Major Parties Research Articles

THE CONCEPTS OF QUALITY AND ACCOUNTABILITY IN GENERAL AND HIGHER EDUCATION

This article presents three measures of educational quality and six types of accountability, noting that these terms are complex and often contradictory. These terms are often used uncritically, with the result that educational policies following from them are misconceived or simply drift. For educational policies to be sound, they must be based on a clear use of terms and on a sound understanding of desired objectives. These objectives are matters both of stakeholders’ preferences and politics. The subjective and political nature of educational policies should be recognized, so that there can be formed an explicit basis for and consensus around appropriate educational objectives. The purpose of this article is to bring clarity to the common concepts of quality and accountability in education, so that educational policies may be better informed. The methodological basis of the research is the methods of comparative analysis of scientific research in the field of social and natural sciences, the authors of which investigated human, social and cultural capital. The educational establishments of all countries need from time to time to deeply re-examine certain operative concepts. In this regard, an informed consensus needs to be reached about the multidimensional and sometimes contradictory notions of quality and accountability. Habit and drift are not helpful to educational policy; instead, educational values and goals should be actively discussed and clarified in broad national discussions, comprising all major interested parties. A good educational system is ultimately a civic achievement, set within a community of informed and interested stakeholders.

Between Stale Stability and Dynamic Contestation

Abstract This article uses national survey data, quantitative party system indicators, as well as manifesto data to assess the proposition whether the Croatian party system is indeed one of the most stable systems among post-communist EU member states. The analysis spans three decades and focuses on changes after EU accession and confirms long-term stability of the Croatian party system. However, after the 2015 election, there was a decline in the popularity of the two major parties – Christian Democrats (hdz) and Social Democrats (sdp), and an emergence of several challenger parties – the center-right populist Bridge, which favors institutional reform and decentralization, the Eurosceptic, populist, and nationalist Homeland Movement, and We Can!, a green-left coalition of academics and environmentalists. In addition, the observed party system change was accompanied by a rise in civic referendum initiatives around bioethical issues such as sex education and same-sex marriage.

The politics of redistribution and sovereign default

This paper studies how distributional and electoral concerns shape sovereign default incentives within a quantitative model of sovereign debt with heterogeneous agents and non-linear income taxation. The small open economy is characterized by a two-party system in which the left-wing party has a larger preference for redistribution than the right-wing party. Political turnover is the endogenous outcome of the electoral process. Fiscal policy faces a tradeoff: On the one hand, the government has incentives to finance its spending via external debt to avoid distortionary income taxation. On the other hand, the accumulation of external debt raises the cost of borrowing. Quantitative findings suggest that the left-wing party implements a more progressive income tax, is more prone to default, and has a lower electoral support than the right-wing party due to worse borrowing conditions and the distortionary effects of income taxation. In equilibrium, electoral uncertainty raises sovereign default risk.

HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL-POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE COUP ATTEMPT FAILURE IN TURKEY ON JULY 15, 2016

This article describes the attempted military coup by Turkish army officers on July 15, 2016. It reveals the preconditions and reasons for the defeat of the rebels. It analyzes the actions of the government, media, society, pro-government structures and opposition parties on the day of the uprising and the course of events. Little is known about the culprits behind the overthrow of the government in Ankara, but the attempt has immediately sparked a debate across the international community, especially regarding those who ordered it. On the one hand, opponents of Turkey's ruling government suggest that the coup attempt was a skilful, state-directed scheme to consolidate Erdogan'spower. On the other hand, the Justice and Development Party government blames Erdogan's political rival, Fethullah Gulen, a cleric now living in the United States, and other shadowy foreign enemies and supporters of Turkey's Ataturkist secular establishment for the coup attempt. There are many theories, but one thing is certain: Erdogan won. The entire world was struck by the unity of politicians and civilians across the ideological spectrum in opposing the coup attempt. Despite the position of opposition figures on the actions of Erdogan's government, all major political parties condemned and refused to support the coup plotters.

