Logic Of Ideology Research Articles

《资本论》的逻辑倒推与马克思主义的立场正论

The writing logic of Das Kapital is centered on “the discussion of capital”, essentially examining the societal attributes of capital. In capitalist society, the social attribute of capital lies in the systemic exploitation of labor. Therefore, while the writing logic of Das Kapital focuses on “the discussion of capital”, its deeper ideological logic lies in “the discussion of labor”, and the ideological logic ultimately aims at promoting the awakening and functionality of “laborers” in terms of subjectivity and sociality, Marx’s Das Kapital adheres to the labor theory of value and seeks to transcend the capitalist society’s labor theory of value. In practical terms, this is a concentrated expression of the political stance of Marxism speaking for “laborers”.

Cooptation, hijacking, or normalization? The discursive concession of body politics on Douyin

The short-video platform TikTok/Douyin becomes a space not only for individuals to express and articulate their interests, but also for the authorities to negotiate with the public on various ideological boundaries. This article specifically examines a Douyin campaign in which the platform attempts to prescribe a standard of body exposure that falls within the tolerance level of the authorities and, meanwhile, favours users’ interests to gain support. To conceptualize such discursive negotiations and the relevant tactics, we propose the term ‘discursive concession’ to describe the process of compromise by temporarily challenging, obscuring, and rearticulating the discursive boundary, eventually legitimizing the subordinated discourse by aligning it with the dominant ideological logic. By analysing discourses of representative short videos and comments, we identified three tactics of discursive concession: cooptation, hijacking, and normalization. They respectively describe how dominant, subordinated, and middle powers leverage each other to push the discursive boundary forward.

The Dobbs Decision: Can It Be Justified by Public Reason?

John Rawls has held up as a model of public reason the U.S. Supreme Court. I argue that the Dobbs Court is justifiably criticized forfailing to respect public reason. First, the entire opinion is governed by an originalist ideological logic almost entirely incongruent with public reason in a liberal, pluralistic, democratic society. Second, Alito's emphasis on "ordered liberty" seems completely at odds with the "disordered liberty" regarding abortion already evident among the states. Third, describing the embryo/fetus from conception until birth as an "unborn human being" begs the question of the legal status of the embryo/fetus, as if an obiter dictum settled the matter. Fourth, Alito accuses the Roe court of failing to exercise judicial restraint, although Alito argued to overturn Roe in its entirety. In brief, the Dobbs opinion is an illiberal, disingenuous, ideological swamp that swallows up public reason and the reproductive rights of women.

Moving archives, touch, and world literary melancholy in Han Kang’s The Vegetarian

ABSTRACT Through a reading of Han Kang’s 2007 novel The Vegetarian, this article critiques two prevailing approaches to world literature and the politics of memory: a liberal cosmopolitan celebration of cross-cultural legibility and a postcolonial politics of “melancholic” resistance to globalization. It argues that both employ an opposition between legibility and illegibility, either celebrating world literature for its potential to make unfamiliar histories accessible, or for its ability to disrupt a globalized present through illegible fragments of past trauma. Illustrating how this opposition also animates debates around memory politics in postcolonial South Korea, the article suggests this oppositional approach to the past emerges from the histories and ideological logics of colonial modernity and remains normative across varied contexts. In contrast, The Vegetarian evokes new possibilities for world literary “resistance”, reimagining it as a form of material-discursive friction which transforms normative structures through encounters in the present.

Territórios educativos na formação por alternância: escola - família - comunidade

