Malaysian Chinese Association Research Articles

Bentong Constituency Study Before and After 14th General Election in Malaysia: A Preliminary Chinese News Analysis

Bentong constituency has always been the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) electoral stronghold and under the Barisan National (BN) coalition since Malaysia's independence in 1957. However, during the 14th Malaysian general election (GE14) political tsunami, the MCA has lost this parliament seat (P89 Bentong) to the Democratic Action Party (DAP), which is under the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition on 9 May 2018. Besides, Bentong is the traditional constituency of the MCA leadership, such as the first Member of Parliament (MP) for Bentong (1959-1989), Tan Sri Chan Siang Sun, retired as Health Minister cum MCA Vice-President. The second MP for Bentong is Tan Sri Lim Ah Lek (1989-1999), and he retired as Human Resources Minister cum MCA Deputy President. Before GE14, Dato' Sri Liow Tiong Lai was the third MP for Bentong (1999-2018) and retired as Transport Minister cum MCA President. Bentong is a district located in western Pahang, Malaysia. In 2005, Bentong officially declared as Bentong Municipal Council. According to Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM, 2011), Bentong population has reached about 115,000 people with administrative covered area of 335 square miles (868 square km) including Bentong Town, Genting Highlands, Karak, Telemong, Manchis, Sungai Dua and Bukit Tinggi. While its control area covered Sungai Gapoi, Simpang Pelangai, Kampung Shafie, Jambu Rias, Janda Baik and Sungai Penjuring. Keywords: Bentong, GE14, Sinchew, Economics, Chinese

Cheng Jiahua: “Diplomatic Remnant” of the Republic of China

Cheng Jiahua (1905-1976), a native of Qianshan, Anhui, graduated from the Department of Economics of Yanjing University. He joined the diplomatic field in his early years and served as the consul of the Republic of China in Indonesia, Samoa and other regions. In 1948, he was sent to British Malaya as the consul of the Republic of China in Malacca (September 1948-1950). After the Kuomintang government moved to Taiwan in 1949, he chose to stay in Malacca. Later he joined the Malayan Chinese Association, taught briefly at Peifeng Middle School, and then served as the principal of Malacca Yumin Middle School (1961-1967). This article attempts to outline his life in Malaya after the closure of the Republic of China consulate in British Malaya in 1949. An effort is made to extract from the unpublished “Sim Mow Yu’s Diaries” to inspect for the contacts between him and Sim Mow Yu. Initially his life in the Malacca Chinese community was quite fruitful, but later as the glamour of an ex-consulate slowly disappeared, he spent his later years in loneliness. He was called by the author a “diplomatic remnant” of the Republic of China. When political power changed hand in the Chinese mainland, he chose to emigrate to Malaya, and called it home. He also tried to identify himself as a member of the local community. His life may be regarded as another interesting chapter of the experience of China’s literati who have chosen to emigrate to the South Seas.

Clientelist and Programmatic Factionalism Within Malaysian Political Parties

This article analyses factionalism within ruling and opposition parties in Malaysia, with a focus on party splits and/or the toppling or near-toppling of dominant factions at the national level. Political parties are either composed of clientelist or programmatic factions or represent hybrids that combine clientelist and programmatic factionalism. The strength and the type of factionalism depend upon policy space and the intensity of control over party groups. Programmatic factionalism is more probable if policy space is wide. Policy space is an effect of the positioning (relatively dependent or independent from other parties in the coalition) and the basic ideology of a party, that is, the major stance on religion, ethnicity, and the shape of the political system at large. If there is hardly any policy space, factionalism will be clientelistic rather than programmatic. Whether this type of factionalism arises is contingent upon the intensity of control over groups within the party and the availability of patronage goods. The control of party members is dependent upon the strength of the party leader and the centralisation of party organisation. This is demonstrated with reference to UMNO (United Malays National Organisation) (from programmatic to clientelist factionalism), some coalition partners of UMNO such as the MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) (clientelist factionalism), and the Islamist PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia) (programmatic clientelism). Moreover, a brief analysis of East Malaysian parties in Sabah and Sarawak helps to further elucidate the major dynamics of factionalism.

