Lutheran Minister Research Articles

Friedrich Nietzsche

Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900) was born in the village of Röcken, in Prussian Saxony, the son and grandson of Lutheran ministers. He studied theology and classical philosophy at the University of Bonn, but in 1865 he gave up theology and went to Leipzig. Then he discovered the composer Richard Wagner and the philosophers Schopenhauer and F. A. Lange (author of History of Materialism and Critique of its Present Significance, 1866). He won a prize for an essay on Diogenes Laertius, the biographer of ancient Greek philosophers, and was appointed associate professor of classical philology at Basel, when he was only twenty-four. He became a full professor the following year. His principle writings between then and 1879, when illness made him resign from the university, were The Birth of Tragedy (1872) and Human, All Too Human (1878). After his resignation his principal writings were Daybreak (1881), The Gay Science (1882), Thus Spoke Zarathustra (Parts 1 and 2 published 1883, Part 3 published 1884, Part 4 issued privately 1885, published 1892), Beyond Good and Evil (1886), On the Genealogy of Morals (1887), The Wagner Case (1888) and Twilight of the Idols (1888). Nietzsche became insane in January 1889, and vegetated until his death in 1900. His madness was probably tertiary syphilis, which he may have contracted while ministering to sick soldiers in 1870 as a medical orderly in the Franco-Prussian war.

The Prairie Frontier ed. by Sandra Looney, Arthur Husebo, and Geoffrey Hunt

70 V/estern American Literature The Prairie Frontier. Edited bySandra Looney, Arthur Huseboe, and Geoffrey Hunt. (Sioux Falls, South Dakota: The Norland Heritage Foundation/ Augustana College, 1984. 166 pages, $6.95.) This collection of eleven essays and an introduction which summarizes and justifies each one is the third in a series on “the cultural heritage of Siouxland,” the ultimate term in the phrase the invention of Frederick Manfred [Feike Feikema] for the setting of his novels and poems. The essays were originally presented at a “Nordland Fest” in Sioux Falls. As a conse­ quence the essays have an oral quality about them—one, in fact, is a trans­ cription of an interview conducted in 1977. Manfred isthe subjectof one essay, “Bard of Siouxland,” byNancy Owen Nelson, and the author of one, “Old Voices in My Writings.” Other subjects are Indian “literature” (the term broadly defined), plains women in litera­ ture, wildness and human values, and immigrant letters and diaries. Two essays present the Norwegian-American novelist Ole Relvaag in the words of two men who knew him personally. Another essay focuses on the experiences of two Germans, Lutheran ministers, in Crow country in Montana in 1858, and still another discusses sources and approaches for historical research in small towns. The eleventh essay, on the fragility of paper used in books and journals, seems out of place, something like a small child at a political gathering. The rationale for the collection is best offered by Professor Alice T. Gasque in her study of “Plains Women in Literature”: [Many] writers have moved in and out of the literary canon, largely because of social changesin our culture. In the last fewyears, the literary canon has been under reconstruction by representatives of several [minority] groups who were earlier excluded . .. by the social, economic, and political biases of the literary establishment (26). If we can accept that thesis (and as author of literary histories of Iowa and Chicago, I can) we will appreciate this collection of essays; the attempt here is to “canonize” writers and subjects hitherto deemed beneath the attention of our literary “fathers.” The most significant person discussed is Rolvaag, who, although he is recognized by many as the second best of novelists of the midwest prairie, does not appear in such studies as Sixteen Modern American Authors, a collectionwhich listsonlyCather and Fitzgerald as significant writers from the prairie states. CLARENCE A. ANDREWS Iowa City, Iowa ...

W.M.L. de Wette's Contributions to Biblical Theology

Wilhelm Martin Leberecht de Wette lived in Germany and Switzerland from 1780 to 1849. He belonged to a family that had emigrated from the Netherlands to Germany in 1559, and several of his ancestors including his father had been Lutheran ministers in the Duchy of Weimar. After six years of study in Jena, he taught theology in Jena, Heidelberg, Berlin, and eventually in Basel from 1822 to his death in 1849.