Shifting Tides: Malaysia's 2023 State Assembly Elections

Six states in Malaysia concluded their elections on August 12, 2023, fiercely contested by major party coalitions. Major changes have taken place in seat composition for the respective state assemblies. How did the respective coalitions campaign and fare at the six state elections? The coalitions issued manifestos as part of the campaign but the content of the manifestos had not been adequately discussed during the campaign, and hence did not have much bearing on the voting public. Based on the documentary analysis backed by informal interviews with voters, this study analyses the state assembly elections that showed a status quo in all six states. Anwar Ibrahim-led progressive, multi-ethnic alliance, Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional (PH-BN), had been re-elected in three of the states it had held prior to the election. Perikatan Nasional (PN), the opposition bloc led by former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin and backed by a conservative Islamist party, also held the three states under its control but it managed to wrest several seats in the states held by PH-BN. PN took 60 percent of the 245 state assembly seats contested, relying on the contention that Anwar and his multi-ethnic coalition would not protect Malays and Islam. These elections have no direct impact on the political stability of the country. The unity government has four years to unite an increasingly polarised country as it appeared during the election, and needs to improve its social and economic performance.

Bridging the Blue Divide: The Democrats’ New Metro Coalition and the Unexpected Prominence of Redistribution

The electoral base of the Democratic Party has been transformed over the past generation. Democrats have lost ground in rural America while adding strength in cities and, more recently, suburbs. A major consequence of this shift has been the creation of a “U-shaped” Democratic voting base, with both poorer metro voters and affluent suburbanites siding with the party. This spatial alliance overlays a multi-racial one, as Democrats rely more heavily on voters of color than any other major party in American history. Many analysts have argued that the Democratic Party has managed this sea change by shifting from economic to cultural and identity appeals. This claim is consistent with leading models of two-dimensional party competition, as well as a fair amount of cross-national research on parties of the left and center-left in contemporary knowledge economies. However, we find little evidence for this claim in national Democrats’ messaging (via party platforms and on Twitter), nor, more important, in their actual policy efforts. Instead, we show that even as Democrats have increasingly relied on affluent, educated voters, the party has embraced a more ambitious economic agenda. The national party has bridged the Blue Divide not by foreswearing redistribution or foregrounding cultural liberalism, but by formulating an increasingly bold economic program—albeit one that elides important inequalities within its metro-based multi-racial coalition. Understanding how and why Democrats have taken this path is central to understanding not just the party’s response to its shifting electorate, but the way parties manage coalitional change more broadly.

«Конец Америки» – трансформация демократии в США

Numerous publications indicate the presence of a deep political crisis in the United States. One of the most obvious indicators of the crisis is the authoritarian tendency in the development of the political system. Polarization between the two major parties has reached its peak. Polls show, with both sides perceiving the opposing party not just as a political rival, but as an enemy of the nation. The divergence of positions between them on important issues has greatly increased, which gives rise to extreme partisanship in decision-making. This article is the fi rst in a series about the “end of America”. The topic of “the end of America” or “the death of America” has become especially relevant in the publications of the last 20 years. These phrases are used so often that many people no longer notice that they are compound metaphors. The article analyzes the framework or fi elds of meaning in which these metaphors acquire their context and content. The following meanings of “America” are identifi ed and described in the article: a sovereign country, a social and political-economic system, civilization and culture, a geopolitical player, a superpower, and, fi nally, the “American experiment,” that is, a unique political and social project for self-government in the state. The answer to the question “is America dying” (“died”) depends on what features of America, what values and principles of its structure are considered the main or system-forming ones. Most modern authors call democracy the main characteristic of the political system and understand by the “death of America” the “death of democracy,” or more precisely, the degeneration of democracy from liberal to authoritarian. The article contains examples confi rming this trend. Predictions of the “death of America” do not mean its inevitable end, since not all changes are irreversible. The current crisis in the history of the United States is far from the fi rst in the history; its political system contains opportunities and mechanisms for resolving crises and restoring the foundations of the “American project”.