Este artigo tem como objetivo dialogar sobre a Formação por Alternância e seus cotejos com a Educação Não Escolar. A metodologia adotada para este trabalho foi a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, tendo como base a revisão da literatura em autores que tratam da teoria da Educação Não Escolar e da Pedagogia da Alternância. O Artigo aponta que o movimento de educação popular indica possibilidades de formação ampliando os territórios da educação, sendo a escola apenas um deles. A Pedagogia da Alternância praticada nas Escolas Família Agrícolas também apresenta concepções da escola para além dela. Os processos formativos desenvolvidos na formação por alternância nessas escolas rompem com lógicas ideológicas hegemônicas que limitam a territorialidade educativa ao âmbito escolar formal ao colocar em interação diferentes atores, tempos e territórios educativos. Ao propor novas metodologias para o desenvolvimento da práxis pedagógica pela interação escola e comunidade a Pedagogia da Alternância reconhece a pluralidade dos processos educativos desenvolvidos em diferentes tempos-espaços. Os processos formativos que envolvem as famílias e parceiros, assim como os processos educativos junto aos estudantes alternantes, extrapolam o território escolar, se expandem para outros territórios, a comunidade, os movimentos sociais, sindicais, organizações sociais, entre outros. Neste movimento, a escola é tensionada a reelaborar suas representações sobre o seu lugar de produção do conhecimento e assumir os demais lugares com suas dimensões educativas, ampliando a visão e o conceito de escola para além dela mesma. Palavras-chave: educação não escolar, territórios educativos, pedagogia da alternância. Education territories in Dual Education: school – family – community ABSTRACT. This article aims to discuss Dual Education and compare it to Non-School Education. It is based on bibliographic and documentary research, particularly considering the literature on Non-School Education and Dual Education (Formation en Alternance). It argues that the Popular Education movement points to learning possibilities by expanding the education territories, with school being just one of them. Dual Education as practiced in Agricultural Family Schools is instilled with a notion of school that goes beyond its walls. The Dual Education processes in those establishments break the hegemonic ideologies that confine education territoriality to formal school by allowing the engagement and interaction of different education actors, times, and territories. By proposing new methodologies for developing pedagogical praxis based on school–community interaction, Dual Education recognizes the plurality of training and learning processes developed in different times and spaces. The training and learning processes that involve families and partners, as well as those involving the students themselves, transcend the school territory by expanding school to the community, social movements, unions, social organizations, among others. As a result, the school is forced to re-elaborate its own representations of locus of knowledge production and to embrace other educational loci, i.e., to expand how it sees and conceives of itself. Keywords: non-school education, educational territories, alternation pedagogy. Territorios educativos en formación en alternancia: escuela - familia - comunidad RESUMEN. Este artículo tiene como objetivo dialogar sobre la Educación en Alternancia y sus colisiones con la Educación No Escolar. La metodología adoptada para este trabajo fue la investigación bibliográfica y documental, basada en la revisión de la literatura de autores que abordan la teoría de la educación no escolar y la pedagogía de la alternancia. El artículo señala que el movimiento de educación popular indica nuevas posibilidades de formación, ampliando los territorios de la educación, siendo la escuela solo uno de ellos. La Pedagogía de la Alternancia que se practica en las Escuelas Agrícolas Familiares también presenta conceptos de escuela más allá de ella. Los procesos formativos desarrollados en formación por alternancia en estas escuelas rompen con lógicas ideológicas hegemónicas que limitan la territorialidad educativa al ámbito escolar formal al poner en interacción diferentes actores, tiempos y territorios educativos. Al proponer nuevas metodologías para el desarrollo de la praxis pedagógica a través de la interacción entre escuela y comunidad, la Pedagogía de la Alternancia reconoce la pluralidad de procesos educativos desarrollados en diferentes tiempos-espacios. Los procesos de formación que involucran a familias y socios, así como los procesos educativos con los estudiantes alternos, van más allá del territorio escolar, se expanden a otros territorios, la comunidad, movimientos sociales, sindicatos, Organizaciones Sociales, entre otros. En este movimiento, la escuela se tensa para reelaborar sus representaciones sobre su lugar de producción de conocimiento y asumir los otros lugares con sus dimensiones educativas, expandiendo la visión y el concepto de escuela más allá de sí misma. Palabras clave: educación no escolar, territorios educativos, pedagogía de la alternancia.

Ohm Krüger: Context, Appropriation and Irony

ABSTRACT Ohm Krüger premièred in Berlin in 1941 and was widely praised by audiences, critics and the Nazi high command. Joseph Goebbels, the Reich’s Minister of Propaganda, instituted a special award to honour the film, Film der Nation (Film of the Nation), and it was pronounced reichswichtig (important to the state). Ohm Krüger places in parallel the Boer War (1899–1902) 1 1 I have elected to use ‘Boer War’ instead of the more current and correct ‘South African War’ because the former accords more usefully with the language of comment and critique from 1900 to 1941. and the rise of German National Socialism. Presenting these histories as contiguous generates a series of ironies that undermine the film’s propagandist intentions. This is most striking in the concentration camp sequences at its climax. In order to consider the ways in which these scenes are at cross purposes with the ideological logic of the film, this article contextualises Ohm Krüger’s production, reviews the dynamics of its appropriation of the Boer cause, and dwells on its self-subversion. The argument concludes that totalitarianism is based, in part, on inculcating a mindset in its subjects consisting of their capacity to overlook contradictions between hegemony and reality.

