Main Political Parties Research Articles

Women’s participation in Ethiopia’s 2021 elections: the role of political parties

This study examines the role of Ethiopia’s main political parties and the participation of women during the three stages of the 2021 election cycle – the pre-voting, voting and post-voting periods. Four political parties – Prosperity, Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice, National Movement of Amhara, and ENAT – were selected and their party manifestos and reports analysed. Interviews were conducted with 12 individuals representing political party leaders and women candidates. Reports of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) and the media are also included. Data is thematically grouped and interpreted using a conceptual construct of political parties’ role in promoting women’s political representation as developed by UNDP and NDI. The findings revealed the paradoxes and inconsistencies of political parties’ ideologies and strategies which affect women’s participation in party politics and the subsequent election outcome. This paper recommends that, given the absence of a quota system to guarantee adequate women’s participation in elections, political party self-regulatory measures could offer an alternative option to increase the political participation of women in Ethiopia.

Reconstituting the ‘good woman’: Gendered visual politics on social media during 2021 state election in West Bengal, India

This paper explores the visual politics of gender in electoral politics in West Bengal (WB). We examine how women political candidates visually construct their non-verbal political performance on social media, and how such visuals relate to social mores and societal expectations surrounding femininity. Drawing on theories of the social construction of gender and visual political communication, we conducted a content analysis of 1,033 visual artefacts from eight individual women candidates and 205 from the Facebook and X (formerly Twitter) pages of the four main political parties taking part in the January-April 2021 electoral campaign for state-level elections in WB. We analysed how these candidates construct gendered relationships with the electorate through different cues on the platforms, such as sartorial choices (traditional or Western attire), use of culture-specific religious symbols (sindoor or vermillion, bindi – forehead marking worn by married Hindu women), and gendered/non-gendered political actions like cooking or serving food, giving speeches or meeting constituents in political processions. Our findings about the visually performed politics show a combination of cultural, political, and gender signifiers, which are mediated and remain connected to societal expectations, and historical narratives. The candidates’ negotiation of these aspects, in turn, underscores a reproduction of colonial legacies and, in the present day, an ongoing production of societal differences. This study contributes to the growing body of literature on visual politics of gender, particularly in Asian contexts. It sheds light on the nuanced ways women politicians use social media to construct their visual identities, and how the deployment of body politics into the relatively ‘new’ online sphere reifies ‘old’ social, political, cultural symbolisms, and norms regarding gender. In this way, this article highlights the importance of considering pre-digital forms of gendered identity construction and visual representation when analysing the contested terrain of digital visibilities.

Partisan Politics in Greece from 1974 to the Economic Crisis and Beyond

Abstract This paper presents the main features of the Greek political landscape during the period 1974–2008 and examines whether the governing ideology of the country’s main political parties is correlated with specific fiscal and monetary policy patterns. The descriptive analysis reveals two key findings. First, the data indicates ideological differences in fiscal policy during the pre-1993 period, with PASOK governments exhibiting higher public spending and deficits, while the conservative New Democracy (ND) demonstrated greater fiscal restraint. Monetary policy during this period also appears to follow ideological differences. Second, in the post-1993 period, two trends emerged that do not seem to be ideologically driven. From 1994 to 2001, both major political parties in Greece focused on joining the Economic and Monetary Union, aligning their policies with the Maastricht Treaty. This resulted in a decrease in government expenditure and an increase in total revenue, even under the left-wing PASOK government that was in office during that period. However, after Greece joined the eurozone, external constraints such as the Stability and Growth Pact did not effectively enforce fiscal discipline. From 2001 onward, there was an increase in expansionary fiscal policies, even under the right-wing ND government, suggesting that government ideology had minimal influence on fiscal variables during this period. Greece provides an intriguing example of how partisan politics can intersect with international institutional and policy constraints. (JEL codes: H2 and H1)

Political Polarization Triggers Conservatives’ Misinformation Spread to Attain Ingroup Dominance