The Challenging Path of Georgia towards NATO Membership

Georgia is a small nation situated in a region characterised by instability, where the occurrence of conflict escalation has become a frequent occurrence within the realm of regional politics. Ensuring stability in the South Caucasus region is a paramount concern for Georgia in terms of its security agenda. This commitment is clearly articulated in Georgia's National Security Concept (NSC), which was officially approved in 2011. Additionally, Georgia's Foreign Policy Strategy for the period 2019-2022 also underscores the importance of maintaining peace in the South Caucasus region. The level of public support for the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) affiliation in Georgia has been considerable, mirroring the widespread agreement among major political parties over the objective of attaining NATO membership. In 2018, a revision was made to the Georgian Constitution, including a paragraph that specifies the need for all governmental institutions to actively strive towards the objective of Georgia's prospective participation in NATO.[1] The admission to NATO has been widely regarded as the most reliable means to achieve a state of stability and prosperity, enabling the nation to fully capitalise on its capabilities and opportunities. This article is characterised by its descriptive approach and aims to examine the dynamics of the evolution of NATO-Georgia ties throughout the history.

Representing diversity in a liberal democracy: a case study of Australia

ABSTRACT Political representation of ethnic minorities in a liberal democratic system is a crucial step towards having the interests of ethnic minority groups heard. The under-representation of ethnic minorities in a political institution can exacerbate inequality between majority and minority populations and increase feelings of alienation among minority groups. As a country observing increasing ethnic diversity, Australia saw record-level ethnic minority candidates elected in the 2022 federal election. However, the shares of candidates and elected Members of Parliaments with ethnic minority backgrounds are still much lower than their relative shares in the population. In this regard, Australia has lagged behind other major settler countries. In this paper, we examine the political representation of ethnic minorities in Australia’s federal election. Drawing on data from the 2022 federal election and 2021 population census, we find a positive association between ethnic minority concentration and ethnic representation. However, for the two major parties, ethnic minority candidates are less likely to be in safe seats, even when the seat observes high ethnic minority concentration. Findings suggest that ethnic voting is evident but it is perhaps too early to celebrate higher levels of ethnic representation in Australian politics as political parties act as gatekeepers in safe seats.

Nurse state legislators, 2013 to 2023

BackgroundElecting nurse legislators can help states make sound health policy. PurposeTo document the distribution of American nurses elected to state-level offices in 2023 and compare it to data from 2013. MethodsWe developed a directory of 2023 nurses elected to state legislatures. Data collected include state, year elected, party, committees, re-election date, and full/part-time state legislature. FindingsIn 2023, there were 72 nurse legislators in 36 states. These nurse legislators’ affiliations were divided almost evenly between the two major parties (38 Republicans and 34 Democrats). Sixty legislators serve on health committees; 32 on finance committees. Fourteen serve in states that have full-time legislatures. The majority (n = 60) are up for re-election in 2024. In 2013, there were 97 legislators in 39 states. DiscussionOver the last decade, the number of nurse legislators has declined. ConclusionState legislatures play key roles in funding and regulating health policy. Identifying where nurses currently serve provides actionable information for those seeking to recruit, train, and elect nurse candidates.

Are Segmental Parties Bad for Women? Rethinking the Challenges of Representation in Consociational Power-Sharing

ABSTRACT Consociational power-sharing mandates representation of politically salient groups in government and encourages their participation in decision making. This leaves identities and issues not centrally related to the primary political division technically negligible for political stability. That cross-segmental policy issues in general and those specifically of concerns to women in divided societies enjoy low priority in dominant political parties is well documented. There is no agreement on why it is so. This paper analyses the system-level incentives that segmental parties in Northern Ireland follow when crowding out concerns and interests that might be relevant for individual voters identifying primarily outside the established politically salient cleavages. We conclude that in Northern Ireland, the systematic marginalisation of ‘women-specific issues’ is not systemic but rather highlights system-given opportunities for major political parties to avoid engagement with socially salient issues at no electoral cost.