South-Slavic American Autobiography: Three Variations

In the tremendous post-1880 influx of Slavic peoples to American shores, the South Slavic nationalities were duly represented as thousands fled the impoverished, desperate villages and the political oppression of the decadent Austro-Hungarian Empire. Largely uneducated, almost all poor, sometimes denied the use of their own Slavic tongue in the Hungarian classrooms, they sought in America the freedom to be Slavic, to better their economic positions, and to realize their individual worth which the rearguard imperialism of Central Europe long denied them. Although many recorded their observations in the native tongue volumes of crudely-written popular poetry, for example few wrote in English and fewer still wrote autobiography. My intent is to examine three such autobiographies written by three immigrants from the South Slavic nationalities that now make up Yugoslavia: the Serbian Michael Pupin's From Immigrant to Inventor (1922), the Croatian Louis Sanjak's In Silence (1938), and the Slovenian Louis Adamic's Laughing in the Jungle (1932). All post-World War I works after the influx of South Slavic peoples had been curtailed by restrictive legislation they range from the simplistic, pedestrian narrative of Sanjak, a Croatian Lutheran minister, through Pupin's Pulitzer Prize winning work, the testimony of the scientist and a famed man of affairs, to Adamic's polished, introspective, occasionally profound work the work of a professional writer deeply committed to exploring the complexities of American life. As such, the three variations, in their similarities and differences, form a tapestry of attitudes important in understanding the immigrant. For in these works we see reinforced not only a matrix of cultural belief peculiar to South Slavic peoples, but the basic patterns so common to all immigrants: all the agonies and ecstasies of that fearful rite of passage the departure, the gestation period on the high Atlantic seas, and the rebirth in the strange, promised land. Thus, while only Adamic's work shows any pretension to any classification of traditional literature, all three serve as documents defining the immigrant imagination at a crucial time in American history. For my purposes here I want to examine

The Know-nothing party, the protestant evangelical community and American national identity

By the mid-nineteenth century, two generations after the revolution and the creation of an independent state, Americans were still unsure of the ultimate limits and character of their nation. If there was too much evident optimism over the country’s prospects to write of the nation’s suffering a crisis of identity, it is equally clear that the major questions of the 1840s and 1850s—territorial expansion, the future of slavery, and massive immigration—provided issues the precise resolution of which would fundamentally affect the future direction of the Union. Over the first two of these the evangelical protestant community, the dominant and most influential opinion-forming religious group in American society, found itself seriously divided; indeed by the eve of the civil war the slavery question had split all the major evangelical denominations. In contrast, this same community appeared to show much more cohesion and unanimity in defending the nation’s evangelicalism against the swollen tide of foreign immigrants, three million of whom poured into American ports between 1845 and 1854, the vast majority victims of Irish famine and refugees from the European revolutions of 1848. The immediate danger to American nationality, as evangelicals defined it, lay not in the immigrants’ poverty and foreignness, but in their Catholicism. The Lutheran minister, Frederick Anspach, likened the American nation to a virgin who should ‘sacredly guard her honor’ against catholic vampires who ‘would convert her into a courtezan for the Pope.’

EDITORIAL: THE BIBLE SOCIETIES — FRUIT AND TOOL OF MISSION

International Review of MissionVolume 70, Issue 279 p. 119-129 EDITORIAL: THE BIBLE SOCIETIES — FRUIT AND TOOL OF MISSION ULRICH FICK, ULRICH FICK The Rev. Dr ULRICH FICK, a Lutheran minister, was Programme Director of Radio Voice of the Gospel in Ethiopia before he joined the Bible Societies. In 1973 he became General Secretary of the United Bible Societies.Search for more papers by this author ULRICH FICK, ULRICH FICK The Rev. Dr ULRICH FICK, a Lutheran minister, was Programme Director of Radio Voice of the Gospel in Ethiopia before he joined the Bible Societies. In 1973 he became General Secretary of the United Bible Societies.Search for more papers by this author First published: July 1981 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6631.1981.tb03084.x Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume70, Issue279July 1981Pages 119-129 RelatedInformation

