Main Religion Research Articles

The Misinterpretation of Women's Status in the Muslim World

AbstractSpiritual equality, responsibility, and accountability for both men and women are well‐developed themes in the Qur'an. Spiritual equality between men and women in the sight of God is not limited purely to religious issues, but is the basis for equality in all aspects of human endeavor. This article's main interest is in the woman's status, and her role within the Arab countries. Islam is the main religion—its principles, values, and practices are dominant in the region. Therefore, this article introduces and discusses the misinterpretation of women in Islam, with special consideration of Muslim women's rights and their roles within the Muslim society. This will help to enhance future discussions of social behavior, values, and attitudes toward women in Islam.In the last few decades there has been a great misunderstanding in many aspects of public consciousness about the role of women in Arabic society. There is a significant gap between the status of males and females. However, this gap is more evident in rural areas. The level of women's rights and roles in many Arabic countries prevents women from improving their economic growth and development. This gender gap is the result of social, religious, cultural, and gender inequality. More specifically, it results from structural constraints faced by women.Gender inequality is not a new issue, nor is it only Muslim women who are suffering from this inequality. There is gender discrimination almost everywhere.The Qur'an is the basis of Islam, and encompasses rules, legislation, examples, advice, history, and system of the universe. It draws a picture of the earth and describes the roles of human beings. The Qur'an is the answer to the spiritual and material needs of the Islamic society, and is an exposition and an explanation of all aspects of life.

Mental health services in Croatia

The Republic of Croatia is in central Europe, on the Mediterranean. A large majority of its 4 440 000 inhabitants are Croats (89.6%). The main religion is Roman Catholicism (88%). Sixteen per cent of the population is aged over 65 years. Croatia was a part of Yugoslavia after the Second World War until 1991, when Croatia declared independence. Following the declaration, Croatia was attacked by the Yugoslav army and by Serbia and suffered a devastating war (1991-95). The transition had consequences for mental health, for example a dramatic rise in the prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder, especially among soldiers. The majority of soldiers received appropriate psychiatric treatment; there has, however, been an increase in claims motivated by secondary gain, as a result of government policy.

The need for hospital-based neonatal palliative care programs in Saudi Arabia

The terms palliative care, supportive care, and comfort care are used to describe individualized care that can provide a dying person the best quality of life until the end. The term “end-of-life care” is also used in a general sense to refer to all aspects of care of a patient with a potentially fatal condition. While the concept of palliative care is not new, it has only recently been applied to the neonatal population. To the best of our knowledge, none of the neonatal intensive care units (NICUs) in Saudi Arabia have adopted a neonatal program for palliative care. We believe the main reason is lack of knowledge of such programs and the fear of being accused of being heartless and cruel by providing comfort care for dying babies. Comfort care begins with the diagnosis of a life-threatening/terminal condition, and continues throughout the course of illness regardless of the outcome. In this perspective, our aim is to introduce these programs for caregivers in the NICUs in Saudi Arabia. For this purpose, we have reviewed the current recommendations in establishing neonatal palliative care programs and discussed some of the social and religious aspects pertaining to this issue.

An Empirical Study of Dual Religious Belonging

This qualitative research sets out to investigate firstly, if dual religious belonging exists, and, secondly, if it does, what the nature of this belonging is. The article defines dual religious belonging using a conceptual framework of human beings as functioning on the cognative, affective and cognative levels which allows for degrees of belonging. A battery of questions built into a structured interview was the instrument used to interview a total of thirty-three adults taken from the greater Sydney area in Australia. While many issues came to the fore in the interviews, the conclusion was that dual religious belonging did in fact exist; that a number of interviewees did in fact walk two paths, or have two religious roots. It also concluded that dual religious belonging tended to be the adherence to one main religion while having a second religion on which the individual draws.

The Bulgarian Orthodox Church: the continuing schism and the religious, social and political environment1

During the four years of the second Union of Democratic Forces (UDF) government in Bulgaria from 1997 until 2001 the Bulgarian Orthodox Church continued to be split by an apparently insoluble schis...

