Main Winners Research Articles

Tangis Bundo Kanduang: Sub-Altern Perempuan Minang dalam Tradisi Bajapuik di Pariaman

The Bajapuik tradition describes the ongoing process of patriarchal ideological hegemony in social relations, in which the interests of the male community as a superior class are hidden, and the social rights of women as members of society are suppressed. This is a portrait of the process of gender discrimination. In the case of the bajapuik tradition, no matter how high the achievements of women and no matter The bajapuik tradition describes the ongoing process of patriarchal ideological hegemony in social relations, in which hidden the interests of the male community as a superior class, there is a suppression of women's social rights as members of society. This is a portrait of the occurrence of the process of gender discrimination. In the case of bajapuik tradition, no matter how high the achievements of women and how high the intellectual qualities of women still cannot raise their social status on par with men. This article wants to know how the struggle between customary tradition and Islamic law occurred in the Bajapuik tradition in Pariangan. Through qualitative research, it was concluded that the debate between adat and sharia in Minangkabau, adat always emerged as the main winner, especially in terms of bajapuik marriage. Sharia principles that emphasize women's rights are often left behind by customary domination. In the name of respect for custom, the bajapuik tradition increasingly provides greater benefits to the male side.how high the intellectual quality of women still cannot elevate their social status to equal with men

How has COVID-19 changed private car use in European urban areas? An analysis of the effect of socio-economic characteristics and mobility habits

The private car has been identified as the main winner among transport modes in urban areas during the COVID-19 pandemic. The fear of contagion when using public transport or the decrease in road congestion are likely to have induced changes in citizens’ travel habits with respect to cars. This work investigates the impact of the pandemic on individuals’ habits and preferences regarding their car ownership levels and car usage in the European urban context, with a special focus on the role played by individual socio-demographics and urban mobility patterns. For this purpose, a Path Analysis approach has been adopted to model car ownership and use before and after COVID-19. The main data source employed in this research is an EU-Wide Urban Mobility Survey that collects detailed information (individual and household socio-economic characteristics, built environment attributes and mobility habits) of 10,152 individuals from a total of 21 European urban areas of different sizes, geographical locations, and urban forms. The survey data has been complemented with city-level variables that account for differences across the cities that may explain changes in car-related behaviour. The results show that the pandemic has induced an increase in car use among socio-economic groups that are generally associated with low car-dependent behaviour, revealing that policy instruments that discourage the use of the private car in urban areas are needed to avoid reversing past trends in the reduction of urban transport emissions. High-income, well-educated teleworkers are observed to be the ones that have reduced their car use to a larger extent. On the contrary, low-income individuals are mostly maintaining similar levels of car mobility. Finally, frequent public transport users are more likely than occasional users to have substituted this mode by the private car.

The Effects of Partial Employment Protection Reforms: Evidence from Italy

Abstract We combine matched employer–employee data with firms’ financial records to study a 2001 Italian reform that lifted constraints on the employment of temporary contract workers while maintaining rigid employment protection regulations for employees hired under permanent contracts. Exploiting the staggered implementation of the reform across different collective bargaining agreements, we find that this policy change led to an increase in the share of temporary contracts but failed to raise employment. The reform had both winners and losers. Firms are the main winners as the reform was successful in decreasing labor costs, leading to higher profits. By contrast, young workers are the main losers since their earnings were substantially depressed following the policy change. Rent-sharing estimates show that temporary workers receive only two-thirds of the rents shared by firms with permanent workers, helping explain most of the labor costs and earnings reductions caused by the reform.

История Великой Отечественной войны в учебнике для высших учебных заведений советского Таджикистана

The article describes and analyses the chapter on the Great Patriotic War from the textbook «History of the Tajik SSR». The textbook was published in 1965 for the higher education institutions of the republic of Tajikistan. Since the textbook was written during the «thaw» period, it reflects the situation regarding the interpretation of the postwar history after the debunking of the personality cult of I. V. Stalin. The article characterizes the structure and main plot of the chapter about the Great Patriotic War. It focuses on the scientific activities of the textbook editor Academician Z. S. Radzhabov and the author of the chapter historian L. P. Sechkina. It concludes that the textbook on the history of Tajikistan for the institutions of higher education, like any other Soviet textbook, performed primarily propaganda and educational functions. The information about the Great Patriotic War is dominated by the Soviet discourse about the leading role of the party and the Soviet government. In addition, the textbook emphasizes the significant contribution of the USSR to the defeat of Nazi Germany, as the main winner among the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition. Much was said about patriotism, heroism and the selfless work of common people thanks to whom the enemy was defeated. In this regard, the author of the chapter mentions the residents of Tajikistan who distinguished themselves both at the front and in the rear. This textbook was a media channel of the cultural memory of the Soviet society about the past of Tajikistan and contributed to the formation of mass historical knowledge in the republic.