Funaria americana Lindb. in North America

The distribution of Funaria americana Lindb. is middle and eastern North American. Reports from western North America are excluded. The species appears to be a strict calciphile with a distribution that corresponds to Pleistocene glacial and postglacial phenomena. Funaria americana Lindb. is one of the rarer mosses in North America, but has a comparatively wide distribution. Grout (1935) reported its range as Georgia, Min- nesota, Pennsylvania, and Texas. Bartram (1928) had listed California-possibly according to Jennings (1913)--but this record was correctly dismissed by Grout (1935). More recently Lawton (1971) listed an expanded distribution including Illinois, Montana, Oklahoma, Washington, Wisconsin, and the Canadian Rocky Mountains. A comprehensive literature and herbarium survey was conducted to confirm the validity of the above reports. Historical comments. Funaria americana was initially collected in Pennsylvania by the pioneer botanist and Lutheran minister Heinrich Ludwig Muhlenberg prior to 1800. The material was sent to Johann Hedwig and referred to in manuscript under the name Funaria muhlenbergii. Early misinterpretation of American material and European materials has led to much nomenclatural confusion and misapplication of names. A recent study of related European taxa by Crundwell and Nyholm (1974) attempted to identify type ma- terials and render sense from the list of illegitimate and synonymous names. In short, Funaria americana is strictly a North American species that has been often confused with the North American-European Funaria muhlenbergii Turn. and related species. The second collection of F. americana came from the mountains of northern Georgia. Leo Lesquereux made the discovery in 1850 and supposedly conveyed a specimen to William S. Sullivant in 1871. There is no mention of this material by Sullivant (1874) although a specimen packet without contents is in the collection at NY. While this record can not be confirmed, a letter (NY) from E. G. Britton to John Holzinger in 1901 relates the details of the collection locality. Besides the Muhlenberg and Lesquereux collections, two other collections were made prior to 1900. Thomas P. James rediscovered the Pennsylvania locality in 1871, and pro- vided a liberal amount of material for distribution. Mrs. E. J. Spence made a small col- lection from a . .. rocky ravine near Springfield, Ohio, in 1891. Collections and reports chronicled since 1900 are more numerous. Most important are reports by Holzinger (1902) from Minnesota, Hill (1916) from Illinois, Bartram (1928, 1929) from Texas, Cheney (1929) from Wisconsin, Sharp (1930) from Oklahoma, Smith (1966) from Kansas, Smith (1975) from Tennessee, and Crum (1954) from San Luis Potosi, Mex- ico. Specimens that form the basis for reports from Montana, Washington, and the Ca- nadian Rocky Mountains represent other taxa, usually F. muhlenbergii.

Karl Ziegler, 26 November 1898 - 11 August 1973

It is seldom that the discoveries of a single scientist directly influence the daily life of all of us, but such were those of Karl Ziegler; with his death, chemistry has lost one of its great experimenters and inventors. Ziegler was born in Helsa near Kassel, the son of a Lutheran Minister. He studied chemistry at the University of Marburg, his previous knowledge enabling him to omit the first two semesters, and was awarded his doctorate of philosophy by Karl von Auwers. Three years later he obtained his ‘Habilitation’, and remained at the University of Marburg until 1925 as a lecturer, before he accepted a position at the University of Frankfurt. After a brief stay there he moved in 1926 to the University of Heidelberg, becoming a Professor of Chemistry there in 1927. In 1936, he left Heidelberg to become Professor of Chemistry and Director of the Chemical Institute of the University of Halle-Saale. He served in this capacity for seven years, leaving in 1943 to become Director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Coal Research at Mülheim in the Ruhr. From 1947, he simultaneously served as Honorary Professor at the Technical High School in Aachen. On his retirement he was succeeded in the Directorship of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute at Mülheim by his close friend, colleague and collaborator, Professor Gunther Wilke, and he continued to work in the Institute as an Honorary Fellow.

The Strange American Way: Letters of Caja Munch from Wiota, Wisconsin, 1855-1859 ; with An American Adventure (review)