Traditional Chinese Medicine in Malaysia: A Brief Historical Overview of the Associations

The increasing number of TCM practitioners and herbal suppliers, both of which accelerated by the formation of various TCM institutions, substantiated the creation of regional traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) associations in post-World War II Malaya. In response to the restrictions and levies imposed by the British colonial government, these regional associations united and formed a national organisation now known as the Federation of Chinese Physicians and Medicine Dealers Association of Malaya (FCPMDAM). The current designated TCM practitioner body, the Malaysian Chinese Medical Association (MCMA) were also originally established to nurture local talents in the face of import restrictions. Owing to difference with MCMA, a separate association named the Federation of Chinese Physicians and Acupuncturists Associations of Malaysia (FCPAAM) was setup in 2003 to absorb self-studied and patrimonial-educated TCM practitioners.

The Role of Political Elites in the Development of New Villages in Malaysia

Political elites comprise a small group that has power and influence over the “others” in society. Basically, political elites play an important role in the decision-making process of the community. New Villages in Malaysia are influenced by political elites who are the representatives of the village community. These political elites are members of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), a coalition party of the ruling political party. MCA's political elite play an important role in safeguarding the welfare and affairs of the New Village residents. New Villages refer to a Chinese New Village which is a re-settlement site set up during the Communist emergency period of British rule in Malaysia in the mid-1950s. The role of the MCA's political elite has helped to create the New Village Master Plan 2005 which serves as a guide and reference to the Federal Government and the State Government in the development of New Villages. However, limited provisions and unclear policies have resulted in New Villages facing a multitude of problems and have frustrated development in New Villages especially in tandem with the requirements of national development. The residents of New Villages are neglected, and many are experiencing social and economic problems. The paper evaluates these problems with reference to the role of local leaders and development objectives for New Villages in the context of national goals.

Organization as a Support System among Revert Clients in Malaysia

It is significant for the reverts to have an existing helping organization. Therefore, this study aims to identify organizational issues that are directly and indirectly involved with counsellors at the Council of Islamic Religious Department in Malaysia. This study utilizes a qualitative approach by using the case study method. This study involved five (5) counsellors from Council of Islamic Religious Department in Malaysia. This study used the N'Vivo 10.0 for the data analysis to develop themes and sub-themes that related to this study. The findings showed that there are two (2) sub themes involved both government and non-government. There are six (6) sub-sub themes for the government which are Jabatan Agama Islam, Jabatan Mufti, Pusat Dakwah Islamiah, Pusat Kaunseling MAINS Negeri Sembilan, Jabatan Kehakiman and Baitulmal. While, non-government has ten (10) sub-sub themes; Lembaga Kaunselor Malaysia, Unit Saudara Baru, Unit Ukhuwah, Pusat Saudara Baru Darul Saadah, Darul Ukhuwah Yayasan Kasih Sayang, Volunteer Body, Malaysian Chinese Muslim Association (MACMA), Pertubuhan Kebajikan Islam Malaysia (PERKIM), PERKAMA and Skuad Mubaligh Seremban. In conclusion, this study could be used as a guide for counsellors to provide guidance and counselling services to revert clients.
 Keywords: Organization; support system; revert and client.

Identity Politics and Elections in Malaysia and Indonesia: Ethnic Engineering in Borneo

