Low Levels Of Political Participation Research Articles

Perceived discrimination, political efficacy, and political participation in American Indian adults

IntroductionPsychological factors linked to political participation are largely understudied in American Indians. Prior work notes relatively low levels of participation compared to other racial and ethnic groups and suggests that identification with being American Indian is linked to overall levels of civic engagement in part through perceptions of group discrimination.MethodsIn the current work, in a sample of 727 American Indian adults, we created two groups: Group 1 (N = 398) reported perceived discrimination related to race, and Group 2 (N = 329) reported perceived discrimination not related to race or ethnicity. We investigated the relationships between individual experiences of everyday discrimination related to race, levels of political efficacy, and political participation (Group 1), and individual experiences of everyday discrimination not related to race or ethnicity, political efficacy, and political participation (Group 2).ResultsWe found that greater experiences of everyday discrimination related to race was associated with higher levels of political participation through increased levels of internal and collective efficacy. In contrast, greater experiences of everyday discrimination related to race was associated with higher levels of political participation through lower external political efficacy. For Group 2, we found that greater experiences of everyday discrimination not related to race or ethnicity was not directly associated with political participation, but mediation analyses revealed a relationship with lower levels of political participation through decreased internal and collective efficacy. The indirect effect through external political efficacy was not significant.DiscussionGiven low levels of American Indian political participation, political efficacy could be a target for interventions aiming to increase participation in the political system.

Women's Political Participation in Mazandaran Province and the Socio-Cultural Factors Affecting It

The aim of this study is to examine and investigate the socio-cultural factors influencing women's political participation in Mazandaran. The theoretical framework is based on the perspectives of Robert Putnam, Habermas, Lerner, Milbrath, and Lipset. The research method is a survey, and the unit of analysis is women over 18 years of age. The sampling method is multi-stage cluster sampling, and the sample size, according to Cochran's formula, is 384 individuals. The data collection tool is a researcher-made questionnaire. Data analysis methods include Pearson correlation coefficient, path analysis, and multiple regression analysis using SPSS software. Face validity was used to assess validity, and the Cronbach's alpha coefficient for the dependent variable of political participation was 0.885, indicating the reliability of the variables. The findings showed that the average political participation in both the objective and subjective dimensions of political participation was moderate. About 8.9% reported very low levels of political participation. Approximately 17.7% indicated low participation, about 33.8% reported moderate participation, about 21.4% reported high participation, and about 14.6% reported very high political participation. There is a positive and direct relationship between the variables of social capital, political socialization, the extent of media use, cultural capital, religiosity, and the level of social security with the level of political participation in both objective and subjective dimensions. Regression analysis shows that 41.2% of the variance in women's political participation is related to the independent variables. The highest explanation of variance and changes in women's political participation belong to the variables of political socialization and social capital, respectively. In conclusion, strengthening and enhancing social and cultural capital, the feeling of security, socialization, political socialization, and religious beliefs can play a significant role in shaping women's attitudes towards political participation in both the subjective and objective dimensions of political participation, encouraging women residing in the cities of Mazandaran province to increase their political participation in various social arenas.

Persepsi Mahasiswa Bercadar IAIN Padangsidimpuan terhadap Proses Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2019

This study discusses the Political Participation of Veiled Students of the Padangsidimpuan State Islamic Institute in the 2019 Presidential Election in the City of Padangsidimpuan. The type of research is field research (field research) with a field approach. The date source consisted of primary, nmaelyveiled studets at IAIN Padangsidimpuan and secondary books, journal article, documentation, relevant to this study. Date collection techniques are obsevation, interviws, and analysis techniques are descriptive analysis.. This secondary data consists of literature which is reading material, the work of experts from their respective fields whose function is to explain primary legal materials. After obtaining complete data, it is then analyzed to get more relevant results. The results of the study stated that the Political Participation of Veiled Padangsidimpuan State Islamic Institute Students in the 2019 Presidential Election in Padangsidimpuan City was still very minimal as can be seen from the level of participation of Padangsidimpuan State Islamic Institute students who wore veils in the presidential election in Padangsidimpuan city where there were 32% who voted. and did not vote 68%. The results of the study show that the factors that affect the low level of political participation of female students are first, educational background, second, environment, and third, the many political actors who deviate. The consequences are first, the bad democratic system and second, the decline in the level of public trust in the government.

