Local Poll Research Articles

The Gambia: Local Poll

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 60, Issue 4 p. 23983A-23983A Internal Developments The Gambia: Local Poll First published: 16 May 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2023.11024.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. Volume60, Issue4May 2023Pages 23983A-23983A RelatedInformation

The Parallel Head Taxes of Margaret Thatcher and Barack Obama: Economics As Morality and Its Populist Rejection

The legacies of Margaret Thatcher and Barack Obama are alike intertwined with failed per capita taxes: Thatcher’s infamous local government poll tax and the individual mandate tax at the heart of Obama’s signature health care reform. Examining these two taxes together reveals that—despite the pronounced differences between the two political leaders—both taxes were conceived, enacted, met with virulent popular opposition, and ultimately repealed under remarkably parallel processes. Both taxes arose out of essentially the same economic idea, and in fact, this animating idea originated from the same small network of think-tank economists in both cases. Crucially, economic theory served as both the technical basis and the moral justification for the taxes. The Thatcher poll tax was morally justified as necessary to increase local government “accountability,” defined economically such that an accountable government is one where all citizens equally bear the full marginal cost of local government spending increases. Likewise, the moral basis of the individual mandate tax was “responsibility,” defined in economic terms such that a responsible person is one who bears the marginal cost imposed on society by their decision not to purchase health insurance. Neither Thatcher nor Obama conceived of or initially supported their respective per capita taxes, which instead arose from small, relatively isolated groups, heavily influenced by academic economists. Accordingly, the taxes were designed to fit abstract economic theories crafted by experts, with little regard for popular opinion or practical and historical experience. Not surprisingly, the taxes proved highly unpopular and hard to implement, imposing heavy political costs on Thatcher, Obama, and their respective parties. Despite the intense opposition from the populace, the major opposition parties initially either supported or at least accepted the taxes, only opposing them after popular anger became undeniable. The real fault lines that emerged were between the establishment political class and the majority of the electorate. This division was characterized by a preference for expert administration based on science—especially neoliberal economic theory—on the one hand, and a preference for popular sovereignty informed by traditional notions of fairness on the other. Popular perceptions of unfairness were amplified by the regressive nature of the taxes, and I argue that regressivity was a logical consequence of the economic theories undergirding the taxes.

SOUTH AFRICA: Local Poll Campaign

SOUTH AFRICA: Local Poll Campaign

Student youth as an entrepreneurial resource: Experience of Russian university

The articles reveals specific features of potential entrepreneurship based on statistic data of a local poll and analysis of resource potential and formation of sustainable motivation in a multidimensional environment. Possible typology of potential entrepreneurs in a study group was identified according to ratio “provision of resources - power of motivation”.

How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685-1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books. Volume 2: 1716-1735 - Edited by James Collett-White

Parliamentary HistoryVolume 29, Issue 3 p. 475-477 How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685–1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books. Volume 2: 1716–1735 – Edited by James Collett-White STUART HANDLEY, STUART HANDLEY History of ParliamentSearch for more papers by this author STUART HANDLEY, STUART HANDLEY History of ParliamentSearch for more papers by this author First published: 01 October 2010 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2010.00216_7.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume29, Issue3October 2010Pages 475-477 RelatedInformation

How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685-1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books. Vol. II: 1716-1735

This second volume, like its predecessor for the years 1685 to 1715 (rev. ante, cxxiii [2008], 1039–40), is a lavish production printed on heavy high-quality paper. It is also 34 pages longer than the first volume, giving more for the same price. The extra length is partly due to the fact that it contains seven poll books, two more than the previous contribution. Although two of these document by-elections in Bedford (one held in 1725, the other in 1731), it is nevertheless striking, since the period 1716 to 1735 witnessed only three general elections compared with the thirteen held between 1685 and 1715. Quite why the survey ends in 1735, when the last of these occurred in 1734, is unclear. Indeed, in the Introduction, the editor makes the mistake of assigning the last to the year 1735, though this error is not repeated elsewhere. The reason for the discrepancy in the frequency of contests he rightly assigns to the Septennial Act of 1716. His claim that this ‘reduced the ruinous candidates’ and supporters’ expenses’, however, is at odds with his observation that ‘at least three Bedfordshire families [were] forced to sell their estates and leave the county’ between 1731 and 1748. It is also contradicted by the findings of previous psephological studies which led to the exact opposite conclusion. The prospect of winning seats for seven rather than for three years led to a sharp increase in expenditure on elections. Yet Mr Collett-White repeats the claim when criticising tory demands for the repeal of the Septennial Act on the grounds that ‘they possibly did not consider that more frequent elections would mean more costs and that the Whigs probably had longer purses than they did’. He also overlooks the presence of Country whigs among those demanding a return to triennial contests. More familiarity with other investigations, as with the first volume, could have avoided such assertions. Again, he has overlooked the History of Parliament's contributions to the field of electoral studies; with less excuse this time, as the relevant volumes for the years 1715 to 1754, edited by Romney Sedgwick, appeared as long ago as 1970. As with the previous study, however, this one is more a contribution to local social rather than political history. Most of the volume is devoted to the reproduction of poll books, which should provide rich pickings for students of Bedfordshire in the early eighteenth century.