Conservatives are often blamed for spreading misinformation, but it is unclear whether certain situations trigger them and, if so, why. The authors examine situations that are politically polarized, meaning the topic and/or its framing conveys conflict, discord, or disagreement between the two main political parties (conservatives and liberals). The authors study whether conservatives react to polarized situations by spreading ingroup-skewed political misinformation that is objectively inaccurate but not necessarily understood to be false and whether liberals are less reactive. Using a multimethod approach, the authors conduct six studies, including analyses of statements by public figures and speeches by U.S. presidents, as well as controlled experiments. The results indicate that in polarized situations, conservatives’ need for ingroup dominance is elevated, so they convey more misinformation than liberals. In less polarized situations, conservatives’ need for ingroup dominance is tempered, reducing their misinformation conveyance. These findings suggest that misinformation should not be blamed solely on the individual trait of conservativism, as polarized situations exaggerate conservative motives and behaviors. While news media, social media, political figures, and others may be incentivized to emphasize political polarization to gain audiences and bolster engagement, the resulting misinformation harms truth, trust, and democracy. Possible remedies include improved fact-checking and media literacy education.

Position, salience and rhetoric: the strategic tools employed by the main Scottish political parties in the post-devolution era

Position, salience and rhetoric: the strategic tools employed by the main Scottish political parties in the post-devolution era

Religion, Morality, and Democracy in Ghana

Abstract Many Ghanaians express concern about what they regard as a serious decline in morality and integrity, at both elite and popular levels. The decline is believed to fuel corruption, undermine national development, and diminish faith in democracy as the best available system of government. The paper argues that a close relationship between Ghana’s largest church, the Church of Pentecost (CoP), and the country’s two main political parties, the New Patriotic Party and the National Democratic Congress, threatens Ghana’s secular constitution and the country’s three decades of democracy in two ways. First, the CoP wants undemocratically to impose a framework to control Ghanaians’ moral behaviour according to the church’s values and beliefs. Second, the CoP’s influence on Ghana’s two main political parties seeks to prioritise power and control over all Ghanaians regardless of their religious affiliation and of the country’s commitment to democratic norms and institutions.

The politics of the targeting and expansion of pro-poor programs in Ghana

ABSTRACT The paper examines how the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty program in Ghana is politicised and its implications for poverty reduction. Data from 26 in-depth interviews and 12 focus group discussions were analysed. The paper observes that a broad cross-party consensus exists because the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) program has been politicised by the two main political parties, namely the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party, who target the policy to their politically supportive districts and communities. The key pathway for the politicisation and subsequent expansion of the program is partisan manipulation of the District Level Implementation Committees (DLICs), partisan selection of beneficiaries, and party membership card as a requirement for inclusion. These political considerations tend to result in wrong targeting, where undeserving beneficiaries are included, thereby undermining sustained poverty reduction and inclusive development potential of the LEAP program.

Post-Truth Politics: An Analysis of News Channel’s Coverage of Political Leaders’ Speeches in Public Processions in Pakistan

This study attempts to find out the symptoms of post-truth political culture — politics of emotions rather than rational political debate — in the context of Pakistan. The data in the form of political speeches of politicians from March to July 2022 was taken from Youtube. Political speeches of leaders of four main political parties of Pakistan were analyzed: Imran Khan from Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Maryam Nawaz from Pakistan Muslim league (PML-N), Bilawal Bhutto Zardari from Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), and Maulana Fazal Ur Rehman from Jamiat-Ulema-Islami (JUI-F). Using the quantitative content analysis method, the content of 26 speeches, consisting of almost 854 minutes, was broken down into nine categories: policy, facts, false statements, religion, party, promises, performance, public issues, and opposition. Agenda setting theory laid the theoretical approach to observe post-truth dilemmas in political speeches in the public processions. The observed categories were compared across all politicians descriptively: the speeches had 2% facts; 4% false statements; 5% discussion on policy making; 41% arguments attacking the opponent political party; 12% religious references; 12% promises; 10% arguments were about the leader’s own political party; 5% were based on their past performance; whilst, only 9% addressed the public issues.