Perempuan Muda dan Partai Politik : Dari Descriptive Participation menuju Substantive Representation

The low level of political participation among women in general, including young women, in Indonesia can be explained through three reasons. Firstly, women face a challenging playing field because politics is predominantly characterized by a masculine culture. Secondly, in their pursuit of political engagement, women encounter several obstacles, such as patriarchal structures, sexist and ageist views, and social class barriers. Thirdly, young women are also hindered by political nepotism, lack of party support, limited political knowledge, and financial constraints. This paper utilizes the conceptual framework of Women and Political Party by Lovenduski (1997), Squires (2007), Ann Phillips’ theory of women’s representation, as well as the works of Young, Mouffe, Childs, and Krook to examine the dynamics of young women and political parties in Indonesia from the 2019 elections to the upcoming 2024 elections. The focus is on the interconnection between descriptive participation and substantive representation. The research methodology employed involves a critical analysis of existing literature supplemented by interviews conducted with young women actively involved in five political parties qualified as participants in the 2024 elections (Golkar, NasDem, PKB, Demokrat, and PSI), including both ordinary party members and those who were elected as members of the DPR (People’s Representative Council of Indonesia) in the 2019 elections.

The Relationship Between Body Shaming and Female Political Participation in Ghana: A Case Study of Female Students at the University of Education, Winneba, Ghana

This study sought to examine the relationship between body shaming and female political participation in Ghana. The study adopted the correlational research design and the quantitative research approach. The convenient sampling technique was used to select 333 respondents from whom data was gathered through an online survey with the aid of a questionnaire. The study used descriptive statistics and Pearson correlation to analyze the data with the aid of SPSS version 26. The study found a high prevalence of body shaming against female students. Also, the study observed a low level of political participation among female students. Furthermore, it was discovered that body shaming has a strong negative relationship with female political participation. The study concludes by making recommendations for policy and practice.

Społeczeństwo obywatelskie a stosunek do instytucji politycznych w Republice Czeskiej

The article focuses on the current state of civil society in the Czech Republic, referring primarily to social activity in the political sphere of this country. This is reflected, among other things, in the relatively low level of political participation. An important part of the deliberations are the numerous references to opinion polls and to the idea of the development of civil society and “non-political politics” formulated by Vaclav Havel. In general, the social political activity of Czech citizens is at a low level. On the one hand, this is a consequence of the systemic transformation after the fall of the communist system, and on the other hand, of a very low assessment of the political institutions functioning in this country (parliament, government, political parties). This, in turn, is a consequence of numerous scandals involving top-level politicians. The exception is the local level of politics, which clearly shows that the Czechs are nevertheless interested in politics, above all the politics that is closest to them and that they deal with every day. They express it, for example, in very numerous local referendums.

Partisipasi Politik Penerima Manfaat Penyandang Disabilitas Program Keluarga Harapan Pada Pemilihan Legislatif 2019

The purpose of this article is to analyze the low level of political participation of PKH Beneficiary Families with disabilities in the 2019 Langkat Regency Legislative Election and what are the factors behind the low political participation of PKH Beneficiary Families with disabilities in the 2019 Langkat Regency Legislative Election. This research method is descriptive qualitative, by presenting the facts found comprehensively through in-depth analysis. While the data analysis technique consists of data reduction, data presentation and drawing conclusions. The results of the study showed that there were still many KPMs with disabilities who did not participate in the election, only 5 KPMs with disabilities took part in the 2019 legislative elections out of 13 KPMs with disabilities who met the requirements. The factor that causes it is minimal accessibility from both the organizers and the family, including not being registered in the DPT (permanent voter list) because it is not listed in the KK.

Some thoughts on civic education: Lessons from the international literature

From time to time, both political scientists and education researchers articulate that the civic competences of the Hungarian youth should be developed. The phenomena, which should be tackled in this way are varied: lack of basic civic knowledge, low political interest, low level of political participation, relatively high rejection of democracy, and openness to radicalism are among the most frequently mentioned. Based on this, civic education may seem a universal therapy. Since a good deal of empirical research from mature democracies has shown the positive effects of civic education, it should be indeed kept on the list of potential solutions. However, those scholars, policymakers, and practitioners who would like to achieve change, should go beyond this superficial tip and ask the key questions of civic education. Who is a responsible citizen and how can civic education prepare students for this role? The paper does not seek to provide exclusive answers to these questions. It aims to provide a comprehensive picture of possible answers, based on the current literature of various disciplines.