Which Countries Have State Religions?

Among 188 countries, 72 had no state religion in 2000,1970, and 1900; 58 had a state religion throughout; and 58 had 1 or 2 transitions. We use a Hotelling spatial competition model to analyze the likelihood that the religion market would be monopolized. Similar forces influence a government's decision to establish a state religion. Consistent with the model, the probability of state religion in 1970 and 2000 is increasing with the adherence rate to the main religion, has a nonlinear relation with population, and has little relation with per capita GDP. The probability of state religion decreases sharply under Communism, but lagged Communism has only a weak effect. With costly adjustment for institutions, the probability of state religion in 1970 or 2000 depends substantially on the status in 1900. This persistence is much stronger for countries with no major regime change than for countries with such a change.

Pakistan mental health country profile

The Republic of Pakistan is a South East Asian country with a population of over 140.7 million. Its population is fast growing and the majority (70%) live in rural areas with a feudal or tribal value system. The economy is dependent on agriculture and 35% of the population live below the poverty line. Islam is the main religion and ‘mental illnesses’ are stigmatized and widely perceived to have supernatural causes. The traditional healers along with psychiatric services are the main mental health service providers. The number of trained mental health professionals is small as compared to the population demands and specialist services are virtually non-existent. Lack of data on prevalence of various mental illnesses and monitory constraints are the major hurdles in the development of mental health services. A number of innovative programmes to develop indigenous models of care like the ‘Community Mental Health Programme’ and ‘Schools Mental Health Programme’ have been developed. These programmes have been found effective in reducing stigma and increase awareness of mental illness amongst the adults and children living in rural areas. Efforts by the government and mental health professionals have led to the implementation of a ‘National Mental Health Policy’ and ‘Mental Health Act’ in 2001. These aim at integrating mental health services with the existing health services, improving mental health care delivery and safeguarding the rights of mentally ill people. A favourable political will and the help of international institutions like the World Health Organization are required to achieve these aims.

REVISITING CHURCH GROWTH IN KOREAN PROTESTANTISM A THEOLOGICAL REFLECTION

HONG, YOUNG-GI [*] A THEOLOGICAL REFLECTION The rapid growth of the Korean church The Korean churches are situated in Asia where only eight percent (262,700,000) out of a population of three billion claim to be Christians (in 1995), and where major traditional religions, e.g. Buddhism, Islam, and Hinduism, are prevalent among the people. Asia has the largest population in the world (sixty percent of the total), but the percentage of Christians is the lowest. Considering the general reluctant reception Christianity has in Asia, the growth of the Protestant Korean church has been perceived as striking and exceptional by many leaders and scholars. Protestant church growth in Korea is characterized by its rapidity and the emergence of many large churches. In 1920 the Protestant population was 323,574, about 1.4 percent of the population. This increased to 507,922 in 1940, and to 623,072 in 1960. [1] By 1985, the Protestant population had strikingly increased to 6,489,282, or 16.1 percent of the population. In 1995, it was 8,760,000, i.e. 19.7 percent of the population. Add on the numbers of Roman Catholic Christians (6.6 percent) and Korean Christianity represents 26.3 percent of the population in that same year. In spite of its short history, Christianity has become a main religion, together with Buddhism (23.1 percent). The number of Protestant churches increased from 5,011 in 1960 to 35,869 in 1995. The growth in Korean Protestantism has resulted in a number of large churches. In 1999, it was estimated that there were 15 Protestant 'mega-churches' with more than 10,000 adult members who attended regularly, and 400 Protestant churches with more than 1,000 members in Korea. [2] These large churches may be understood as the products of a combination of cultural and contextual factors (e.g. preference for modern large-scale and rapid urbanisation), benefits from modernity (e.g. the use of technologies, resources [3] and the mass media), and strong pastoral leadership that elicits passionate spirituality from church members. These contextual [4], and theological/spiritual factors [5], as well as the role of strong and fervent pastoral leadership [6] can never be ignored. The stagnation of growth Since the early 1990s most mainline denominations in Korea have experienced a stagnation or fall-off in membership and attendance. In the 1980s the average annual growth in membership was 4.4 percent. Government statistics show that the growth rate was 3.9 percent in 1991, 0.6 percent in 1992 and minus 4 percent in 1993. Some denominations are beginning to see downward growth in their membership. A major Presbyterian church in Korea reported a decrease of 1.8 percent in membership in 1998. Speculation is rife as to the causes of this stagnation. Church leaders wonder what the future pattern will be. The current stagnation may be a warning signal that signifies problems within the church. Some factors may be suggested as the causes of this stagnation. Contextual factors that assisted the earlier rapid growth of the Korean church no longer seem to be at work. [7] New contexts that include religious pluralism, social mobility and the economic prosperity of Christians, political and social stability, the success of Buddhism, and an increased range of leisure activities may all have affected the growth of the Korean church. Materialism and secularism seem to be a powerful force in the Korean church, which has attracted the largest segment of its membership from the middle-class. So, although Christians enjoy an important position within Korean society, this assured place does not guarantee that they will not succumb to the subtle danger of becoming an irrelevance both to Korean society and to the Christian gospel. Apart from contextual factors, I would suggest two possible reasons for this stagnation: the downgrading of social credibility and the phenomenon of nominalism. …