Analisis Outsourching Untuk Meningkatkan Daya Saing PT. Waskita Karya (Persero)

The fundamental goal of this exploration is to break down outsourcing and company competitiveness. A large number of literature reviews have been completed to accomplish the targets of this study. Outsourcing has become unavoidable and almost many multinational companies outsource to take advantage of scarce internal resources. In this study it was observed that the proprietor of the organization is the main winner in the outsourcing and off shoring situation. Furthermore, a detailed literature review shows that along with many other motives, the cost factor causes a major influence in outsourcing. Meanwhile, competitiveness is the company's ability to compete with commodities that meet customer needs in terms of price, quality and variety. This is possible as long as the company has a competitive advantage and its affirmation comes from the company's internal conditions and in a competitive and supportive economic environment.

The Comparison and Analysis of Make-up and Hair Style of International and Domestic Beauty Contest

This study is about beauty style focused on the grand prize winner of the Miss World Korea contest held independently in 2011 being separated from Miss Korea contest, the winners of the Miss Queen Korea contest called national representative beauty trio, and Mis Jin who is the main winner Miss Korea contest. It was conducted through comparative analysis of makeup and hairstyles in world beauty contests and domestic beauty contests. Comparing and analyzing different patterns through the characteristics of makeup and hairstyles in international beauty contests and domestic beauty contests is expected to be used as a source of new pattern research and a material of marketing in beauty industry in the future and there is a purpose that it contributes to the provocation for Korea to be a global beauty powerhouse. The makeup and hairstyles of beauties were analyzed using research papers books, Miss Queen Korea site, photo collection of Miss Korea site, Internet search, and interviews with contestants and other winners. As a result of the analysis, the world beauty pageant has a more apparent shading and smoky makeup to express sexy with boldness overly emphasizing the eye hole, and the hairstyle is also definitely given back comb to be exaggeratedly inflated, making the face look small, and the western image of a seductive style. The domestic beauty pageant broke away from the flashy and shady makeup of the past and changed to an elegant and calm natural makeup style, and the hair style was also changed from being expanded and inflated to calm and oriental image of intellectual and announcer. In previous studies, there was a close relationship between the trend beauty style and the beauty style of the beauty pageant, but in particular, in the case of the international beauty pageant, the trend and the beauty style of the beauty contest were expressed in a different form due to disimilar needs against the past, and there was no significant relationship.

Kontestasi Partai Persatuan Pembangunan Pada Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019

The United Development Party (PPP) is one of the contestants in the general election since the new order era until the current Reformation era. In the course of politics in Indonesia, PPP as a party with Islamic nuances has never been the main winner in every election, even though the majority of Muslims in this country. This reaserch aims to reveal about the implementation of the 2019 general election and to elaborate on several events related to the United Development Party (PPP), so that it has an impact on the position of its vote acquisition in the 2019 general election. This study uses a historical qualitative research method. The data was obtained through a study of literature sharing in the form of books and journals. The results showed that PPP set a target to win 8% of the vote at the national level. To achieve this target, PPP has taken several strategies, including: visiting Islamic boarding schools, approaching the millennial generation, introducing new brands, and supporting the Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin couple. However, PPP's hopes of gaining victory could not be realized because it faced several obstacles, namely: PPP's internal divisions, cracking at the ballot box, lack of public figures, and corruption cases. Some of these factors made PPP the party that took the last position in the vote that was declared to have passed as part of the members of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia.

Gentlemanly Capitalism and the Baghdad Railway, 1888 –1914: ‘Cosmopolitanism’ vs. ‘Patriotism’