Identity Politics and Elections in Malaysia and Indonesia: Ethnic Engineering in Borneo. By Karolina Prasad. Abingdon, Oxon.: Routledge, 2016. Hardcover: 215pp. In this book, Karolina Prasad attempts to study how institutions, particularly political parties, play a role in changing identities in consociational and centripetal polities. In the context of Southeast Asian politics, studies on the role of ethnicity in electoral politics are numerous. In Malaysia, for instance, scholars have often tried to identify the link between voters' identity and their political choices. The usual method to explore this link is to examine voters' voting preferences towards candidates and political parties that have strong appeals. For instance, the bulk of support for the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) comes primarily from Malays, while support for the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) comes from the Chinese and Indian electorates respectively. In the eastern Malaysian provinces of Sabah and Sarawak, most, if not all, of the political parties depend heavily on the support of particular groups. The second largest party in Sabah, the Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS), is primarily a Kadazandusun-based party even though it claims to represent the wider interests of Sabah's culturally diverse society. In Sarawak, key parties such as the Parti Pesaka Bersatu (PBB), Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) and the Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP) all operate based on certain appeals. In this context, Prasad's main contribution to the research on politics is that she explores how identity (or identities or categories) is activated in different political settings. The author looks at this ethnic identity (pp. 144-92) by assessing how political actors and institutions maximize their electoral support over time, and across different geographical areas. Scholars often take the primordial approach to understanding the role of ethnicity in electoral politics. While one cannot totally discount the power of primordial sentiment in influencing political choices, Prasad proposes a more nuanced approach to exploring the role of political institutions in changing identities, primarily in societies divided by and religious differences. By comparing Sarawak and West Kalimantan, the author manages to elucidate the point that the nature and processes of identity vary from one polity to another. The author notes that in Sarawak identity change is much more explicit, and the role of institutions more direct. The Sarawak case also shows that the role of the federal government is also significant in the activation of categories. A case in point is the Malay-Muslim-dominated federal government which works closely with Malay-Melanau state local leaders to strengthen and spearhead Malay-Muslim interests in Sarawak. …

PERJUANGAN SEORANG PELARIAN PERANG: LEE HAU SHIK SEMASA PENDUDUKAN TENTERA JEPUN, 1941-1945

Tun Lee Hau Shik (H.S. Lee) was founder leader of the Malayan (later Malaysian) Chinese Association (MCA). He helped forged an UMNO-MCA alliance in 1952 that led to the eventual formation of the Alliance Party and was part of the Malayan delegation to London to negotiate for the country’s independence. Hong Kong-born and Cambridge-educated, Lee came to Malaya in 1924 to take care of his family business. With wealth acquired from tin mining, a well-to-do family and good educational background, Lee quickly rose to prominence in the Selangor Chinese community. However, Lee who served as the Chief Air Raid Warden of Kuala Lumpur and an influential leader in the anti-Japanese movements in Selangor was forced to leave Malaya during the Japanese invasion. This paper will examine the years he spent in India as a political refugee from Japanese occupation of Malaya and the extent to which the experience of the WWII enabled Lee to transform from a local Chinese leader to a national leader.

The Formation of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) Revisited

This article revisits the formation of the MCA, looking in particular at the roles played by Tan Cheng Lock and Lee Hau Shik (H. S. Lee). Their efforts to get such an organization off the ground in a Malayan Chinese society fragmented by language, political loyalties and economic interests highlight the communal and factional divisions they had to overcome, and explain how Tan Cheng Lock, a locally-born Peranakan who spoke no Chinese, became the body’s leader.

Consciousness of Muslim Converts Towards Halal Food in Malaysia

<p class="1Body">This study aims to identify the consciousness level of Muslim converts towards halal food in Malaysia. This is a quantitative form of study involving 100 of Malaysian Muslim converts who attend classes in Malaysian Islamic Welfare Organisation (PERKIM) Centre, Malaysian Chinese Association (MACMA), Department of Federal Territory Islamic Affairs (JAWI) and Darul Falah Hostel located in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. The students were randomly selected for the study. The main objective of the study is to identify the most frequent attended food stores, to analyze the aspects affecting the Muslim converts prior to food purchase as well as to identify the common action been taken regarding the status of a food product for self-satisfaction. The findings show that the frequency of those Muslim converts attending the food stores is at the low level (mean 2.52). However, the significant level for the aspects affecting them prior to food purchase is at the moderate level (mean 2.84), while the level of common action been taken regarding the status of a food product for self-satisfaction as a whole is also at the moderate level (mean 3.37).</p>