CHRISTIAN PRESENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST

PETER E. MAKARI [*] At the close of the second millennium since the birth of our Lord, much attention around the world is focussed on the Middle East, and particularly on the historic land of Jesus Christ's life and resurrection, the land of Palestine and Israel. Pilgrims have for centuries come to the so-called Holy Land to visit the places where the events of the scriptures took place. The biblical lands are indeed special. They offer the Christian visitor a spiritual journey endowed with many meanings and a sense of immediate connectivity with our faith history. It is to this context that so many have come and this that so many have sought. The number of pilgrims expected to come to the Middle East, and particularly Palestine and Israel, during the Great Jubilee year 2000 is staggering. They will visit the Church of the Annunciation in Nazareth and the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem; they will go to Egypt, where the holy family sought refuge from King Herod; they will wet themselves along the Jordan river banks in which Christ was baptized; they will retrace Christ's steps on the Via Dolorosa in Jerusalem as he carried his cross; and they will look inside the tomb from which Christ emerged, resurrected in full glory. They will never forget the experience, or the place; but will they have encountered any of their Middle Eastern Christian sisters and brothers who are struggling to maintain their lives and livelihoods in the land of Christ? The Christian population of the Middle East is often overlooked, forgotten, or simply unknown. Those not familiar with today's Middle East correctly associate Islam with it. Islam is the overwhelming majority religion throughout the Middle East and North Africa's twenty-two nations. From Morocco to Iraq and Iran, Islam is the numerical majority. It is interesting to note, though, that the highest concentration of Muslims is not in the Middle East, but rather in South and Southeast Asia, in Indonesia and Malaysia. As for Christians in the Middle East, we have inhabited the lands of the region continuously since the days of Christ himself. The first people to be called Christians lived in Antioch. The first church, established by the apostle James, was in Jerusalem. This is our heritage. This is our history. Our roots are here. The numerical presence of Christians in the Middle East is proportionately low. The percentages vary from country to country, and estimates vary from source to source. There is no accurate and reliable census or study that offers statistics. We can say that the number of Christians in the Middle East and North Africa, the geographical distribution of churches that are members in the Middle East Council of Churches (MECC), is approximately fifteen million. Percentages of Christians vary from less than 2% in Iran, to about 10% in Egypt, to more than 40% in Lebanon. Virtually all of these Christians belong to one of the four ecclesiastical families represented in the MECC: Oriental Orthodox, Orthodox, Catholic, and Evangelical (including Anglican and Protestant churches). The Environment of the Middle East As we have already mentioned, the prevailing culture and environment in the region is Islamic. That has not always been the case, however. It is imperative that we call to mind that Islam was introduced just less than 1,400 years ago, in the early 7th century. Before that time, Christianity was the main religion of the Middle East. Even on the Arab peninsula Christianity was present and significant. As the Arab armies moved north and west, they conquered much land and important capitals for Islam before the end of the 7th century. Islamic rule was the political norm throughout, but did not immediately become a majority religion throughout the land of political rule. Christianity remained the majority for some decades and even centuries in some places. The fact that Islam eventually became the majority religion can no doubt be attributed to its appeal as a liberating political force from the oppressive Byzantine empire. …