Everyday interactions and political participation of Malaysian youth

ABSTRACT Some scholars have argued that youth apathy in politics arises from an interpretation based on conventional electoral politics. Other scholars have studied unconventional political participation and found the willingness of youth to sign petitions, join boycotts, and attend demonstrations. However, little is known about the potential of everyday interactions to generate youth interest in politics. This study examined youth participation in politics, including everyday interactions, before the 14th general election in Malaysia which changed the ruling government after six decades. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 28 participants aged 15–40 from lower socio-economic backgrounds. Analysis revealed low levels of political participation in electoral politics. Less than half of them voted in campus elections, and state or parliamentary elections, or attended campaign rallies. None of them were candidates in campus elections, and none of their immediate family members were political candidates. A majority of the participants were engaged in everyday interactions through online news, occasional political conversations with friends, teachers, lecturers and parents, membership in organisations, and writing letters to government agencies. The findings suggest that youth disengagement from politics is due to a closed political climate, and the perception of politics as dirty and for the self-gain of politicians.

PUBLIC POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN ELECTIONS IN BANDAR LAMPUNG

One indicator of electoral success is the high level of unapologetic participation of the public. High participation guarantees the legitimacy of government and protection of citizens' suffrage. In the 2019 concurrent elections, the low level of political participation in Bandar Lampung, Lampung Province, was low. Participation is important to be researched considering the success of an election can be seen from the level of community participation. Participation is closely related to legitimacy, the higher the level of voter participation in elections, the more legitimate the government it produces. Government supported by the majority of society naturally will be easier to get support for programs and policies to be implemented. The involvement of the public in the selection of his deputy allows for a process of check and balance between the political officials of the election results and their constituents so that the mandate rope between the two is not immediately severed. One indicator of electoral success then is the high level of public participation in voting. Therefore, this research in terms of political participation is an important aspect in the country involving the public in the implementation and implementation of elections. Because the political participation of the community is an important aspect in the order of the State of democracy.

Hostile Sexism, Racial Resentment, and Political Mobilization

We argue that hostile sexism and racial resentment play an important and somewhat underappreciated role in American elections through their influence on voter turnout and engagement with political campaigns. The effects of these attitudes are not straightforward but depend on partisanship. We evaluate whether high levels of racial resentment and hostile sexism cross-pressure Democratic partisans, resulting in lower levels of political participation. We further consider whether high levels of racial resentment and hostile sexism bolster participation among Republicans. We find evidence of these divergent effects on the political mobilization of white voters using the 2016 American National Election Study. The results support our expectations and suggest that cuing resentment-based attitudes was an important strategy for engaging voters in the 2016 presidential campaign and will likely play an important role in future campaigns as well.

ASSESSMENT OF THE USE OF DIGITAL SERVICES FOR SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITY BY THE RESIDENTS OF THE TYUMEN REGION

In recent decades, the forms of social and political participation and interaction between authorities and citizens have expanded due to the development of modern information and communication technologies. According to most scientists, modern technologies will allow citizens to be heard by the authorities, as well as to actively participate in social and political processes. At the same time, the level of demand and the real use of smart technologies by citizens for socio-political activity, in our opinion, largely depend on the level of their information competence and civic-mindedness. The purpose of this study is to assess the demand, analyze the nature and purpose of the use of modern digital services for social and political activity of the residents of the Tyumen region. The article is based on the sociological study conducted in the summer of 2021 through a questionnaire survey of the residents of cities and rural municipal districts in the south of the Tyumen region. The article presents the results of a study on the level of digital competence of the region’s residents, their awareness of the existing “smart” technologies in the country and the region to manifest socio-political activity, as well as the demand for these technologies. The article also presents an analysis of the purpose of the use of electronic services and the specific nature of these forms of interaction between the authority and the population (political, non-political). It was found out that electronic resources are used by 40% of the population to express their civic-mindedness, and they are more often used by respondents with a higher level of information competence. Most residents of the region are at lower levels of political participation, their interaction with the authorities is mainly limited to information sharing. The share of the population with a higher level of participation is small and is represented by members of political parties and public organizations.