The development of Chinese education in Malaysia, 1952–1975: political collaboration between the Malaysian Chinese Association and the Chinese educationists

This paper examines the development of Chinese education in Malaysia from 1952 to 1975, focusing on the political collaboration between the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Chinese educationists to advance the cause of Chinese education instead of the usual macro policy analysis. This collaboration was compounded by the different stand adopted by the MCA and the Chinese educationists on issues relating to Chinese education. This different stand reflected the MCA’s political limitations to advance the cause of Chinese education. The MCA had to abide by the elite accommodation model adopted by the coalition government since it was a partner of this coalition. Such an accommodative approach could not meet the assertive demand of the Chinese educationists on issues relating to Chinese education. Meanwhile, the political collaboration between the MCA and the Chinese educationists was also constrained by internal conflict within the MCA that compromised the interests of Chinese education.

Framing interethnic conflict in Malaysia: A comparative analysis of newspapers coverage on the keris polemics

The keris is a Malay or Indonesia dagger. In 2005, the then United Malays National Organization (UMNO) Youth Chief and Malaysia Education Minister, Hishammuddin Hussein, wielded the keris at the UMNO Youth general assembly, which he claimed to be a means to motivate the Malays. Following that, the UMNO Youth general assembly in 2006 and 2007 was noted for some racist statements made by several delegates in addition to the keris-wielding action repeated by Hishammuddin. The non-Malays perceived the action of wielding the keris as a gesture meant to defend ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy) and to threaten those who opposed Malay special rights. After the political tsunami in 2008, the Malaysian Chinese Association and Malaysian People’s Movement Party (Gerakan) leaders blamed UMNO for their electoral debacle. Hishammuddin also admitted that his raising of the keris was among the causes of the Barisan Nasional’s poor performance in the general election. He apologized to the non-Malays because of the fear to a symbol which was not his intention and to the Malays for not being able to uphold their symbol of heritage. This study aimed to compare the coverage of the keris polemics by mainstream Malay, English and Chinese as well as alternative newspapers. By using framing as the theoretical framework and content analysis as the research methods, it was found that the newspapers framed the issue differently, reflecting the political economic and ideological boundaries within which the journalists work.

The Role of Malaysian Leaders in Nation Building Process (1957-2003)

Generally, this paper discusses Malaysia’s nation building process that includes the changing of national understanding from Sultanate perspective towards democratic nation. In 1957, Malaya achieved its independence. Ethnic Malays through United Malays National Organization (UMNO), ethnic Chinese through Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and ethnic Indian through Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) are the major political parties, which at that time maintained separate identities, based on ethnicity. However, they had to compromise and unify for independence. This paper will also touch on the factors, which influenced the process of nation building, especially internal and external factors. The role of several important leaders, especially former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed, their policies and actions to develop and establish Malaysia’s nation building process, is discussed.

Slaughter and Deception at Batang Kali (review)