ICT (Immaginario, Capitalismo e Tecnologia)

ICT (Imaginary, Capitalism, and Technology). The paper defends the use of the concept of social imaginary as a tool of analysis of contemporary capitalism, using a philosophical approach. Firstly, I claim that such a concept is more useful than the traditional concept of ideology, because the idea of unmasking or undressing an ideology produces a structural impasse (§ 1.1), and because “social imaginary” grasps the features of a society populated by digital images in a better way. In doing this, I insist that if the logic of ideology is textual and referential, the logic of social imaginary is imaginal and non-referential (§ 1.2). Secondly, I focus on the imaginary horizon of digital contemporary capitalism: I present the “immaterial” nature of post-Fordist capitalism (§ 2.1), I describe the “cerebral” work of information machines that animate it (§ 2.2), and I thematize the informatization of the imaginary , arguing that the age of technological reproducibility of the relationship engages us to imagine a world at the center of which we have not things, but interrelations or interactions (§ 2.3).

Divided We Stand? Coalition Dynamics in the German Union Movement

AbstractCoalitions within national union movements have been an enduring means by which unions pursue shared interests and policy ambitions. Drawing on social movement theory, we focus on the logics shaping union coalitions, and the conditions under which they differ, in order to gain analytical purchase on enduring debates about union behaviour in industrial relations. Taking the German case, we identify four key policy issues that have caused major divisions and competing coalitional activity between unions in the German Trade Union Confederation (DGB) over the period 1964 to 2018. Our analysis suggests that there is a degree of fluidity between instrumental and ideological logics, which relates to the evolving socio‐political contexts that shape the dynamics of union coalitions over time. In the German context, our findings indicate that the relative importance of the logics shaping coalition activity varies with the nature of the threats unions encounter. In the face of more specific and immediate threats, coalitional decision‐making was more likely to be driven by instrumental logic, prioritizing the narrower concerns of the union and its core members. However, where unions’ broader social visions came under threat, self‐interest played a more modest role, and choices were more likely to be animated by ideological concerns and questions of public good.

Misogyny and Ideological Logic

Misogyny and Ideological Logic

The moral perils of conditional cash transfer programmes and their significance for policy: a meta-ethnography of the ethical debate.

Conditional cash transfer (CCT) is a compelling policy alternative for reducing poverty and improving health, and its effectiveness is promising. CCT programmes have been widely deployed across geographical, economic and political contexts, but not without contestation. Critics argue that CCTs may result in infringements on freedom and dignity, gender discrimination and disempowerment and power imbalances between programme providers and beneficiaries. In this analysis, we aim to identify the ethical concepts applicable to CCTs and to contextualize these by mapping the tensions of the debate, allowing us to understand the separate contributions as parts of a larger whole. We searched a range of databases for records on public health CCT. Strategies were last run in January 2017. We included 31 dialectical articles deliberating the ethics of CCTs and applied a meta-ethnographic approach. We identified 22 distinct ethical concepts. By analysing and mapping the tensions in the discourse, the following four strands of debate emerged: (1) responsibility for poverty and health: personal vs public duty, (2) power balance: autonomy vs paternalism, (3) social justice: empowerment vs oppression and (4) marketization of human behaviour and health: 'fair trade' vs moral corruption. The debate shed light on the ethical ideals, principles and doctrines underpinning CCT. These were consistent with a market-oriented liberal welfare regime ideal: privatization of public responsibilities; a selective rather than a universal approach; empowerment by individual entrepreneurship; marketization of health with a conception of human beings as utility maximizing creatures; and limited acknowledgement of the role of structural injustices in poverty and health. Identification of key tensions in the public health ethics debate may expose underpinning ideological logics of health and social programmes that may be at odds with public values and contemporary political priorities. Decisions about CCTs should therefore not be considered a technical exercise, but a context-dependent process requiring transparent, informed and deliberative decision-making.