Why do some countries do better or worse in life expectancy relative to income? An analysis of Brazil, Ethiopia, and the United States of America

BackgroundWhile in general a country’s life expectancy increases with national income, some countries “punch above their weight”, while some “punch below their weight” – achieving higher or lower life expectancy than would be predicted by their per capita income. Discovering which conditions or policies contribute to this outcome is critical to improving population health globally.MethodsWe conducted a mixed-method study which included: analysis of life expectancy relative to income for all countries; an expert opinion study; and scoping reviews of literature and data to examine factors that may impact on life expectancy relative to income in three countries: Ethiopia, Brazil, and the United States. Punching above or below weight status was calculated using life expectancy at birth and gross domestic product per capita for 2014–2018. The scoping reviews covered the political context and history, social determinants of health, civil society, and political participation in each country.ResultsPossible drivers identified for Ethiopia’s extra 3 years life expectancy included community-based health strategies, improving access to safe water, female education and gender empowerment, and the rise of civil society organisations. Brazil punched above its weight by 2 years. Possible drivers identified included socio-political and economic improvements, reduced inequality, female education, health care coverage, civil society, and political participation. The United States’ neoliberal economics and limited social security, market-based healthcare, limited public health regulation, weak social safety net, significant increases in income inequality and lower levels of political participation may have contributed to the country punching 2.9 years below weight.ConclusionsThe review highlighted potential structural determinants driving differential performance in population health outcomes cross-nationally. These included greater equity, a more inclusive welfare system, high political participation, strong civil society and access to employment, housing, safe water, a clean environment, and education. We recommend research comparing more countries, and also to examine the processes driving within-country inequities.

ЕВОЛЮЦІЯ РЕФОРМИ ДЕЦЕНТРАЛІЗАЦІЇ В СУЧАСНІЙ ПОЛІТИЧНІЙ ПРАКТИЦІ УКРАЇНИ

У статті здійснено аналіз процесу реформування органів місцевого самоврядування в умовах децентралізації. Розглянуто поняття, історичні етапи формування децентралізації в Україні, моделі, адміністративне формування територіальних одиниць в умовах децентралізаційних процесів та законодавчі принципи регулювання процесу реформування органів місцевого самоврядування. Історично Українська держава пройшла достатньо еволюційних етапів побудови децентралізаційної країни. У період новітньої історії закладено фундаментальні принципи розбудови та втілення децентралізації місцевого самоврядування, які враховують досвід країн Західної Європи. На oснoві аналізу ступеня рoзрoбленoсті нoрмативнo-правoвoгo забезпечення рефoрмування кoнституційних засад місцевoгo самoврядування з урахуванням відпoвіднoсті ухвалених закoнoдавчих актів дo стандартів та вимoг ЄС, прoцес здійснення децентралізації влади в Україні має на сьoгoдні інституціoналізoваний характер. У статті викладено актуальний матеріал та висвітлено основні досягнення та перспективи децентралізації. Проаналізовано й відзначено позитивну динаміку впровадження реформи, починаючи від 2014 р. Зроблено висновок, що Україна має всі передумови та законодавчі ініціативи, щоб утілити цю реформу в життя, починаючи з політично-рефлексійних подій 2005 р., але через бюрократичні перепони ми отримали країну зі слабкою політичною елітою, не здатною до вольових адміністративних рішень,із низьким рівнем політичної участі громадян і майже відсутнім інститутом громадянського суспільства, що, зі свого боку, закономірно призвело до подій 2014 р. та подальшого розгортання сепаратиського руху на теренах України. Підкреслено динамічність упровадження та обґрунтовано необхідність продовження децентралізаційної реформи в Україні. Практика впрoвадження децентралізації влади в багатьoх країнах світу засвідчує неoднoзначність результатів рефoрм, які мoжуть бути як пoзитивними, так і негативними. Процес децентралізації залежить від низки суб’єктивних й oб’єктивних фактoрів. Зарубіжний дoсвід підтверджує, щo навіть в успішних у пoлітичнoму, екoнoмічнoму, сoціальнoму плані країнах (Франція, Великoбританія, Пoльща) у прoцесі здійснення децентралізації влади виникали прoблеми. В умoвах глибoкoї пoлітичнoї, екoнoмічнoї та сoціальнoї кризи цей чинник потрібно завчаснo врахoвувати, щoб упередити мoжливі негативні наслідки децентралізації.