Reviewed by: Slaughter and Deception at Batang Kali P. J. Rivers Slaughter and Deception at Batang Kali. Ian Ward and Norma Miraflor Singapore: Media Masters 2009. 228 pp., index. ISBN 978-981-08-1303-1 The opening sentence of the Foreword succinctly describes the book’s core: ‘No one has ever denied that a mass killing of Chinese plantation workers resulted when a patrol of the Scots Guards raided a Malayan rubber estate near the township [sic] of Batang Kali in early December 1948.’ Ian Ward, with his considerable experience as a journalist and the assistance of his capable wife, spent four years researching this dreadful affair. Ward also gives us insights into the corridors of power in London and Kuala Lumpur. However, his conclusions are not always sound. Copying a newspaper cutting, ‘Forget Batang Kali plea by Tengku [sic]’, Ward claims that the then Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman supported ‘the pro-Scots Guards lobby’ [End Page 130] because ‘events at Batang Kali’ were ‘of little concern to his government’. But this was in 1970 and they were of great concern as the country was still reeling from the effects of the 13 May riots of the previous year. Ward, known for his anti-establishment views, stoutly maintains that there is a continuing ‘official cover-up’ of this fateful affair. Two viewpoints were expressed in local newspapers: the army maintained that the men were shot while attempting to escape from custody, while survivors were to claim that there had been a massacre of innocents, a view championed by Ward. The first official account maintained that those killed were ‘bandits’, a term later replaced by CTs (Communist terrorists). In fact they were plantation workers whose Communist sympathies are uncertain. Under newspaper pressure, official enquiries were carried out, apparently confirming that the men had been running away from the estate quarters where they had been detained overnight. In March 1969 the infamous My Lai killings in Vietnam were exposed, a year after that event. This apparently triggered the conscience of William Cootes, one of the Scots Guards who had been involved 21 years previously. He told a similar story to an English paper, The People, which investigated and published their sensational article ‘Horror in a Nameless Village’ in February 1970. This was backed up with apparently less detailed accounts by four other ex-Guardsmen who were members of the 14-man patrol. Scotland Yard also became involved and apparently interviewed, amongst others, all members of the patrol still in Britain. It became evident that the slain men, all Chinese, had not been actively engaged in terrorist activities and a new element was added—that the shooting may have been planned in advance. In 1992 a television commentary on the BBC entitled ‘In Cold Blood’ concentrated on survivors giving their recollections of the sad event. Reaction in Malaysia resulted in the Malayan Chinese Association taking an interest; as a result, the Malaysian government appointed a police task force to investigate over a lengthy period. In 2004 the Prime Minister announced that at the end of 1997 the Attorney General had closed the case ‘after no evidence was found to charge anyone in the matter’. Yet evidently the task force concluded that innocent men had been shot in cold blood. They reviewed all that they knew, stating that ‘a bona-fide mistake had been made’. Unfortunately, neither the British nor Malaysian police were permitted to carry out enquiries in each other’s countries. One point pursued by Scotland Yard was whether or not the patrol had been ordered to ‘wipe-out’ the village before they left camp. Ward does, however, give quotations from several servicemen that before the shooting began they were told that they need not join in if they did not want to! This indicates that the shooting had been planned by the NCOs leading the patrol. Indeed, Cootes claimed that after loading the women and children into a lorry, the squad was told to shoot all the male prisoners and ‘none of us protested’. In investigating an event so long after its occurrence, inevitably the timing of separate incidents has become blurred. In an example of how the passage of...

Malaysian Chinese Association Politics a Year Later: Crisis of Political Legitimacy

This paper looks at the politics of the Malaysian Chinese Association, the main party representing the Chinese community, in the ruling Barisan Nasional, one year after the March 2008 general election. Recent developments over the last few months indicate that the party has lost its political legitimacy. The paper argues that the crisis of political legitimacy can be traced back to the ideology of Ketuanan Melayu and the introduction of the New Economic Policy in 1971.

New Chinese Leadership in Malaysia: The Contest for the MCA and Gerakan Presidency

In 2005, party elections were held for the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and Gerakan Raykat Malaysia (Gerakan, or Malaysian People's Movement), the two main Chinese-based political parties in the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN). These elections were unusual as the challengers for the presidency were strong candidates and the incumbents had to really fight to retain their presidency. This article argues that although party contests will not bring any real change to the political position and direction of the parties concerned, it does mean that party leaders can no longer take for granted that their positions will not be challenged. The trend among Malaysian political parties has been for the top position in a political party to be an uncontested post. This has meant that party leaders stay for long periods at the top, often more than a decade. The strong contests in the MCA and Gerakan also means that the tenure for leaders of Chinese-based political parties in Malaysia may be limited.