Performance of Women-led Political Parties in Lesotho’s 2022 National Elections

Since the dawn of multi-party democracy in Lesotho in 1993, few political parties have been formed and led by women, and they are not doing well. The main political parties lack the political will and commitment to nominate women as leaders. In the elections of 7 October 2022, none of the main political parties were led by women and none of them won a single constituency. While many women-led parties could not make it into parliament, a few women leaders got into parliament through Proportional Representation (PR). Four women-led political parties contested the election, all of them performing dismally. It is important to explore why women-led political parties did not perform well, as Lesotho has signed and ratified international protocols on women’s empowerment and equality in politics, among others, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolution 1325, the African Union (AU) Maputo Protocol, and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) protocol on gender and development. All these urge member states to ensure meaningful participation of women in politics and elections, specifically as leaders. We assess the implementation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 5) on gender equality and women empowerment to measure the progress Lesotho has made and the challenges yet to be addressed. This article explores factors that contributed to this poor performance and analyses the reasons for the poor performance by reviewing relevant documents regarding the performance of women-led political parties in Lesotho’s 2022 national elections.

Mechanisation, wages, and royalties: Unpacking coal lock-in through 120 years of parliamentary debates in the world's largest exporter

Australia is the world's largest exporter of coal by value, and only recently lost out on volume to neighbouring Indonesia. This paper examines 120 years of parliamentary debates to better understand how Australia attained this position and the lessons this has for a carbon constrained future. The paper adopts a socio-technical transitions perspective, drawing on parliamentary records, historical literature and socio-economic statistics. This comprehensive large-scale analysis uses established dynamic topic modelling methods, and contributes novel tools and methods to aid the quality, interpretation and reproduction of the presented results. Results show that after supply and workers' rights problems, a mid-century compromise was reached between the main political parties (and industrial actors). This compromise relied on increasing the efficiency and hence profitability of mines. Profits would be shared with workers to remove industrial disputes. This initiative set off a path-dependent trajectory of growth that forestalled competition from lower-wage producers like Indonesia and hampered reactions as climate change came to the fore. Attention to coal in the Australian federal parliament is now at even higher levels than in the 1950s. However, while a similar compromise appears necessary, it does not seem forthcoming.

The fallacy of interactivity on Twitter: the case of Andalusian political parties in 2020

The advent and spread of social networking sites have been the object of study of most of the research performed on political communication over the past 25 years. However, more recent inquiries have indicated that the political establishment still has not fully exploited the interactive potential of these media. Against this backdrop, this paper presents the results of a systematic study of the communication between the main political parties in Andalusia (the most populous region in Spain) and the citizenry on Twitter, with the aim of confirming whether or not it is really interactive and participatory. To this end, the spotlight is placed here on those parties most active online and on the way in which they foster interactivity, the subjects that they broach and the functions of their messages. The data were obtained from a content analysis of the tweets (n = 10,729) posted on the official profiles of the main Andalusian parties in 2020. The results indicate that there was no interactive communication with the citizenry, despite the fact that they were in much need of reassurance owing to the unprecedented situation to which the COVID-19 pandemic had given rise. The Andalusian political parties still use social networking sites for the one-way dissemination of information, which shows that they are not, in practice, horizontal and participatory spaces of communication, as the cyber-optimists, defending the innovation hypothesis, predicted.

A qualitative study on the attitudes of women politicians toward their roles in politics: a case of Northern Cyprus.

Politics is a mechanism of cooperation for the common interest of society. In this mechanism, each individual is expected to participate equally in the leadership and decision-making mechanisms. Women's participation in politics is essential for the spread of good governance and democracy. Globally, political participation is disaggregated by gender, with men's participation greater than women's. A lower representation of women in politics is also observed in Northern Cyprus. The attitudes or views of society and politicians may determine the political participation of women in leadership positions. This study examines the obstacles and determining factors that make it difficult for women to reach leadership positions even though their political role is increasing. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 21 female participants for this research. Eleven of them are female ministers in parliament and represent the three main political parties in the country. The remaining 10 female participants are also members of the central executive body of the three parties and the National Assembly. Women politicians believe that problems related to gender equality in politics prevent women from entering active politics and rising to leadership positions. Although there was no gender discrimination in Northern Cyprus means that women have gained equal rights with men in many areas, it was concluded that the traditional political culture keeps women out of politics.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ РЕФОРМЫ В УЗБЕКИСТАНЕ: ИТОГИ И ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ

The article deals with the first results of socio-political and socio-economic reforms initiated by the new President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Sh. Mirziyoyev, who succeeded I. Karimov in 2016. Over the past 7 years Uzbekistan has held 3 presidential (2016, 2021 and 2023), and 1 parliamentary elections (2019–2020), as well as the Constitutional Referendum (2023). The article presents an analysis of the results of all those most important events for the country and shows what impact they have had on Uzbek society. It studies the positions of the main political parties that participated in the parliamentary elections and their candidates represented in the presidential election. The author emphasizes the role of the incumbent President Sh. Mirziyoyev, who announced the beginning of significant reforms in all major spheres of the country’s life. He also gives the main directions and content of these reforms. Profiles of 5 leading political parties of Uzbekistan, which are represented in the lower house of parliament, are analyzed.. The results of the parliamentary elections of 2014–2015 and 2019–2029 are compared. There is a study in the course of the presidential election campaigns of 2021 and 2023, as well as the electoral programs of the candidates who participated in them. The forecast for further development of the political system of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the conditions of continuation of the course on its modernization declared by Sh. Mirziyoyev is made.

The Impact of Soft Tools of EU Rule of Law on Member States: The Case of Spain

This article aims to analyze the interaction between the European Commission and a member state, Spain, in enforcing the rule of law. The case in point is the General Council of the Judiciary (Consejo General del Poder Judicial, CGPJ), whose composition has not been renewed for five years as a result of disagreements between the main political parties, the People’s Party (Partido Popular, PP) and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español, PSOE). This situation has raised doubts about the judicial independence in the country. In this context, the article addresses the following research questions: How has the European Commission influenced political actors to remedy the situation regarding the CGPJ? And how have Spanish political actors used EU actions in the domestic debate on the renewal and reform of the CGPJ? The Spanish case shows that in a pro-European context, political actors strategically use the EU to justify their approach in a given situation. The EU is also perceived as a safeguard against a possible deterioration of the situation. In addition, the visibility of the problem due to the involvement of the EU level makes the politicians concerned about the international image of the country.

Personalization of politics through visuals: Interplay of identity, ideology, and gender in the 2021 West Bengal Assembly Election Campaign

Visual messaging is a cornerstone of campaign strategies of political parties and candidates that can complement and amplify the effects of the written/spoken word. Through a thematic analysis of the Facebook ads of the two main political parties during the 2021 West Bengal assembly elections in India, this paper shows the interplay of identity, ideology, and gender in the visual communication strategies of political parties on Facebook as they tried to mobilize voters in an intensely polarized context. Both the incumbent and the opposition parties framed issues in their visual campaigns that were culturally situated; these issues centered around identity and ideology while simultaneously emphasizing strong leadership with gendered rhetoric. Our findings contribute to the advancement of theoretical understanding of political personalization, highlighting the intricate interplay between gender, ideological inclinations, and cultural identity, all of which profoundly influence the personalization process in the context of an intensely polarized election campaign.

Strategie wyborcze głównych partii opozycyjnych Turcji w okresie rządów Partii Sprawiedliwości i Rozwoju

Electoral strategies of Turkey’s main opposition parties during the rule of the Justice and Development Party This paper aims at analyzing the evolution of the electoral strategies of the main oppositional political parties to the Justice and Development Party, which has been in power since 2002. Assuming that due to the increasing autocratization of Turkey’s political system, the opposition’s options for action remain limited, and any eventual victory depends on the ability to form electoral coalitions, the paper will trace the political path taken by the AKP itself and the political parties opposed to it until the elections in 2023. At the same time, the question will be asked about the reasons for the defeat of the opposition parties in 2023. The basic assumption here is that the internally diversified National Alliance failed to construct a comprehensive programmatic offer capable of attracting voters of the ruling party on a massive scale and at the same time it failed to deliver a sufficiently satisfactory offer to its own electorate.

From Bitter Enemies to Political Partners: Shifting Viewpoints of Slovenian Clericals and Liberals during World War I