Gay Men, The Invention of Ecclesial Injustice, and Aspirations for Redress and Renewal

Gay Men, The Invention of Ecclesial Injustice, and Aspirations for Redress and Renewal Joseph N. Goh (bio) The 2019 progress report of the Sustainable Development Goals states that despite notable developments registered in global efforts towards attaining gender equity (SDG5), these efforts are hampered and undermined by "insufficient progress on structural issues … such as legal discrimination, unfair social norms and attitudes, decision-making on sexual and reproductive issues and low levels of political participation."1 The understanding of gender equity in many parts of the world, however, is ordinarily limited to purposeful provisions for the sexual and gender empowerment of women and girls. For instance, the intended reforms in accordance with SDG5 in Malaysia—whence the case studies on gay men for this article are drawn—concentrate solely on female citizens in terms of the eradication of discrimination, violence, sexual exploitation, forced marriages and female genital mutilation (FGM), redressing unpaid reproductive labor, inaccessibility to leadership and ownership positions in socio-political and economic arenas, and attenuated accessibility to resources pertaining to technology as well as sexual and reproductive health and rights.2 While these reforms are indispensable in the pursuit of greater equity in Malaysia that is home to 32.6 million people,3 I argue that they ironically demonstrate a lack of inclusivity on numerous levels through a deliberate elision of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) issues.4 Malaysian leaders portray LGBTQ people as enemies of Islam, consumers of a deviant and immoral culture, satanic disciples, malady-stricken [End Page 360] miscreants, and hapless victims of western moral depravity.5 They dismiss LGBTQ rights, principally same-sex marriages, as antithetical to Malaysian values6 despite the fact that sexually diverse and gendervariant people are an indelible part of the history of the Malay Archipelago.7 Same-sex expressions are criminalized in both secular and Syariah (Islamic) laws.8 Protection against gender discrimination as enshrined in Article 8(2) of the Federal Constitution has been interpreted as exclusive of sexual diversity and by extension, gender variance as both non-normative genders and sexualities are often conflated.9 For instance, gay men are sometimes perceived as obsessively desirous of Gender Affirming Surgeries and transgender women are accused of being men who merely impersonate women. State-sanctioned exclusion of LGBTQ people is not executed exclusively in Malaysian politics and jurisprudence, but also in non-affirming ecclesial spaces. Akin to Malaysia's deliberate focus on women and girls in its SDG5 advocacies, such churches readily embrace and support gender-related social justice issues, insofar as they represent "decent" and "respectable" heteronormative and cisnormative issues, such as those involving women and girls who conform to socio-culturally sanctioned gender performativities. These efforts are undeniably crucial but deficient in ecclesial efforts towards more holistic gender equity in the country. Fueled by one-dimensional approaches to biblical interpretation, tradition and canonical legalities, non-affirming churches stand as unyielding bastions that participate in the ossification of what the United Nations refers to as "structural issues" of inequity which contribute to suspicion and discrimination among LGBTQ people. In this article, I showcase narratives from Malaysian Christian gay men that evince the injustice they experience in their own churches and their hopes for a more affirming praxis of communal Christianity in the country. "Aadesh," "Artisan," "Freddie," "Henri" and "Rainbowboy", whose selected narratives I feature, are English-speaking, educated, self-identifying gay men of various Christian denominations from Malaysia's Klang Valley who participated in a more expansive qualitative research project I undertook between 2012 and 2014 involving thirty Malaysian gay and bisexual men.10 While some of them continue to attend church services, others have ceased any form of ecclesial participation and formulated [End Page 361] individualized spiritualities or combined both, as most churches continue to act as sites of protracted oppression, intolerance and stigmatization for Christians whose sexual and gender identities are incongruous with ecclesial and theological heteronormativity and cisnormativity. I am not setting out to construct a gay-affirming or masculinist ecclesiology in this article, or generalize the experiences of Malaysian gay men. My intention is to accompany the discourses of a selection of Malaysians who are customarily silenced and disregarded due to condescending perceptions...