DRAFT LAW ON AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND

On 24 February 2022 Russian Federation commenced its aggression against Ukraine. As a result, the Republic of Poland – as an immediate neighbouring state of Ukraine – was faced with the challenge of preventing actions that could support Russian aggression and supporting those affected by hostilities on the territory of Ukraine. Russia’s actions also affect Poland’s internal security, including through the influx of a wave of refugees, which has changed the mode of operation of our state. In this geopolitical situation, a parliamentary bill to amend the Constitution of the Republic of Poland was submitted to the Sejm on 7 April 20221. According to Article 235 sec.1 of the Constitution2, a bill to amend the Constitution may be submitted by at least 1/5 of the statutory number of deputies, the Senate, or the President of the Republic of Poland. The requirement of 1/5 of the statutory number of deputies is a minimum of 92 signatures of the deputies proposing the bill. The motion of 7 April 2022 was submitted by 122 MPs from the ruling majority party (‘Law and Justice’). Pursuant to Article 34 sec.1 of the Standing Orders of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland3, they authorised MP Łukasz Schreiber to represent the proposers in the work on the bill.

THE PROBLEMS OF NATIONAL HEALTH SERVICE AND THEIR ROLE IN TODAY’S POLITICAL AGENDA IN THE UNITED KINGDOM

The article focuses on the National Health Service and its role in British social and political life. The author highlights the symbolic meaning of NHS for several generations of UK citizens and political leaders, which determines its primacy for all political parties. The article looks at the impact of current NHS crisis on the voters’ attitudes to the governing Conservative party and the Government measures aimed at tackling the crisis. The major parties’ statements in the run-up to future General Elections are analyzed. The author notes that the population’s special attitude to the National Health Service across the UK makes the parties cautious and deters them from ambitious statements, so they restrict themselves to specific promises on a narrow scope of issues.

Åland, the Swedish People's Party, and the European Union: The Beginning of a Complicated Relationship

Abstract This study provides an analysis of the positioning of Ålandic political leadership vis-à-vis the demands of representation in the European Union (EU) and the corresponding reactions of the Swedish People's Party (SFP) during the referendums on EU membership. By analyzing news articles from 1994, this study shows that the SFP had already sought to establish for itself a mediating role between Ålandic expectations and the political realities on the Finnish mainland during the period leading up to membership in the EU. Founded in 1906, the SFP has traditionally branded itself as the flag bearer of Swedish interests in Finland. On face value, one would assume a lot of common political ground between the Ålandic political context and the Finland Swedish efforts to maintain equal status for Swedish as a national language in an overwhelmingly Finnish-speaking country. However, relations between the SFP and Åland have not always been smooth. Most notably, the party refused to support the Åland Movement's attempts to join Sweden between 1917 and 1921 and was firmly positioned with the other Finnish parties in supporting the claims of the Finnish state during the Åland question. While the rupture between Åland and the SFP never truly healed, they have been able to reestablish new forms of cooperation over the years. All members of parliament (MPs) elected from Åland have sat with the SFP MPs in the Swedish Parliamentary Group. Additionally, Members of the European Parliament (MEP) from the SFP that have been elected since 1995 have consistently hired political assistants from Åland and unlike the other Finnish parties, have been committed to the idea that Åland should get an MEP for itself. This study summarizes the historical modes of cooperation between the SFP and Åland, with particular focus on the SFP's positioning regarding Ålandic demands of representation during the EU membership referendum process. This article shows that EU membership has created a new forum for conflict and cooperation between Åland and the SFP through the struggle for representation in the EU organs, namely the European Parliament. This crucial historical period is analyzed through the lens of “sovereignty games,” which allows for an analysis of the paradiplomacy of an autonomous region within a nation state through a national minority party. As a result, this study highlights the need for a differentiated account of the political interdependence of the SFP and Åland and the importance of avoiding interpreting one side's perspective from the standpoint of the other.