284CIVIL WAR HISTORY the earliest efforts to attract people to the New World. More than two and a half centuries later, the booster or promoter was still at work in the Great Plains region, cajoling and coaxing people to settle in the area. Professor Emmons of the University of Montana has written a systematic account of boomer propaganda used in the central plains, especially Kansas and Nebraska, with peripheral attention to Colorado and Wyoming. In doing so, he fills a need in western history by recognizing the scope and importance of boomer literature. In the author's opinion, the Central Plains region served as a model for other promotional activities elsewhere. In his first six chapters Emmons treats the various aspects of promotion , ranging from the efforts extended by railroads, newspapers, and state and territorial governments to a treatment of the safety valve implications and the pseudoscientific arguments put forth to counter the image of the "Great American Desert." The recurring image of the frontier as a Garden of Eden faltered on the Great Plains, largely because of the shortage of rainfall. Consequently, promoters found it necessary to educate the public on the possibilities of life in a semiarid region. Obviously, vested interests tried to use various propaganda techniques to their best advantage, although the end-result sometimes served the public interest. Emmons bases his work upon a close study of the propaganda itself and a variety of other sources, including manuscripts , letters, and government reports. Chapter six, "Rain Follows the Plow," is particularly enlightening on the different theories put forth to explain how the Plains people might remedy the problems of their environment. In his final chapter, Emmons deals with dissenters and defenders. The boomers took special offense at the ideas of John Wesley Powell, who wanted a more realistic appraisal of western settlement. In his denial of the garden myth, Powell posed a challenge to most promoters and consequently drew the wrath of their congressional allies. As the author notes in his conclusion, the boomer played an important role in the closing days of the frontier era. In view of the massive amount of boomer materials, it is surprising that historians have not given more attention to boosterism. Emmons' treatment of the subject is straightforward and scholarly, although he seems to have slighted the role of the newspaper editor. A chapter on the preposterous notions of newspapermen would have added some comic relief to an otherwise serious study. Bobby H. Johnson Stephen F. Austin State University The Strange American Way: Letters of Caja Munch from Wiota, Wisconsin , 1855-1859; with An American Adventure, by Johan Storm Munch, translated by Helene Munch and Peter A. Munch; and with an essay Social Class and Acculturation, by Peter A. Munch. (Carbondale BOOK REVIEWS285 and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1970. Pp. xiv, 274. $7.95.) This volume is best described as a collection of materials relating to the experience of a Norwegian Lutheran minister, Johan Storm Munch, and his wife in Wisconsin during the years 1855-1859. Of the three sections of the book, the longest consists of the letters written by the minister's wife, Caja Munch, to her family in Norway. They hardly present a picture of the legendary struggling immigrant seeking a place in American life. Caja Munch was too accustomed to the middle-class life of the ministry of the Norwegian state church to ever consider her stay in America as anything but temporary. Her resentment for the "peasant" attitudes of the majority of Norwegian immigrants, and especially for the independence and latitudinarianism they demanded in their congregations, runs through her letters. Although a few letters of Johan Munch are included among those of his wife, his view is more particularly set forth in a memoir written forty-five years later for his children. He, too, never adapted to the free-and-easy congregational structures of the immigrant church, and quarreled, for example, with his parishoners over letting Methodists use the church building. But his strongest reasons for returning to Norway had to do with relationships with immigrant churches more rigidly doctrinaire than his own; he disapproved of the move of some Norwegian Lutherans in America toward...

ERNST KRETSCHMER (1888-1964) BODY AND MIND

Ernst Kretschmer, one of the leading German psychiatrists between the first and second World Wars, established his reputation on studies correlating body build and personality.¹Since the beginning of recorded observations physicians had attributed variations in temperament with the short, stocky habitus vs the thin, tall, delicate structure; whereas others, following Kretschmer's exposition of his flexible postulates on constitution, elaborated and rigidly defined body types beyond his original or later revised concepts. Kretschmer, proud of his ancestors, was born in Wustenrot in Swabia. His mother was the daughter of a physician and his father a Lutheran minister. He received his early education in a monastery, but upon entering his university studies in Tübingen, he decided against the ministry. In preparing for medicine he acquired a broad cultural background, which included studies in literature, philosophy, and history. His doctorate in medicine was granted in 1913, and the following year he