MALAYSIA: The Challenge of Money Politics and Religious Activism

1. Umno, Money Politics, And The Malay Agenda In January 2005, Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi began his fifteenth month in office as leader of this multi-ethnic nation of 26 million people, with a raft of issues that remained unsettled since assuming office on 1 November 2003. Abdullah was faced with pressing problems such as money politics, cronyism, budget deficits, glaring failures of several government-linked companies (GLCs), and religious intolerance. On a personal level, 2005 was a particularly difficult year for Abdullah, as his ailing wife Endon Mahmood succumbed to breast cancer in October after battling it for two years. The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) General Assembly (19–23 July 2005) furnished the testing ground for Abdullah's leadership style and ability to emerge as a conciliator and problem solver for intra-UMNO politics and the general management of the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN). The BN is a 14-member coalition government in which two ethnic-based parties — the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) are senior partners representing numerically significant minorities in the country. The Prime Minister was conscious of the fact that he was not only UMNO President — the political party with 3.4 million Malay members — but was also the Prime Minister of a multiracial country. Abdullah squarely addressed the issue of money politics, which figured largely in the month-long run-up to the General Assembly. In his keynote speech, he remarked: “there can be no pride in winning an election through corrupt means and subsequently accepting money to bribe others”. Adding that it would be a tragedy for the Malays if wealth was used to barter power and power was used to sell out the race, Abdullah stressed that efforts to enhance integrity and eradicate corruption would cover both the public and private sectors, including statutory agencies and GLCs. The premier was evidently referring, in his speech, to the recent suspension of Isa Ahmad, the UMNO Vice-President and Federal Territories Minister, who secured the largest number of votes for the three vice-presidential posts in the September 2004 party elections.

New Chinese Leadership in Malaysia: The Contest for the MCA and Gerakan Presidency

��� in 2005, party elections were held for the malaysian Chinese association (mCa) and Gerakan Raykat malaysia (Gerakan, or malaysian People’s movement), the two main Chinese-based political parties in the ruling Barisan nasional (Bn). These elections were unusual as the challengers for the presidency were strong candidates and the incumbents had to really fight to retain their presidency. This article argues that although party contests will not bring any real change to the political position and direction of the parties concerned, it does mean that party leaders can no longer take for granted that their positions will not be challenged. The trend among malaysian political parties has been for the top position in a political party to be an uncontested post. This has meant that party leaders stay for long periods at the top, often more than a decade. The strong contests in the mCa and Gerakan also means that the tenure for leaders of Chinese-based political parties in malaysia may be limited.

Malaysia: 11 September and the Politics of Incumbency

Background The Barisan Nasional (BN, or National Front) coalition government of Dr Mahathir Mohamad faced one of its toughest challenges to political survival in the wake of the 1999 general election, which exposed the prospect of disintegration of the political monopoly held by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) in Malaysian politics since independence in 1957. In that election, the dominant Malay ruling party suffered its greatest setback ? with UMNO's parliamentary representation dropping from 94 to 72 seats in the 193-seat Parliament ? in addition to the defeat of four UMNO Cabinet ministers and five deputy ministers ? the lowest number ever.1 What has been most disquieting to party members is the fact that UMNO's ability to lead the BN has been boosted by non-Malay votes, especially Chinese and Indian, through support for the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Malaysian People's Movement), and Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) candidates at parliamentary and state levels.2 The BN's two-thirds majority of 148 seats reflects a contribution largely by non-Malay voters, including those in Sabah and Sarawak. This evident loss of support for UMNO among the Malays can be attributed directly or indirectly to the sacking of Anwar Ibrahim, the rise in influence of the Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), especially among the younger generation of Malays, and the debilitating effects of money politics afflicting the ruling party.

Malaysian Chinese politics in the 21st century: Fear, service and Marginalisation

Chinese politics in Malaysia has been on the decline since independence and the Chinese community has now been totally marginalized. In particular, the two main Chinese‐based parties in the ruling coalition under the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) — the Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan) and the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) — are essentially powerless on all the key policy areas affecting the Chinese community. Under such circumstances, the Chinese‐based parties changed their political strategies to “service” and “fear” politics. “Service” refers to solving their constituents’ day‐to‐day problems while “fear” refers to reminding the Chinese that the alternative of an Islamic government under Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS) is worse. It concludes that given the post‐1969 political structure, the present outcome is unavoidable and the immediate future of Chinese politics in Malaysia is bleak.