“Vaccine? No, thank you!” Social Media, Right-Wing Political Orientation and COVID-19 Vaccination Hesitancy: The Case of Pieria, Greece

This case study examines the situation of the regional unit Pieria (Greece) as a compelling instance of a regional unit with low vaccination coverage and a right-wing political orientation, depth, and historicity. Apart from the utilization of relevant literature, qualitative research was also conducted for the needs of this case study. A sample of 16 Greek citizens from Pieria, all of whom are voters of one of the three minor Greek right-wing parliamentary parties and have been vaccine hesitant and vocal on social media, is examined as an attempt to enhance our understanding on the role of social media and right-wing attitude regarding vaccine hesitancy within the context of this specific case.

The politics of vaccination: a closer look at the beliefs, social norms, and prevention behaviors related to COVID-19 vaccine uptake within two US political parties

ABSTRACT COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and suboptimal vaccine uptake rates are pressing public health challenges. Vaccine hesitancy has been observed for different vaccines. For COVID-19 vaccines, multiple factors influence vaccine uptake in the U.S. including political ideology. A more nuanced understanding of the factors influencing COVID-19 vaccine uptake within political parties is needed. This study assesses the relationship between known vaccine hesitancy factors and vaccine uptake within two major political parties. Data from 804 U.S. participants in an online survey from June 2021 was used to assess the association between COVID-19 vaccine uptake (no dose vs. any dose) and categories of factors thought to influence vaccine uptake (sociodemographic variables, COVID-19 disease and vaccine belief variables, belief in COVID-19 prevention behavior variables, and social network features variables) for Republicans and Democrats using bivariate and multivariate regression. 65.4% of the sample reported having received at least one dose of the COVID-19 vaccine (22.6% Republican and 52.1% Democrat). In the total sample bivariate model, Democrat participants had significantly greater odds of having received a dose of the vaccine as compared to Republican participants (OR = 2.51, 95%CI = 1.73–3.64). In adjusted models, the speed of vaccine development was negatively associated with vaccine uptake for both Republicans (aOR = 0.18, 95%CI = 0.06–0.57) and Democrats (aOR = 0.40, 95%CI = 0.19–0.86), as was concern about side effects from the vaccine (Republicans: aOR = 0.15; 95%CI = 0.05–0.47; Democrats: aOR = 0.14, 95%CI = 0.06–0.31). COVID-19 vaccine uptake among Republicans, but not Democrats, was associated with belief that the vaccine prevents COVID-19 (aOR = 3.29, 95%CI = 1.29–8.37) and belief about friends’ vaccine intentions (aOR = 6.19, 95%CI = 2.39–16.05). There were no significant factors unique to Democrats. Concerns about aspects of COVID-19 vaccine safety for both political groups suggest that vaccine advocacy interventions should universally address these factors. However, Republican beliefs in vaccine efficacy and in friends’ vaccine intentions suggest a need for Republican-specific messaging.

Exploring the Role of Political Parties in the Enhancement of Women Representation in Parliament, Zambia: A phenomenological perspective