PARTISIPASI POLITIK MASYARAKAT PERBATASAN NEGARA DALAM PILKADA SERENTAK DI KABUPATEN MALINAU

The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze the low level of political participation of state border communities as an evaluation of the implementation of the elections held by the Malinau Regional Election Commission in 2015. There is a tendency that border communities do not care about democratic parties (elections) being held, because they feel ostracized by the government, even most of their basic needs depend on neighboring countries, namely Malaysia. While the Indonesian government seems to be ignoring border communities with high living costs and low welfare levels. Giving the impression that the election results also did not have an impact on the lives of the people of the country's borders. Whereas one of the objectives of the implementation of the elections is to produce elections that have clean, honest and fair integrity in order to be able to produce qualified leaders to develop community welfare. The results showed that social, economic, geographical, administrative and community apathy conditions affected the level of political participation of people at the border. Community apathy and geographical conditions have a considerable impact, so the development of border communities needs to be an important concern of the government so that the people trust the government. Thus, the awareness of the people of the national borders to build their participation in determining their leaders in the future elections.

Why Do Immigrants Participate in Politics Less Than Native-Born Citizens? A Formative Years Explanation

AbstractOne of the long-standing puzzles in the political behavior literature is about immigrants' low level of political participation: after achieving comparable and sometimes even higher levels of socioeconomic status relative to the native-born citizens, why do immigrants still participate less in politics? We argue that the different formative years experiences associated with immigrants who moved to the United States at an older age is the key that explains the participation gap between immigrants and the native-born population. Using the 1994–2016 Current Population Survey and their Voting and Civic Engagement Supplements as data sources, we develop a hierarchical model that simultaneously accounts for region-, country-, and individual-level variables. The results are striking. We show that immigrants who move to the United States at a young age participate in politics at a rate that is indistinguishable from the native-born population; those who migrated at an older age participate less. The fact that over 60% of the immigrant population moved to the United States as adults is a main factor that contributes to the political participation gap between immigrants and the native-born population.

Political Participation of Women in Local Governance: A Case Study of Selected Local Government Bodies in Eastern Sri Lanka

Although Sri Lanka has 51% women, their participation in local governance as well as in the national parliament is 5% in total. The strong social development indicator of women in areas such as health and education has not translated into their increased political participation. As such, this study focuses on the level of women’s participation in local governance and explores why there is a low level of political participation of women in local governance. Both quantitative and qualitative methods comprising of questionnaire survey, interviews and focus group discussions were employed in this study. The findings show organized collective involvement of women was effective only in social welfare, livelihood and social security than political participation. The study also reveals that the low level of political participation by women is attributable to biological, economic, psychological, religious and political factors. Overall, it was found that although women are interested in participating in local governance, they have a lack of space for political participation.

College Students and Online Political Expression During the 2016 Election

While college students traditionally exhibit low levels of political participation and interest in politics, they are more likely to engage in some forms of political expression than their elders. Their greater familiarity with online forms of political expression and engagement potentially lowers their barriers for political involvement. In turn, this potentially draws more young adults into the political process. The authors compare the precursors of expressive forms of online political engagement to those of talking to someone off-line and trying to persuade them to vote for or against a candidate or party among college students. They find that both activities are positively connected with politically oriented activity on social media as well as the frequency with which one reads blogs. They also discover that the mechanisms that explain online political expression are both similar to and different from those that explain off-line attempts at persuasion in several key ways.

Women’s political participation in South Korea and activist organizations

Although South Korea has achieved unprecedented economic growth, gender inequality remains a serious social issue and continues to persist in various sectors. This paper explores the low levels of political participation by women in the country and activities undertaken by women’s organizations to improve these. Political gender quotas were first introduced in South Korea in 2000 and have developed gradually. Women’s movements have played a significant role in introducing and strengthening these quotas. This paper introduces activities for political gender quotas and gender-sensitive political reform. To prepare for future struggle, this paper calls for the need to widen the perspectives of women’s political empowerment and devise new strategies to make effective alliances with other women’s organizations and female politicians. In addition, both women’s organizations and political parties need to make efforts for nurturing young female leaders.