CHEKKI, Dan A., RELIGION AND SOCIAL SYSTEM OF THE VIRASAIV A COMMUNITY

CHEKKI, Dan A., RELIGION AND SOCIAL SYSTEM OF THE VIRASAIVA COMMUNITY. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1997, 149 pp., $55.00 hardcover. Though Hinduism is the main religion of India, there are diversities (despite unity) in it and hence, differences in the styles of life of various religious communities. The book that is reviewed here is a direct evidence of it. Though originally conceived as a trinity in classical Hinduism: Brahma, Vishnu and Siva, the Saiva scriptures portray Siva as one .God and is so called because of the heroic (veera) attitude and behavior as well as the intense devotion of the followers of Virasaivism in defending their faith. Their origin is obscure, mythologically shrouded in mystery, and traditionally claimed to be of great antiquity but historically references to its practices abound in history and religious literature of south India. Of special sociological significance is Virasaivism's egalitarian ideology, ideally subscribing to the equality of gender and all castes, and in fact rejecting priestly (Brahminical), elitism and ritualism. In order to exhibit its manifest unique characteristics and distinctive identity, they symbolically wear a prototype emblem (Linga) of Lord Siva and hence they are also called the Lingayats. Such practices and distinctive characteristics make them a unique religious community, maintaining its own identity through their strong ethic of hard work, selfless service, diligence, thrift and sobriety, a community that is ready to adapt and face the challenges of change in India where they are some ten million strong. When they migrate abroad in countries like the United States and Canada, they carry with them the same work ethic which makes them achievement-oriented, but the worldly success does not make them set aside their sense of belongingness, moral interdependence and mutual obligation which make them engage in community formation in host countries. Dan A. Chekki, himself a Virasaivite, has deeply studied Virasaiva theology, philosophy and religious community for years, hence, he has an extra edge over the subject-matter of the book. Besides being an objective observer, he perhaps unconsciously adopts, what Weberian would like to call verstehen in his approach, both in his study of Virasaivism and various dimensions of Virasaiva community in India and North America where while adjusting to the North American way of life, the community members are able to maintain their vital communal bonds through a strong network of interactions and community associations. Because of many survey-type publications of various ethnic communities in North America, (some times using a theory of ethnic community), the reader may be misled to believe that the book under review is also one more addition to such surveys. This is not the case. As the title of the book indicates, it carefully examines the correlation between religion and social system of Virasaiva community. In order to understand how it is done, we would briefly examine the organization of the book in various parts and what is found in various chapters of each part. The book is divided into three parts. Part I deals with the patterns of Virasaiva religious culture; it comprises of some seven chapters, all most systematically and painstakingly researched, and written with utmost clarity including such difficult but significant dimensions of Virasaivism as the ethical, psychological, theological and philosophical. Part I and its seven chapters form a backdrop against which Chekki presents Part II of the book, its heart with the central theme: the social system and cultural dynamics of the Virasaiva community. …