The Migrant as Colonist: Dystopia and Apocalypse in the Literature of Mass Migration

The Migrant as Colonist:Dystopia and Apocalypse in the Literature of Mass Migration Nasia Anam (bio) The urgency and even alarmism in current public and political discourses surrounding the global phenomena we have come to call the ongoing "migrant crisis" and the perpetual "War on Terror" can hardly be overstated, inflamed and instrumentalized as they are by various far-right entities across the world. "Apocalypse" is a term with increasing purchase among journalists, bloggers, and politicians across the spectrum to describe numerous factors surrounding mass migration, whether it be the dire circumstances compelling people to leave the Global South, the state of the "host" nations in Global North, or the future of the world at large.1 Apocalyptic motifs similarly appear in a recent spate of speculative fictions that imagine the decimation of the Western, democratic, capitalist, "civilized" world in the wake of mass migration into Europe, North America, or indeed any nation-state deemed more stable than that from which people emigrate en masse. [End Page 653] In a study of recent Australian speculative fiction, DOLORES HERRERO has dubbed this the "Golden Age of post-apocalyptic thinking," prompted by the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 and ensuing "War on Terror." In the new incarnation of the apocalyptic genre, "people are worried about almost everything: war, viruses, fundamentalisms of all kinds, ecological global disasters, genetically modified humans, computers that can no longer be kept under control, global warming, etc."2 The proximity of the coming apocalypse is a shared feature in these works, yet where the existential threat lies within the narrative can differ greatly. The threat may be perceived as the kind of military violence, political upheaval, or climate disaster that compels people to migrate away from their homelands. Contrarily, the threat may be perceived as the arrival of those very migrants themselves. This difference in vantage point has immense ideological weight in determining what a given apocalyptic narrative pinpoints as the cause of impending end-times, and indeed, what it actually means for Western civilization to crumble. Recent examples from the Anglophone literary sphere include Lawrence Hill's novel, The Illegal (2014), set in a version of Canada called "Freedom State" that stages Hunger Games-style competitions for migrants to acquire citizenship; On Such a Full Sea (2014), Chang-Rae Lee's fable-like novel set in an Asiatic incarnation of America after the collapse of democracy; and Merlinda Bobis's magical realist Locust Girl: A Lovesong (2016), which depicts the perils of bordercrossing in an Australia that has suffered a catastrophic environmental event. This genre has entered the mass market as well: for example, Robert Ferrigno's Assassin trilogy (2006–2009), which speculates that twenty years from now a war-torn United States has severed into an Islamic Republic and a Christian Confederacy. But contemporary literature that specifically imagines the future Europe as an apocalyptic dystopia dominated by migrants takes on an added historical valence: the spatial and ideological logic of mass migration is portrayed to be that of colonization in reverse. By extension, contemporary migrants in Europe are understood, in effect, to play the part of colonizers. The migrant dystopia that mirrors and inverts the language of colonization highlights the [End Page 654] conceptual link between the formative period of the colonial project and the current "crisis" of migration. The direction of migration toward Europe seems to index a break from recognizable reality, landing us somewhere along the spectrum between magical realism, dystopia, and full-blown apocalypse. This dystopian turn in literature complicates turn-of-the-century debates surrounding multiculturalism, communalism, laïcité (or secularism), and racial disharmony. If, for instance, in the United Kingdom Zadie Smith's White Teeth was roundly lauded in 2000 for celebrating the cosmopolitan ethnic rainbow of millennial London, then what do the dystopian novels featuring British South Asian immigrants tell us about a post-9/11, post-7/7 U.K.? Preceded by Salman Rushdie's vision of an immigrant-filled London as a Dante-esque hellscape in The Satanic Verses, many works from Britain and Europe more broadly now imagine postcolonial immigration in terms ranging from the parabolic to the apocalyptic, thereby undoing the paradigms of colonial utopianism...

