image as a moderate Muslim country. Finally, Najib rationalized Malaysia’s alignment with Saudi Arabia in the Saudi-Iran geopolitical rivalry in religio-political terms. To make these arguments, we utilize a state identities approach to studying foreign policy. We unpack the notion of Muslim state identity into three manifestations: the activist Muslim state, the moderate Muslim state, and the Sunni Muslim state. The paper draws on both primary and secondary sources. We conclude with the conceptual implications of our argument.

KOMITMEN MALAYSIA DALAM KONFLIK ISRAEL-PALESTIN: 1957-2014

This study discusses Malaysia's stand and commitment in its foreign policy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. Malaysia's foreign policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts is to prioritize security and stability in the region of West Asia or the Middle East. A more important aspect is Malaysia's commitment to the liberation of the Palestinian land from the conquest and oppression of the Zionist regime which is strongly supported by the major powers such as the United States and Britain. Although various peace negotiations have been held between Israel and Palestine, yet such concrete solutions have not yet been achieved in absolute terms. The objective of this paper is to analyze the reason Malaysia is actively involved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. The methodology that was used in this research is using primary resources such as files and documents from National Archive Kuala Lumpur, Official Statements of Parliament of Malaysia, speech texts and newspaper clippings. The finding shows that Malaysia is involved in the conflict due to the humanitarian and Islamic religion.

KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI NAJIB RAZAK TERHADAP KONSOLIDASI THAILAND DAN GERAKAN ALIANSI SEPARATISME ETNIS MELAYU DI THAILAND SELATAN DI TAHUN 2013-2016

This paper aims to discuss Malaysian foreign policy in influencing the movement of separatism in Southern Thailand by the ethnic Malay alliance. The dynamics of separatism in Southern Thailand is the result of a process of conflict between religious groups and the harmonious relations between the majority and minorities. In this conflict, Malaysia is a facilitator, seen from various visits and efforts taken by Malaysia to create peace in the region of Thailand. This paper will focus on several matters related to how rational actors influence the movement of separatist movements in Southern Thailand and how the prospects for peace and consolidation after a meeting between the Thai government and consultants representing the alliance of separatism. The method of this paper uses descriptive methods with a qualitative approach in analyzing the phenomema. The technique of collecting data is done through various literature, journals, articles, and reading materials that are related to the issues to be discussed. This paper will be focused on two political angles, namely; (1) Direction of Najib Razak's foreign policy in 2013 (2) Direction of foreign policy for Najib Razak in 2016. The result of the discussion of this paper is through the government of Najib Razak, Malaysia consolidates Thailand with steps to resolve conflict namely peacemaking (reconciliation) and peacebuilding (social reconstruction

Malaysia-China Bilateral Relations, 1974-2018

This paper analyzes the bilateral ties of Kuala Lumpur-Beijing over four decades in the political, economic and socio-cultural fields. Firstly, the paper discusses the historical background of Malaysia-China informal relations from the Kingdom of Malacca; the British era; the early stages of Malaysia's independence; as well as the Cold War era. Secondly, the paper examines the beginnings of Kuala Lumpur-Beijing diplomatic relations from 1974 until the demise of the Malayan Communist Party in 1989. Thirdly, this is followed by an examination of bilateral developments between 1990 and 2008. The section analyzes the extent to which the principle of openness in Malaysian foreign policies was followed, cooperation within the framework of regionalism as well as how the rise of China's economic power has had a positive impact on bilateral relations. More significantly, the paper then extends the discussion to Malaysia-China relations under Mohd Najib Abdul Razak which began in 2008 and ended with the advent of the new government of Pakatan Harapan in Malaysia in May 2018. Presently, Malaysia's foreign policy towards China is facing a revamp under Dr. Mahathir Mohamad’s leadership. Yet the paper argues that the current government’s action enhances comprehensive cooperation, particularly in the political and economic spheres.

Great Power Rivalries, Domestic Politics and Malaysian Foreign Policy

ABSTRACTChina’s rise has led analysts to look for signs that Southeast Asian states like Malaysia are bandwagoning with Beijing. Following Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak’s 2016 visit to Beijing where significant economic and defense agreements were signed, some argued that Malaysia was tilting toward China. This article argues that Najib’s visit does not represent a major shift toward China. Malaysia has been deepening its political and security ties with other countries, particularly the United States, in an attempt to hedge its bets and maintain its traditional independent stance. China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea and willingness to intervene in Malaysia’s domestic politics are raising concerns about China among some elements of the Malaysian elite, thereby creating potential obstacles to a further strengthening of the Sino-Malaysian relationship.