According to the interpretation of Cain and Hopkins, British imperialism was driven by a social stratum they dub ‘gentlemanly capitalists’. This refers to the financial and service sector based in south-eastern England. This article aims to contribute to the ongoing discussion on Cain’s and Hopkins’s approach by exploring how far it can shed light upon the stance of British business and political elites towards the German-dominated Baghdad railway project in the Ottoman Empire. Represented by Deutsche Bank, German interests started to construct railway lines in Anatolia from 1888 onwards. In 1903, they secured a concession to build a railway connecting Ankara with the Persian Gulf (the Baghdad railway). For the British, this raised the question of whether it was better to oppose or participate in that project. The latter option was pursued by a group of London-based financial interests. However, a competing group consisting of British railway and shipping interests vociferously opposed the plan of a German-French-British joint venture as inimical to British interests, thereby forcing the British government to reverse its previous support for the project. This was followed by years of abortive British-German-Ottoman negotiations. In 1913-14, a compromise was found: The British traded their acceptance of a German-controlled Baghdad railway against a number of concessions involving the Persian Gulf, railways, shipping and, crucially, oil. On the British side, the main winners of this agreement were the very same railway and shipping interests that had wrecked the previous plan. All the financial, railway and shipping interests involved in this affair can indeed be characterized as ‘gentlemanly capitalists’ in the vein of Cain and Hopkins. However, the findings of this article also show that the ‘gentlemanly capitalists’ were not as coherent a group as Cain and Hopkins would have it: There was a deep split between the ‘cosmopolitanism’ of some financial circles and the more narrow ‘patriotism’ of the railway and shipping interests.

Фестиваль циркового мистецтва «Золотий каштан» як інструмент міжкультурного діалогу

Зростання кількості та соціальної значущості дитячих та молодіжних циркових фестивалів-конкурсів у сучасній Україні відкриває широке поле для ретельного аналізу та дослідження цього культурного феномену. У статті розглядається Київський міжнародний молодіжний фестиваль циркового мистецтва «Золотий Каштан» у контексті сучасного українського культурного простору. Аналізуються історичні аспекти створення та розвитку фестивалю, принципи його організації, мета та завдання фестивалю, вікові категорії учасників фестивалю та критерії оцінювання їх виступів, завдання оргкомітету фестивалю, суддівський склад міжнародного журі, головні нагороди, роботи окремих переможців фестивалю. Акцентується значення міжнародного молодіжного фестивалю циркового мистецтва «Золотий Каштан» як унікального заходу в культурно-виховному просторі України, що поєднує у собі мистецькі, освітні, навчальні та оздоровчі заходи. Захопленість дітей та юнаків цирковим мистецтвом та участь у фестивалі «Золотий Каштан» має велике значення у фізичному та естетичному вихованні підростаючого покоління та розвитку особистості. Міжнародний фестиваль «Золотий Каштан» сприяє розширенню творчих зв’язкiв між дитячими та молодіжними гуртками циркового мистецтва, поглибленню взаєморозуміння між молодим поколінням різних країн і народів, а також інтеграції України до світового культурного простору. Підкреслюється, що фестиваль «Золотий Каштан» є унікальним зразком різнорівневого спілкування, яке відкриває можливості для ефективної міжкультурної взаємодії, у результаті якої досягається розуміння і будуються довірливі стосунки між представниками різних культур. Виходячи з такого досвіду, доводиться, що міжнародний фестиваль «Золотий Каштан» як культурний феномен є ефективним інструментом міжкультурного діалогу, який покращує міжнародний імідж України.

George Gershwin’s jazz transcriptions in piano performance of academic tradition

George Gershwin’s jazz transcriptions in piano performance of academic tradition

Украина: значение местных выборов – 2020

The local elections held in Ukraine were far from being of local significance. They showed the real balance of political forces in the country: significant reduction in ranking of the “Servant of the People” and strengthening of the parliamentary opposition represented by the “Opposition Platform – For Life” and “European Solidarity”. These three parties each received approximately the same number of votes. This shows that the President’s political force has been unable to fulfill the role of a unifying center for the country. Ukraine has returned to a state of polarization, when the population votes for diametrically opposed political projects. However, despite the obvious loss of confidence of many voters, Zelensky’s party still retains a leading position. And what is especially important for the “Servant of the People”, as a result of the vote, it received representation at the local level thus making the President power vertical finally completed. The elections also showed a significant increase in the role of regional elites, who became the main winners of the vote. The strengthening of local authorities against the backdrop of a weakening center threatens to regionalize the country – splitting it not only politically, but also geographically.