The Romantic Shadows of Avalon

The Romantic Shadows of Avalon Ayla Aygun (bio) In the Mists of Avalon, life seemed so romantic. Both natural beauty and magic combined to make an enchanting world not a bit like mine. The Mists of Avalon is a tale set in mythical, ancient Camelot. The author, Marion Zimmer Bradley, has told the story from the point of view of the women: Gwenhwyfar, Igraine, and Morgause, instead of the men: Lancelot, King Arthur, and Merlin. In the original story of Camelot these men were the main characters, but in the Mists of Avalon, they were supporting characters for the women. The spiritual lives of the women of Camelot were shown in contrast to the lives of the men. The men were occupied with war and obtaining power, while the women worshipped their deities, both Christian and pagan, with a devotion rarely seen in our time. Religion was truly part of their lives. Although Christianity had just been introduced, the main religion was Wicca. This is a pagan religion centered around a female deity known by many names. In this book she is referred to as Lady Ceridwen. We know her as "Mother Nature." In Camelot, the rituals took place on the equinoxes and phases of the moon. During these rituals, the worshippers paid reverence to their god and goddess and communed with them through dance and meditation. Lately there has been a renewal of interest in Wicca, Shamanism, and other pagan beliefs. Very likely the reason for this renewed interest is that we have come to understand that the earth is fragile, and holy, and therefore must be cared for. Pagan groups are once again using rituals to demonstrate reverence for the earth. To preserve the Earth, we must change our way of life and our values so that they include the needs of Nature. At that time clothing was hand-made of wool or linen, buildings were stone or wood, and herbs were gathered for healing and magic. Nature, not science, was the source of useful materials. People who knew the use of herbs were revered and considered special members of society. Herbs were gathered and prepared for healing and rituals. A tea of chamomile was used to heal upset stomachs. Today we turn to a bottle of prepared, colored syrup. Herbs were considered sacred gifts from the Goddess, and when picked, a blessing or invocation would be made. They were regarded as holy and special. In the Mists of Avalon, the women would swoop around with their richly colored cloaks, hanging gracefully to the ankle. Their cloaks were hand-dyed in colors of saffron and deep wode blue. The women hand-picked the herbs needed to dye the soft woolen fabric. These herbs gave colors that were earthy and natural, unlike the garish neon pinks and oranges in the clothing worn today. These natural colors did not intrude upon the simplicity and beauty of nature, instead they complemented nature. My own jacket is made of the man-made fabric "Thinsulate." It keeps me warm, but I do not cut a romantic figure like the ladies in their elegant cloaks. The cloaks gave them a willowy, wispy form, as they moved through the dark stone halls. The ladies in Camelot would often wear a piece of jewelry that had a personal, or magical, value. The main character of the story, Morgaine, was a priestess of Avalon. She worshipped and represented the goddess, who represented Nature. She received a honey colored amber necklace from her trainer, Viviane. She wore it every day because it reminded her of Viviane, who had trained her to be a priestess. The necklace was in the shape of a drop of water and hung on an unpolished silver chain, so that it dipped attractively at her chest. Today my favorite piece of jewelry is a ring that I picked up for twenty dollars in New York. I bought it because it was pretty. It holds no memories or unusual powers. It's just a decoration, nothing more. Even the land of Camelot had a romantic atmosphere. The landscape was hilly and gently undulating like a calm and inviting sea. In the morning a mist would...

The Tahitian churches and the problem of the french presence in 1991

QUITE APART FROM THE POSITIONS THAT THE HEADS OF THE DIFFERENT TAHITIAN Churches may take with regard to the atomic bomb, or the land problem in French Polynesia, the French presence itself poses a problem for them. These Churches consider that they have a legitimate right to comment on and evaluate the evolution of the Territory. Beyond the great principles of social justice and of human dignity, historical circumstances explain what, from a Western point of view, is often regarded as a trespassing of religion on politics.l The question also arises of whether nationalist or even independentist ideas, which are developed in the Evangelical or Protestant Churches, reflect a con sensus of opinion at the base, or are only the concerns of a minority of urbanised leaders removed from the realities of everyday life in the parishes. Supposing that they do not come from the base, what impact do these ultra-nationalist speeches have on Polynesian believers ? which is to say, concretely and politically speaking, on the voters? The very phrase 'Tahitian Churches' will bear some historical definition. Tahiti and other parts of what is now French Polynesia were evangelised from 1797 by British missionaries of the London Missionary Society and despite the arrival of other religions in the 19th century, Protestantism remains the majority religion. According to the last census of the population which included the question of religious adherence, conducted in 1971, the Evangelical Church (Protestant) totalled 50% of the entire population of the Territory: such a figure is still valid today, or may be just slightly lower. In 1991, Protestants comprised about 80% of the 6,500 inhabitants of the Austral Islands, 70% to 75% of the 22,000 inhabitants of the Leeward Islands, and 50% of the 140,000 inhabitants of the Windward Islands (Tahiti and Moorea). They represented a small minority (5 to 6%) of the 12,000 inhabitants of the Tuamotu-Gambiers, and about 10% of the 7,300 Marquesas people. The second main religion in French Polynesia is Roman Catholicism, which succeeded in establishing itself in the most remote areas of the Territory, but also in Tahiti, especially among the demi or mixed-race population and, more recently, in the Chinese community. Catholics comprise a great majority in the