Malaysian Foreign Policy Toward Singapore From Mahathir to Badawi and Najib: A Role Theory Assessment

By employing role theory, this article shall argue that changes in Malaysia's national role conceptions from Mahathir to Abdullah Badawi and Najib Razak have contributed to the improvement of Malaysia‐Singapore relations in recent years. Under Mahathir, Malaysia's national role conception as a “close and important neighbor” to Singapore accentuated a “senior‐junior” distinction between Malaysia and Singapore. This led to a clash of national roles between Malaysia and Singapore and resulted in bilateral contentions. For Badawi and Najib, Malaysia is also a close and important neighbor to Singapore. However, both leaders have reconceptualized Malaysia's national role conception into an “important and symbiotic partner” to de‐emphasize Singapore as a negative “historical and significant other,” and promote cooperation to improve bilateral relations. Malaysia's additional role as an ASEAN member complements its symbiotic partnership with Singapore.

Hubungan Bilateral Indonesia-Malaysia: Review Buku

This book examines the relationship between Indonesia and Malaysia. This book was decended from the dissertation at the University of Western Australia. The aim of this book was to understand Malaysian foreign policy towards Indonesia from the perspective of constructivism. The author argued that non-material elements are crucial in explaining the relationship between two countries. The author mentioned ideational factors such as culture, ethnic, elite perception, identity, leadership, nationalism, as well as religion.Keywords: Indonesia, Malaysia, foreign policy, constructivism

China-Malaysia Relations and Foreign Policy

1. Introduction 2. Foreign Policy Analysis 3. The Evolution of Malaysia's Foreign Policy towards China: From Independence to the end of Konfrontasi, 1957-1966 4. Shifts in Malaysia's Internal and External Environments, 1967-1969 5. Tun Razak and Changes in Malaysian Foreign Policy, 1970-1972 6. The Decision-Making Process and the Road towards Normalisation, 1972-1974 7. An Assessment of the 1974 China Visit 8. The Domestic and Regional Limits of Normalising Ties with China 8. CONCLUSION 9. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Malaysia Japan Relations: Diplomacy and Education (Malay Version)

This book is a history research involving Malaysia-Japan relations in almost five decades covering aspects of diplomacy, economic cooperation and education. This is not a history work that is the most ever produced but the author believes it should be served to the readers because of its contents discussed several important issues involving Malaysia's foreign policy in the field of diplomacy, economy and education. Originally this book is the result of a doctoral degree in history from Universiti Sains Malaysia but has been modified and edited to meet the needs of publishing for public reading. Some of the chapters that touch the Look East Policy has been published by the author but have been exaggerated to be reproduced in this book.

Malaysian and Nigerian Foreign Policy in Comparative Perspective

This study explores the nexus between Malaysian and Nigerian Foreign Policy by examining the personality traits of Mahathir, 1981-2003 and Obasanjo, 1999-2007 respectively. The overriding consideration of national interest and foreign policy of a country reflect keen perception of, and determined by, national leaders. The study examines the divergence and convergence in foreign policy making of the two personalities. Historical-descriptive approach was used as a method of data collection and analysis. Utilizing secondary data in testing their influence, the findings reveal that Obasanjo’s idiosyncrasy has approximate similarity with Mahathir’s on high level of understanding internal, regional, and international dynamics, and aligned strategic survival of their states with broader regional and global trends. While MFP consolidates the ideal principles of Mahathir, NFP experiences policy somersault. Given this scenario, the paper argues for a significant shift from Afro-centric to institutionalized Nigerian-centric policy thrust, if development must be genuinely experienced and sustained in Nigeria. Territorial defense, and security of live and property are the hallmarks for national survival cum development of any nation. In the circumstance, we consider periodic evaluation of national interests and specific bilateral security treaty in all ramifications as a highly useful and pivotal option. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n6s4p125

ISLAMIC DIMENSION IN MALAYSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE MUSLIM WORLD

Islam is central to the formation of Malaysian foreign policy towards the Islamic world. Islam as the official religion of Malaysia enshrined in its constitution plays important role in shaping Malaysian foreign policy. Foreign policy plays an important role as tool in pursuing national interest in the realm of foreign relations. It is a manifestation of domestic policy and interplays in response to Malaysian foreign relations. It is also the instrument used by every sovereign country in pursuing its national interest at the international levels.

Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia dan Malaysia Terhadap China di Era Perang Dingin

Since the proclamation on the 1st October 1949, the People's Republic of China has gained an important role in international relations after World War II. The success of communism conquered China, has changed the dynamics of competition between the United States and the Soviet Union that lead the Western Bloc and the Eastern Bloc. The situation has forced the newly independent states in this era, like Indonesia and Malaysia, to determine their position. In addition to facing the same international politics pressures, the two countries also have relations in the domestic issues related to China, namely the existence of the local Communist Party and ethnic of "Chinese overseas". The external and domestic factors that ultimately affect the choice of the countries' foreign policy towards China. This article attempts to identify and explore the factors that influence the similarities and differences in Indonesia and Malaysia foreign policy towards China using the approach threat perception, leader perception and domestic legitimacy within the framework of neo-classical realism. This article is expected to provide scientific contributions to understanding the comparison of Indonesia and Malaysia foreign policy towards China.
 Keywords: Indonesia and Malaysia foreign policy, the existence of China, Cold War era, threatperception, leader perception, domestic legitimacy, neo-classical realism