A COBERTURA MIDIÁTICA SOBRE O FUTSAL MASCULINO NO BRASIL: PERSPECTIVA DOS ATLETAS DA SELEÇÃO BRASILEIRA PRINCIPAL

O Brasil se destaca pelo número de praticantes e conquistas internacionais no futsal. Este esporte encontra-se em processo de consolidação da profissionalização de suas práticas no país. Consequentemente, a mídia torna-se fundamental para a atração de consumidores e investidores. O objetivo deste estudo foi investigar a perspectiva de jogadores brasileiros de elite de futsal relativa à cobertura midiática sobre este esporte no Brasil. Foram realizadas entrevistas com 21 jogadores da seleção brasileira masculina principal de futsal. Após análise temática, as categorias analíticas foram discutidas com base na Teoria dos Campos de Pierre Bourdieu. Concluiu-se que, segundo os jogadores, o futsal ocupa um espaço desprestigiado na mídia esportiva, o que dificulta a atração de investimentos e desenvolvimento de carreiras. Os jogadores propõem ações ortodoxas que tentam se adaptar às normas do campo, de modo a alcançarem capitais econômicos e simbólicos que melhorem suas condições de trabalho e posição na estrutura social.

Współczesna elita warszawska w przestrzeni miasta = Contemporary Warsaw’s elite within the city

After 1989, elites, considered as main winners of the politico-economic transformation, commenced to seek for a dwelling corresponding to their social status and allowing them to stand out from other social groups. In Warsaw, despite some resemblances in their residential trajectories, preferences and choices, the different profiles within the group of elites may be distinguished. This article attempts to go beyond the classical differentiation of elites by their occupation and proposes an original typology of elites regarding socio-economic, demographic and residential characteristics, life styles as well as residential preferences. The diversity of the elitist housing has become one of the components of the process of distinction between different fractions in the group of elites.

A Tale of Two Countries: A Story of the French and US Polarization

This study investigates job polarization in the United States and in France. In the data, the dynamics of employment shares for abstract, routine, and manual jobs appear very similar in the two countries. This similarity actually hides major differences in the dynamics of employment levels by tasks. In particular, the routine employment level fell significantly in France until the mid-1990s, and then rebounded until 2007. The evolution of US routine employment went in opposite directions to that of the French economy. We then develop a multi-sectorial search and matching model with endogenous occupational choice to disentangle the respective contributions of task-biased technological change (TBTC), labor market institutions (LMI), and rising educational attainment to job polarization. For the US economy, we find that TBTC and the rising supply of skilled labor are the main drivers of polarization in a context of growing employment levels. In France, in contrast, polarization is driven mainly by LMI changes. This led to a sharp drop in routine employment in a context of declining aggregate employment until the mid-1990s, which then reversed when the impact of the minimum wage was alleviated by a subsidy policy targeted at low wage earners. Next, we quantify the welfare consequences of job polarization. Abstract and manual workers are the main winners of job polarization in both countries. Welfare gains and losses are more dispersed in the routine group. The most productive French routine workers would have been worse off without LMI changes. In contrast, displaced low-ability, routine French workers would have preferred a more flexible labor market to improve their employment prospects in their occupational change. All US routine workers suffered as a result of the drop in LMI generosity.

Development of Construction Cost Assessment Methods during Preparation for Tender

Successful development of a construction company under the market economical conditions depends on the number of contracts for construction works awarded to the company, usually on the competitive basis. The winner of a tender is chosen from the participants that have previously proved their qualification at the prequalification stage, on the basis of two criteria: bid price and construction period. Bid price is the key factor which is of the most importance to the client. It is based on contractor’s estimation of construction cost. The most common construction cost assessment methods use the valid estimate norms calculated on the basis of the averaged work costs which do not consider fluctuation of actual market prices for different kinds of resources and the chosen methods and technologies of facility construction. This paper aims to provide the basis for the development of accurate cost assessment method which is based on the actual market prices for all kinds of resources and on the methods and technologies of facility construction chosen be the contractor, rather than on the valid estimate norms. The main task therefore is the development of the key principles and sequence of construction cost assessment during preparation for tender. The offered assessment method is based on construction schedule illustrating the time association of all construction processes and is the basis for determination of the actual volume of the required resources and funds at each time point of facility construction. Given the many-sidedness of the arising problems, construction cost assessment should be conducted based on the following principles: construction schedule optimization; accounting of market cost of resources; generating the best plan of construction resource provision; cost minimization and financial flow optimization; risk accounting; project approach. Using these principles during assessment of facility construction cost within the framework of bid preparation allows increasing its competitive ability according to the main winner choice criteria – construction cost and periods.