This study aimed at exploring the role of political parties in the enhancement of women representation in Parliament of Zambia. The continued underrepresentation of women in the Zambian National Assembly prompted undertaking this study. The Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND) and the 2016 general elections were the main focus of the study. 
 This study was qualitative and a case study research design based on two major political parties, studied in depth using twenty six party officials, at different levels of party hierarchies who were purposefully selected. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, narratives and unstructured questionnaires from the two political parties and the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) documents. 
 The study used an interpretive phenomenological theoretical framework based on discussions and reflections of direct sense perception and experiences of the role of political parties in enhancing women representation in the national assembly of Zambia. The starting point for using an interpretive phenomenology for this study was our ability to approach this study oblivious of a priori assumptions. Phenomenological theoretical framing was used as a broad and loose name for various types of analysis, which lay emphasis on experiences, interpretations, semiotics, narrative and discourse based on the phenomenological orientation of the Philosophy of social sciences.
 Data was analysed and presented by the thematic approach as well as through frequency tables. The study found that both political parties had put in place strategies and mechanisms to enhance the representation of women in parliament and these included; having at least 30 percent women in decision-making positions, the adoption of the women’s wing concept, training and sensitisation, adoption of women in political party strongholds and relaxing of adoption requirements for women. Following the 2016 General elections, the PF made a pronouncement that the party would adopt 40 per cent women as parliamentary candidates. Nevertheless, the study found that the two political parties failed to meet their own regional and international targets on the number of women adopted to contest parliamentary seats. Thus, the study concluded that the lack of affirmative action, Nolle prosequi, Corruption and ignoring women voices taking place in political parties perpetuates women under representation in parliament in Zambia. This shows that political parties have a role to play to strengthen women representation in parliament through affirmative action in all party structures. The study urges political parties to seriously consider employing practical deliberate strategies and mechanism to increase the number of women in parliament since Zambia does not have a legislated quota. 
 Keywords: Phenomenology, Affirmative action, gender mainstreaming, Corruption, Nolle prosequi.

The politics of evasion: The missing statehood debate in puerto rico

In this research, we explored how foundational issues can become subtext in political discourse by studying how statehood was debated in social media prior to two plebiscites in Puerto Rico. Historically in Puerto Rico, local parties are divided on this issue instead of along the more common conservative versus liberal division that is found in most parts of the United States. We collected the corpus of Twitter communication by members of Puerto Rico’s Legislature for the term of 2017-2021. Using latent topic modeling techniques, we classified the political discussion along party lines. Surprisingly, statehood was not a major topic in our model when using the full corpus of data. However, when we filtered the data to include only those tweets discussing statehood and sub-sampled them by major party, the sub-topics within statehood communication became clear and coherent as was the partisan divide. Ultimately, while there is a clear division about statehood between the parties, the issue has become so intrinsic to the political sphere in Puerto Rico that it no longer commanded significant attention in the political discourse during this period.

Competing on competence: the issue profiles of mainstream parties in Western Europe

Despite a more volatile electoral landscape and in many countries also the electoral rise of niche parties, major mainstream parties continue to define the major political alternatives that citizens in Western Europe face when it comes to government alternatives. However, the voluminous literature on party competition in Western Europe mostly takes niche parties as the starting point to understand the consequences of the changing electoral landscape and also to understand the issue strategies of major mainstream parties. These parties should come to the centerstage. They pursue a common competence strategy which leads them to focus particularly on macroeconomics, health care, and education where they can document government competence to large parts of the electorate. This implies an increased overall similarity in their issue profiles. These findings are based on CAP coded party manifestos from seven countries since the early 1980s.

미디어 법안 공동발의 네트워크의 구조적 특성 연구

This study analyzed the co-sponsorship network of media-related bills proposed in the 20th Korean National Assembly to understand the legislative process of media-related law. For this, I analyzed connectivity and network centrality based on co-sponsor attributes. The analysis revealed a clear division in the party affiliation and local constituency of the members who participated in the co-sponsorship. In particular, the division was centered on the two major parties (Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) and United Future Party (UFP)), and the members of the third-party Minsaengdang were mainly close to the DPK members, but some had networks with the UFP members. By region, members from Gyeongsang/Gangwon, and Jeolla were clustered. Honggeun Bak, Woongrae Roh of the DPK and Seang Tae Kim and Heekyung Song of the UFP were ranked high in several centrality indices, suggesting that they played a key roles and exercised influence in the media bill co-sponsorship process based on their party affiliations.