MakeAmericaGreatAgain: ideological fantasy, American exceptionalism and Donald Trump

Donald Trump’s unlikely rise to the Presidency of the United States has been beguiling for politicians, pundits and scholars alike. In this paper, I argue that Trump’s appeal is best understood through a Lacanian reading of ideological fantasy. Combining a political logic of ideology and antagonism in combination with a Lacanian reading of fantasy, ideological fantasy suggests that while language is infused with materiality, there is an intractable disconnect between the body and the symbolic order. In order to make this disconnect palatable, fantasmatic narratives are constructed that seek to explain away the presence of lack, principally by reproducing antagonisms positioned as responsible for this discontent. In this regard, the power of Trump’s appeal was that he provided compelling explanations for the disruption of the foundational American myth of exceptionalism by isolating antagonisms that explain its apparent fracture, as well as offering the possibility of overcoming these antagonisms to #MakeAmericaGreatAgain!

“I have been in an earthquake”: Epistemic upheaval in Richard Hughes’ A High Wind in Jamaica

Published in 1929, Richard Hughes’ A High Wind in Jamaica was praised by reviewers and critics across the spectrum of the British and American literary scenes (among them Rebecca West, Ford Madox Ford, Vita Sackville-West, Cyril Connelly, John Masefield, Hugh Walpole, and Arnold Bennett). At the same time, its readers were generally shocked by its portrait of child psychology (“the mind of the child”). While several critics applauded its realism, the record of its reception suggests that it induced — what one critic referred to as — “a sort of mental panic”. This article considers aspects of Hughes’ “new psychology”, which derived largely from the writings of Freud and the Freudians. Reading the novel and Freud in counterpoint, the argument concludes that — while Hughes constructs A High Wind in Jamaica as a rejoinder to the ideological logic of the imperial romance — in inscribing Freudian “primitivism” it reiterates colonial assumptions about “civilization”.

Support for Socialist Policies: The Ideological Logic of Everyday Practices

To better understand why individuals come to support economic policies that increase inequalities, we suggest a more expansive understanding of ideology. A broad understanding of ideology predicts that daily engagement with the material world will produce certain narratives about the self and the obstacles faced by people. We review studies on child-rearing practices and social psychological studies on diverging understandings of the self that highlight the contrasting narratives of working and middle class people. We argue that these different narratives play a role in explaining why individuals come to support certain economic policies. This more expansive understanding of the concept of ideology can help researchers trace the links between material conditions, ideological narratives, and support for socialist or capitalist economic policies, heeding Lott's (2015) call for a structural analysis.

만다라 결연 의식의 시각 콘텐츠 구현

한류 붐 등에 기인하여 문화 콘텐츠 산업의 중요성이 높아가고 있으나 문화 콘텐츠의 한 부분을 차지하는 불교문화 콘텐츠에 대한 개발은 여러모로 미흡한 편이다. 그 이유로 기존 콘텐츠는 불교경전의 원형자체가 디지털화된 것에 불과하여 전문적인 불교학자 외에 일반인들이 관심을 가지고 이해하기는 어려운 편이다. 또한 대부분의 콘텐츠 연구가 개발 필요성을 논의하고 있지만, 원론 차원에 머물 뿐 경전의 의미 분석과 관련된 콘텐츠 시각화에 대한 연구는 미흡하다. 그러므로 본 논문에서는 불교 경전의 내용 중 만다라 결연 의식의 의미를 분석하고 시각 콘텐츠로 구현하고자 한다. 만다라에서는 관정이라는 의식에 포함된 결연 의식에서 투화득불(投花得佛)이라는 독특한 방법을 사용하고 있다. 여기에 내포된 개념과 의미를 분석하고 시각 콘텐츠로 구현하여 이념적 논리를 시각적으로 형상화할 때에 어렵게만 느끼는 만다라 결연 의식을 시각적 콘텐츠로 제공하여 일반인들에게도 불교문화 체험의 장을 마련할 수 있다. 더 나아가 경전의 서술적 표현을 시각화하는 시도를 통하여 불교 경전에 담겨있는 무한한 자료를 콘텐츠화 하는 선례로 남길 수 있다. The importance of cultural contents industry is steadily growing owing to the Korean wave etc. and Buddhist cultural contents is a part of the cultural contents. However, the development of Buddhist cultural contents in many ways has left much to be desired. That is because, it is difficult for the public, who is not Buddhist scholar, to understand and take interest in conventional contents on Buddhist books themselves which are digitalized. Also, most contents researches are discussed on the necessity of contents development and just stay in these subjects, but it is insufficient to study a semantic analysis and visualizing contents on Buddhist books. So, in this paper, we analyse mandala's twinning rite in the Buddhist books and implement visual contents on the rite. The mandala is using toohadeokbul in a special way as the abhisinca rite. We analyse concept of the toohadeokbul and implement its visual contents which visualize ideological logic of Buddhism. The implemented contents are able to provide the public with Buddhist cultural experience of the yard. Additional, by trying to visualize descriptive expressions of Buddhist books, this paper could be a precedent for developing visual contents of unlimited data comprised in Buddhist books.