Asymmetric information in oil and gas lease auctions with a national company

This paper analyzes bidding behavior in oil and gas tract auctions in Brazil, where the main winner has been Petrobras, a national company. We test predictions from the theory of common-value, first-price, sealed-bid auctions with asymmetric information. The tests indicate that Petrobras was better informed about tract values than other bidders. We show that Petrobras bid higher than its competitors for more profitable tracts, and that it bid more frequently than its competitors for tracts being re-offered after receiving no bids in previous auctions. We also find evidence that Petrobras could bid competitively in a limited number of auctions only, and we discuss how our results can help to improve oil and gas tract auction rules.

Lisbonizing versus Financializing Europe? The Lisbon Agenda and the (un)Making of the European Knowledge-Based Economy

The Lisbon Agenda was meant to make the European Union ‘the most dynamic and competitive knowledge-based economy (KBE) in the world’ by 2010. As that date has now come and gone, it is apt to ask whether the Lisbon Agenda achieved its objective. We engage with this very question by analyzing new empirical material on the supposed transition to a KBE. Theoretically, we problematize the very notion that EU policies promoted the emergence of a KBE by highlighting how the Lisbon Agenda was tied to the financialization of the European economy. Our findings illustrate the abject failure of the EU's decade-long strategy to foster a new economy and better employment opportunities. We show that the main winners of the EU's economic strategy have been the finance sector and those who work in it. In summary, we argue that, despite the earlier assurances of Bell and Drucker, it is not the scientist or engineer but the banker who has been empowered to command a higher price in the new world of the KBE.

Firm Size Distortions and the Productivity Distribution: Evidence from France

We show how size-contingent laws can be used to identify the equilibrium and welfare effects of labor regulation. Our framework incorporates such regulations into the Lucas (1978) model and applies it to France where many labor laws start to bind on firms with 50 or more employees. Using population data on firms between 1995 and 2007, we structurally estimate the key parameters of our model to construct counterfactual size, productivity, and welfare distributions. We find that the cost of these regulations is equivalent to that of a 2.3 percent variable tax on labor. In our baseline case with French levels of partial real wage inflexibility, welfare costs of the regulations are 3.4 percent of GDP ( falling to 1.3 percent if real wages were perfectly flexible downward). The main losers from the regulation are workers—and to a lesser extent, large firms—and the main winners are small firms. (JEL L11, L51, J8)

Qui Bono?

It has become commonplace to argue that migration in most host states is socially constructed primarily as a security threat, a process known as ‘securitisation’. Political elites and security professionals are identified as the main agents that promote this particular framing of the issue. While securitisation is often implicitly considered as a goal-orientated process, paradoxically few studies have explored its actual consequences on policy and the securitising actors themselves. Adopting a consequentialist ethics approach, this article assesses the implications of the securitisation of migration in Greece, drawing on face-to-face interviews with security professionals, discourse analysis and other primary data. It demonstrates that securitisation harms the interests not only of migrants but also, counter-intuitively, of the state and the elites that supported it in the first place. This leaves only parties of the far right as the main winners of the security frame that has characterised Greece's stance on immigration since the early 1990s, and that continues to pose obstacles to its development of a coherent immigration policy with a long-term view.

The parliamentary and executive elections in Switzerland, 2011

Although less dramatic than the previous contest, the 2011 federal elections marked a significant turning point for Switzerland. The growth of the extremes, which had dominated Swiss politics over the last twenty years, has come to an end and two new parties have established themselves at the centre of the political spectrum. The right-wing Swiss People's Party (SVP/UDC, hereafter SVP), which had grown relentlessly since the early 1990s, lost ground for the first time while the Greens, the other rising star of Swiss politics, suffered a major defeat. Both parties lost support primarily to start-ups that had broken away from their own ranks and moved to a more centrist position. The traditional centrist parties – the Liberal-Radicals (FDP/PLR, hereafter FDP) and the Christian Democrats (CVP/PDC, hereafter CVP) – continued their decline, while the Socialists (SPS/PSS, hereafter SPS) managed to increase their tally of seats despite a slight loss of support. The SPS was the main winner in the elections for the upper house, where the new centrist parties also gained representation at the expenses of both the CVP and the FDP. The elections for the collegial executive saw all incumbents re-elected and the post left vacant by the socialist minister Calmy-Rey filled by a fellow socialist, thus denying a second seat to the SVP. The results paint a picture of reduced polarisation but higher fragmentation, marking a return to the more consensual style that characterised Swiss politics from the late 1950s to the mid-1990s. This bodes well for the stability of the country's institutions, which had been shaken by the polarising ascent of the SVP, and is likely to lead to a high(er) degree of continuity in public policy making over the next four years.