Gerhard Ritter, 1888–1967

ON July 1, 1967, after a brief illness, Gerhard Ritter died in Freiburg. He had continued to work with his accustomed energy until shortly before his death; the completion in manuscript of the fourth volume of Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk, which carried his interpretation of German poUcy to 1918, was the final achievement of a rich and vigorous career. Ritter was born on April 6,1888, in Bad Sooden in Hesse, the son of a Lutheran minister. He studied at the Universities of Munich, Leipzig, Berlin, and under Hermann Oncken at Heidelberg, where in 1911 he was awarded his degree for a dissertation on the Prussian Conservative Party in 1866. For some years he taught in secondary schools in Kassel and Magdeburg; in 1915 he volunteered for military service, fought in France and Poland, and was severely wounded. After the war he returned to Heidelberg as Privatdozent in 1924 he was called to Hamburg, and in the following year he accepted the Chair of Modern European History at Freiburg which he was to occupy for the next three decades. From the first his belief that historians bear a political responsibility towards their own generation penetrated his scholarship to give his writings their characteristic note of immediacy and combativeness. He was an early opponent of National Socialism. Two books published after 1933?Friedrich der Grosse and Machtstaat und Utopie?were stimulated by the German crisis and covertly attacked the regime. During the latter years of the Third Reich he was associated with the conservative opposition that coalesced around the person of Carl Goerdeler, whom he later chose as the subject of his most impressive excursion into contemporary history. From November 1944 to the end of the war he was imprisoned by the Gestapo. After 1945 he contributed significantly to the re-establishment of responsible historical scholarship in Germany, and his retirement in 1956 seemed only to spur him on to new activity. Although Ritter's first book was about the Bismarckian Era, much of his early research dealt with the Renaissance and the Reformation. In

AN IMMIGRANT'S ADVICE ON AMERICA: SOME LETTERS OF S�REN BACHE

AN IMMIGRANT'S ADVICE ON AMERICA: SOME LETTERS OF S0REN BACHE TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY C. A. CLAUSEN After a feeble beginning in 1825, Norwegian immigration grew to considerable proportions during the 1840's. As the "fever" spread, information about America was eagerly sought in Norway. America letters passed from hand to hand and were frequently printed as important news by Norwegian newspapers. People traveled long distances to talk with returned emigrants, seeking information from those who had first-hand knowledge of the country. Such a man was S0ren Bache, the son of Tollef Bache, a well-known businessman and industrial leader of Drammen. The younger Bache went to America in 1839. The following summer, after various prospecting trips through parts of Illinois and Wisconsin, he took up land west of Milwaukee, in what became the famous Muskego settlement. Except for a visit to Norway, from August 1842 to May 1843, he remained in America until 1847. In that year he returned to his native land and there he spent the rest of his life. During his stay in America he kept a diary that throws much light on immigrant life in the Middle West a century ago.1 The translations here printed are of letters that are to be found in the original Bache diary. The letters prove that, contrary to popular opinion, not all returned emigrants were invariably uncritical boosters of things as they found them in the New World. C. A. Clausen 1 An English translation of the diary is being prepared for publication by C. A. Clausen and Andreas Elviken. 77 78 C. A. CLAUSEN As for the Land, It Is Very Good and Rich Walle via Drammen October 6, 1842 To Mr. C. L. Clausen,2 Langeland, Denmark. I have read your letter of September 22, from which I gather that you wish me to assure you of a position in America as well as a safe income for the future. From the credentials I have received I have complete faith in you as a man of good character and upright conduct, but as you are still a total stranger to me I do not feel that I ought to undertake any such obligations. You must not believe that I lack faith in my father's recommendation . A thorough analysis of all facts involved, however, convinces me that I cannot grant your request, as I shall presently explain. Before leaving America I was well aware of the fact that the Norwegians in my neighborhood wished to get a minister. Both last year and this year, Johansen, Even Heg,3 and Johannes Kure wrote my father requesting that a seminary student be sent over who might serve as teacher for their children to start with and later become their minister. The problem of finding 2 Claus Lauritz Clausen, famous pioneer minister among the Norwegian Americans, was born on the island of Àr0, Denmark, in 1820. After being educated as a schoolteacher, he went to Norway in 1841 and became an influential lay minister. He had hopes of becoming a missionary in South Africa, but through Tollef Bache he became interested in America; hence the exchange of letters referred to above. He accompanied S0ren Bache on his return to America, and arrived in Muskego in August, 1843. A few months later he was ordained by a German Lutheran minister, and for a few years he served the Muskego congregation. Later his work expanded into new fields in Wisconsin and Iowa. After a long, influential, and at times stormy career he died in Paulsbo, Washington, in 1892. Accounts of his activities can be found in the standard histories of Norwegian immigration. 3 Johannes Johansen and Even Hansen Heg played a prominent part in the history of the Muskego settlement, which they joined in 1840. Johansen accompanied Bache to America in 1839 and on his land-seeking trips through Illinois and Wisconsin later on. See "An Immigrant Exploration of the Middle West in 1839," Norwegian-American Studies and Records , 14:41-53 (Northfield, 1944). Johansen was also the author of the Muskego manifesto of 1845, wherein he defended his settlement and America generally against the anti-emigration writings which...