Once were warriors: the militarized state in narrating the past

Military memoirs often seek to reproduce an authoritative understanding of warfare that delineate important strategies of the frontline. The soldier-narrator invokes a shared sympathy between the different, though connected, worlds of the soldiers and the civilians. This essay proposes that the complex processes of racial and gender identification experienced by the colonized resulted in the production of their own discourses about identity, and examines how colonial categorizations of difference inflected the racial and gendered construction of heroes and enemies in wars. Sifting through the military memoirs of four Pakistani Generals, this essay analyses how Pakistani genocidal masculinity was constructed and manifested during the independence struggle of Bangladesh. It inquires what myths and stereotypes contributed to the militarized performances of masculinity? Through an analysis of how the bodies of both Hindu minorities and women were symbolically used in the war to construct national identity, this essay proposes that militarization as a hegemonic masculine discourse was predicated on, and justified through, a range of ideological logics of order and chaos, of revolts and counter-insurgency measures that advanced and legitimized military action in 1971. This essay also argues that by offering their personal understanding of history, politics, and honour, these memoirs claim (and justify) the right to use violence.

Islamists between revolution and the state: an epilogue

The problematic addressed in this article is the challenge initiated by the Arab revolutions to reform the Arab political system in such a way as to facilitate the incorporation of ‘democracy’ at the core of its structure. Given the profound repercussions, this issue has become the most serious matter facing the forces of change in the Arab world today; meanwhile, it forms the most prominent challenge and the most difficult test confronting Islamists. The Islamist phenomenon is not an alien implant that descended upon us from another planet beyond the social context or manifestations of history. Thus it cannot but be an expression of political, cultural, and social needs and crises. Over the years this phenomenon has presented, through its discourse, an ideological logic that falls within the context of ‘advocacy’; however, today Islamists find themselves in office, and in a new context that requires them to produce a new type of discourse that pertains to the context of a ‘state’. Political participation ‘tames’ ideology and pushes political actors to rationalize their discourse in the face of daily political realities and the necessity of achievement. The logic of advocacy differs from that of the state: in the case of advocacy, ideology represents an enriching asset, whereas in the case of the state, it constitutes a heavy burden. This is one reason why so much discourse exists within religious jurisprudence related to interest or necessity or balancing outcomes. This article forms an epilogue to the series of articles on religion and the state published in previous issues of this journal. It adopts the methodologies of ‘discourse analysis’ and ‘case studies’ in an attempt to examine the arguments presented by Islamists under pressure from the opposition. It analyses the experiences, and the constraints, that inhibit the production of a ‘model’, and monitors the development of the discourse, its structure, and transformations between advocacy, revolution and the state.

The Nabis and Intimate Modernism: Painting and the Decorative at the Fin-de-Siècle by Katherine M. Kuenzli