Zan-ha (_??__??_), Folk-poets, in the Sip Song Panna A Case Study of the Complex-cultures in the Yünnan Area

In Xishuang-banna Daizu Zizhizhou (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_), in China, the Sip Song Panna had been as a tribal-kingdom of Tai Lü, their main religion was Theravada Buddhism.When: Lü was conquered by the Yüan-Empire (_??__??_)in the 14th century, the chief called Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) was appointed Tu-su(_??__??_), who were the government officials of the native tribes in the Chinese dynasties.In the Sip Song Panna, Zan-ha, folk-poet groups, used to sing on the occasions of initiations, Buddhistic ceremonies, and other rituals. In addition to singing on such occasions, they told stories originating in India.In Lü, every man had to be monk once in his life. Zan-ha were chosen by singing competitions, held among people who had quit the priesthood. There was a hierarchy among the temples with the monks from Zhao-pian-ling' (_??__??__??_) s family at the top. Zan-ha were also concerned with indigenous religious ceremony of the Lü. In general women were prohibitted from becoming monks. However, some women were permitted to join the Zan-ha. It was believed that women usually guided the spirits. The origin of the female Zan-ha seems to be from the shamans. But the ceremonies of the Lü had both indigenous and Buddhistic aspects. Therefore, Zan-ha can be regarded as a symbol of a complex religion. To understand this, the process of making a complex religion must be examined.From the legends, it is known that the Zan-ha were gathered at the court, when the 12th Zhao-plan-ling (_??__??__??_), She-long-fa (_??__??__??_), ruled the Sip Song Panna. Afterwards, the authorized Zan-ha chanting rulers were chosen among them.In the 14th century, Buddhism had not yet prevailed among the people. Among materials, such as the “Pai yi zuan” (⌈_??__??__??_⌋) of the early Ming (_??_) dynasty, it can be found that shamans invited spirits. But the details of Buddhism were not written. In addition, Wan-Song (_??__??_) reported that Zan-ha, like medical doctors and village chiefs, were branches of shamans. His report indicates that Zan-ha were based on the indigenous cultures before Buddhism prevailed.After She-long-fa (_??__??__??_) appeared in the Sip Song Panna, social changes arose. The authority of Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) rose by the prevalence of Buddhism. Accordingly, the Zan-ha's songs changed. In the She-long-fa (_??__??__??_) period, the book of “Wa-lei-a-ta-na-kan-ha-tai” (⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋) was written. This book reported about chanting for the king by Buddhistic Poems. We may think that the authority of Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) was linked with Buddhism. In the 16th century, the Sip Song Panna was invaded by the Taungoo ruler of Burma. During the period of this commotion, the book of “Zuo-lei-sha-duo-jia-shi-man-shi-muan” (⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋) —16th century—and the book of “Wa-lei-ma-yue-kan-ha-tai” (⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋) (1615) were written. These books criticised Buddhism, respecting higher the indigenous religions. Particulary the latter book was forbidden by Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_). Among Zan-ha, there were some who composed the songs of the resistance against the rulers. The above two books suggest not only the aspect of resistance against authority, but also the friction between the Indian culture, linked with Buddhism, and the indigenous culture.In the 18th century, when the Sip Song Panna had recovered its security again, Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) was appointed the tu-su (_??__??__??_) of the Qing (_??_) dynasty. The complex-culture had been formed in this period, among the Indian and the indigenous cultures.In the period of the Ming dynasty, the authority of Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) increased. Eberhard supposes that the authority of the tribal chief would rise as he was appo