A SCHOOL AND LANGUAGE CONTROVERSY IN 1858: A Documentary Study

A SCHOOL AND LANGUAGE CONTROVERSY IN 1858 A Documentary Study TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY ARTHUR C. PAULSON AND KENNETH BJ0RK In his essay " Skandina ven, Professor Anderson, and the Yankee School," 1 the late Professor Laurence M. Larson has given a masterful description of the immigrant battle over the public school during the sixties and seventies. The purpose of this study is to present the chief documents of a school and language controversy in 1858, which, while considerably different from the later struggle, was nevertheless a forerunner of the battle that Larson described. The documents are also significant in depicting conditions among Norwegian Americans in the Wisconsin of 1858. By the close of the year 1858 some fifty thousand Norwegians had migrated to the United States, the greater number settling in southern Wisconsin and northern Illinois.2 Here in the New World natives of the same district or bygd in Norway had a tendency to settle together in compact groups and to perpetuate the customs and ideals of the homeland. These immigrants, overwhelmingly peasant in origin, in the main revealed the universal characteristics of their class: a certain clannishness, extreme conservatism, and a stubborn resistance to an indiscriminate amalgamation with the general mass of citizenry. Along with these traits, however, they brought a strong bygd consciousness which, when freed from the restraints of an ordered society, resulted in contro1 Laurence M. Larson, The Changing West and Other Essays, 116-146 (Northfield , Minnesota, 1937). Carleton C. Qualey, Norwegian Settlement in the United States, 217-852 (Northfield, Minnesota, 1938). 76 SCHOOL AND LANGUAGE 77 versy and strife. The group solidarity, fostered by a common tradition and language, was threatened by division. What the Norwegian immigrants needed and at first lacked was an effective leadership and unity of organization. It is not improbable that the strength and energy of these settlers would have been dissipated by petty controversy had they not at an early date obtained the leadership of a remarkable group of Lutheran ministers from Norway. These men in 1853 organized what is commonly known as the Norwegian Synod. The ministers were alike in that they sprang from an untitled aristocracy or official class in Norway, held degrees from the national university at Christiania, and were custodians of a deep-seated tradition of service and leadership in church and state. Furthermore they had come into contact with the life and culture of the capital at a time when Norway was experiencing a powerful stimulus from the forces of nationalism and a strong evangelical movement. They accordingly brought with them to the United States a deep love for the culture of the homeland as well as a strong devotion to their religious mission. The unflinching orthodoxy of the German Missouri Synod in America enhanced their Lutheran orthodoxy without affecting their sympathy for things Norwegian. After they had effected a central organization, the Norwegian ministers ruled their congregations with a kind of benevolent despotism. They gave direction and system to the innate conservatism of their countrymen and worked unselfishly in their behalf. The churches and the homes of the clergy were, except for the public schools, the only centers of culture. The parsonage functioned as a community library . At times, too, it served as a schoolhouse, where the children of the parish received most of their formal religious training and much of their other schooling as well. It was the center to which parishioners brought problems of every conceivable nature, both cultural and practical. The clergy, 78 STUDIES AND RECORDS therefore, were the intellectual leaders. In addition, with the greater number of the immigrants united or interested in one strongly organized church body - the Synod - there was created a feeling of unity or " nationalism " which bygd jealousies and class distinctions could not erase. The church, whatever its shortcomings, became the basis of NorwegianAmerican cultural life. The virulence of the later opposition to the clergy is a fair measure of the hold they had over the life and thought of the Norwegian- American group. This intimate relationship between pastors and parishioners could not remain unaffected in the midst of change and growth. The American scene presented problems that were new to the Norwegians. First of...