The article examines Slovenian liberal and clerical magazines to analyse the adaptations of the political narratives of the two main Slovenian political parties from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 until early in the final stage of World War I in March 1918. Slovenian clericals, who gathered together in the Slovenian People's Party, reacted to the killings in Sarajevo by adopting a strong pro-Habsburg and anti-Serbian position. Their magazines even called for a military invasion of Serbia. In comparison, their primary political competitors on Slovenian soil, the Slovenian liberals congregated in the National Progressive Party and condemned the act of assassination, yet they were critical of the Austrian anti-Serbian policy for having escalated the war. These two Slovenian political parties were also divided on the issue of the future envisioned for the Slovenian nation within South Slavic state formations. The clericals pressed for realization of the trialist idea, which forecast a Croatian–Slovenian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy with its centre in Zagreb. The liberals, in contrast, dreamed of a larger South Slavic state that would bring all South Slavs together and have its centre in Serbia. The development of the war, chiefly the Entente's foreseeable victory, the threat of implementation of the London Pact, and the fact that Austrian Germans characterized all emancipatory Slovenian political movements as an anti-state element, all worked to force Slovenian clericals to cooperate with their pre-war enemies. The overriding aim was for them to retain their leading position among Slovenians by formally cooperating with the liberal stream, including taking over part of the liberal political strategy, in order to ensure that it was in the best possible position in the South Slavic state at end of the war.

Results of the Finnish parliamentary elections and their possible impact on Russian-Finnish relations

The article examines the results of the next parliamentary elections in Finland, which took place on April 2, 2023. The author assesses the performance of the main political parties in the period since the previous elections and considers the key positions of the election campaigns of the parties that passed to parliament in 2023. In order to identify the dynamics of changes in the political situation, the author conducts a comparative analysis of the results of the leading political parties in Finland in the elections of 2019 and 2023, and characterizes the parties that were represented in the parliament in the period from 2019 to 2023. The author considers the results of the government formed in December 2019 headed by the leader of the Social Democratic Party S.Marin, the possible reasons for the preservation of the high rating of the head of this government among the population and its impact on the course of the election campaign in 2023. Special attention is paid to the position of the Finnish leadership and leading political parties regarding Russia's special military operation in Ukraine. Finland's support of anti-Russian measures and NATO membership has destroyed many years of trade and economic ties between the countries. The forecast for the further development of Russian-Finnish relations cannot be called optimistic: the mutual cooling of recent years is likely to continue. There is a chance to build new ties between Russia and Finland, but it requires certain efforts and counter steps from both countries.

Illegal Immigration from Latin America Amid the 2024 U.S. Presidential Campaign: Polarization Effects

Illegal immigration, particularly from Latin American countries, remains a major issue that divides the political process in the United States. Both Republican and Democratic candidates are exploiting this problem for political gain, as they compete for voters' support in the lead-up to the 2024 presidential election. While representatives of the two main political parties align on negative attitudes towards the issue, their approaches to addressing the problem are signifi cantly divided. This study aims to examine the impact of the polarising eff ects of Latin American illegal immigration on the political process in the United States within the context of the 2024 presidential campaign. The article takes a regional approach, examining presidential candidates from the Democratic and Republican parties who have formally declared their intention to run on September 1, 2023. The article concludes that the ongoing migration crisis in the United States and related socio-economic issues will remain a major concern in the future. Overall, discussions on this matter extend beyond domestic political discourse in the United States and now encompass the contentious interAmerican relations and the outlook for the liberal-democratic model as a whole.

Political party offers of representation for minority voters: advertising in Chinese-language newspapers in New Zealand

For reasons of both electoral competitiveness and democratic legitimacy, political parties in diverse democracies increasingly compete for the votes of immigrant and ethnic minority voters. A considerable literature has examined the effects of electoral advertising on the partisanship and turnout of targeted groups. Little attention has been given, however, to the nature of the representational offers contained in advertising that targets ethnic minorities. Do party advertisements offer descriptive representation, by featuring ethnic candidates? Do they offer geographic representation, by focusing on districts where ethnic minorities live? Do they offer to represent ethnic minorities’ specific interests or experiences? Where ethnic minorities are internally diverse, what efforts do parties make to address such diversity in their advertising? How parties answer these questions affects the scope and inclusivity of the representational offers extended to ethnic minority voters, with consequences for their political inclusion and representation. We examine how these questions have been answered in New Zealand, a country characterised by high rates of inward migration and the enfranchisement of resident non-citizens. Using data from a novel study of New Zealand political parties’ election advertisements targeting Chinese voters, we assess the quantity and character of representational offers made to this internally diverse minority group. Our findings suggest that, even as the main political parties are increasingly making specific representational offers to Chinese New Zealanders, these offers vary across the political spectrum in their quantity, scope and inclusiveness.