viewed chronologically they reveal feminism’s progressive entanglement in colonial strategy; and secondly they plot the emergence of a distinctive French feminist identity constructed in relation to the Muslim-Arab woman” (9). The insights gained from her compelling arguments about these writers’ “colonial feminism” serve as the foundation upon which her ensuing analysis is predicated. Her second chapter explores contemporary feminist discourses about Muslim women that, she maintains, continue to be rooted in a colonial point of view favoring the interests of French Republicanism. Shifting her focus to the recent controversy around the public wearing of the headscarf in France, she asserts: “the feminism of the affair [...] constructed gender equality as a republican achievement under threat, legitimizing neocolonial attitudes and transforming feminism, as a forward -looking political position, into a defense of a reified (and regressive) notion of ‘femininity’” (42). In Kemp’s view, the advocates of this “nativist feminism” equate citizenship with cultural assimilation, promoting those universalist values that are hostile to any manifestation of difference. In perhaps her most controversial passages, Kemp faults the organization “Ni putes ni soumises,” which came into being following the 2004 debate, for encouraging Muslim women in France to abandon their cultural and religious heritage in order to conform more closely to the “French” version of citizenship. Although she acknowledges the very real threats to the freedom and safety of some Muslim-Arab women living in France who have been forced to submit to familial or community pressure to be veiled, she views the political agenda of the dominant anti-veil feminist voices as even more repressive, since they limit these women’s options to two stereotypes: the fully integrated beurette, or the submissive , yet paradoxically highly sexualized, voilée. In the second section of the book, Kemp offers readings of Fawzia Zouari’s Ce pays dont je meurs and Zahia Rahmani’s Moze and ‘Musulman’ roman, novels that she claims call into question the ideological logic underlying the beurette stereotype. With an emphasis on the disadvantaged socio-economic status of the female protagonists and the extreme state of exclusion experienced by the Harkis relocated to France after the Algerian War, these novels illustrate the daunting obstacles to the integration championed by the proponents of nativist feminism. The work concludes with “Rereading the Republic,” a chapter based on interviews with activists supporting the cause of Muslim women in France. While some readers will no doubt contest Kemp’s provocative interrogation of what she sees as French feminists’ harmful constructions of Muslim womanhood, her passionately-argued book fulfills her promise of giving voice to those who have been excluded from the ongoing debate about women and Islam in France. Carleton College (MN) Dana Strand KUENZLI, KATHERINE M. The Nabis and Intimate Modernism: Painting and the Decorative at the Fin-de-Siècle. Farnham: Ashgate, 2010. ISBN 978-0-7546-6777-3. Pp. xix + 274. $99.95. Combining intellectual and cultural studies with art history, this book focuses on the decorative paintings, panels, stage sets, houses, furnishings, and grounds produced in France, Belgium, and Germany between 1890 and 1908. It treats Vuillard, Bonnard, Matisse, and lesser-known figures such as Maurice 1180 FRENCH REVIEW 85.6 Denis and Paul Sérusier. The many reproductions and photographs in the volume are closely analyzed, and often preserve images of lost treasures destroyed by war. “Nabis” means “prophets” in Hebrew. These painters rejected both Symbolist allegory and Naturalistic visions. Their paintings lacked action, but Walter Benjamin and Jürgen Habermas after him misinterpreted them as typical of consumer fetishism and escapist fantasy. The Nabis’ work was designed for specific private (interiors or gardens) and public (posters and theaters) sites. Like Bauhaus a generation later, their art sought to soothe the viewer, but also to “overcome the pervasive mood of apathy and directionlessness [of the age], and to reconnect the individual to broader, collective ideals” (17). The Nabis moved beyond easel painting more thoroughly to integrate their art with its surroundings , but they rarely exhibited their creations publicly (unlike, say, the Musée Nissim de Camondo in the Parc Monceau). Kuenzli’s perceptive comments on Bonnard’s “Women in the Garden” (plates 2–5) and her useful footnotes illustrate...

Thinking Against the Grain

Focusing on some overlooked corners of the modernist corpus (Picadilly Circus by post-impressionist painter Charles Ginner, Woolf's 1926 essay on cinema and her analysis of the impact of photography in A Room of One's Own and in Three Guineas, Forster's portrait of the lower middle class in Howards End), this essay argues that Modernism's distrust of mass culture and the new media did not prevent modernist artists from confronting the new economy of affects. More relevantly for us today, this confrontation allowed art to enlist certain key strategies of the avant-garde – montage, collage – in a paradoxical deconstruction of the ideological logic of the mass media. The high and the low, experimentation and mass culture are thus held in tension in works which eschew the comforts of binarism in order to reassert the artist's capacity and duty to think against the grain.

Re-Enchanting Terrorism: Jihadists as “Liminal Beings”

Religious terrorists have been the subject of much scholarly scrutiny. While such analyses have endeavored to elucidate the ideological logic and implications of religious terrorism, the transnational character of jihadists necessitates new ways of understanding this phenomenon. My article attempts to explain how jihadists can be defined as liminal beings who seek to re-enchant the world via their symbolic and performative features. Jihadists' strategically position themselves as ambiguous not only as a distinguishing device, but also to enhance their belief of a cosmic war on earth. Jihadists' use of symbolic imagery on the internet works within the ambit of a magical kind of panoptic power which seeks to both impress and terrify viewers.