On the ideological distance between relevant candidates for the presidency of the Republic of Poland in 2010

This article is an analytical review of the programmes of the registered candidates for the post of the President of the Republic of who took part in the presidential campaign of 2010. Economic issues and external policy are taken as certain markers of the political distance between the candidates. A variety of methods were used in conducting the research — the comparative analysis, the content analysis of the candidates’ programme documents and speeches, the method of expert review, and the secondary data analysis method. In the Republic of presidential election is held in accordance with the Law on the election of the President of the Republic of Poland of September 27, 1990 [1]. In compliance with the decree of Bronislaw Komorowski, the Marshal of the Sejm (the lower house of the Parliament of Poland) and the acting President since the death of President Lech Kaczynski, the election was scheduled for June 20, 2010 [2]. In case none of the candidates wins 50 %+1 vote in the first round, the second round will take place on July 4, 2010, featuring the two candidates who gained most votes. If one of the candidates withdraws the candidature in the second round, the candidate with the third best result in the first round proceeds to the second one. A distinctive feature of the presidential election of 2010 in terms of the format of voter participation is the fact that people with special needs can vote by proxy provided they have obtained the necessary document. The compilation of the list of voters is to be finished on June 6, 2010: gminas draw up the lists on the basis of the data on residents permanently registered on the territory. The voters who do not have a permanent registration at the place of their actual residence can obtain a certificate of the right to vote in the presidential elections at the local poll station or submit an application for the inclusion on the list of voters in the gimna the voter will be on June 20, 2010. Igor Zhukovskii

How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685-1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books Volume 2 1716-1735 - By J. Collett-White

HistoryVolume 94, Issue 316 p. 536-537 How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685–1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books Volume 2 1716–1735 – By J. Collett-White H. R. FRENCH, H. R. FRENCH University of ExeterSearch for more papers by this author H. R. FRENCH, H. R. FRENCH University of ExeterSearch for more papers by this author First published: 23 September 2009 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229X.2009.00468_31.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Volume94, Issue316October 2009Pages 536-537 RelatedInformation

How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685-1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books. Vol. 1: 1685-1715

How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685-1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books. Vol. 1: 1685-1715

How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685–1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books. Volume 1 1685–1715 By J. Collett‐White

<i>How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685–1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books. Volume 1 1685–1715</i> By J. Collett‐White

How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685–1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books. Volume I: 1685–1715 – Edited by James Collett‐White

How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685–1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books. Volume I: 1685–1715 – Edited by James Collett‐White

A Pattern Search Filter Method for Nonlinear Programming without Derivatives

This paper formulates and analyzes a pattern search method for general constrained optimization based on filter methods for step acceptance. Roughly, a filter method accepts a step that improves either the objective function value or the value of some function that measures the constraint violation. The new algorithm does not compute or approximate any derivatives, penalty constants, or Lagrange multipliers. A key feature of the new algorithm is that it preserves the division into SEARCH and local POLL steps, which allows the explicit use of inexpensive surrogates or random search heuristics in the SEARCH step. It is shown here that the algorithm identifies limit points at which optimality conditions depend on local smoothness of the functions and, to a greater extent, on the choice of a certain set of directions. Stronger optimality conditions are guaranteed for smoother functions and, in the constrained case, for a fortunate choice of the directions on which the algorithm depends. These directional conditions generalize those given previously for linear constraints, but they do not require a feasible starting point. In the absence of general constraints, the proposed algorithm and its convergence analysis generalize previous work on unconstrained, bound constrained, and linearly constrained generalized pattern search. The algorithm is illustrated on some test examples and on an industrial wing planform engineering design application.

Local poll hints at refusal to work overtime.

Most nurses regularly do unpaid overtime and are ready to refuse to if they do not get what they see as a fair pay deal, a survey has shown.

L'évolution des partis politiques en 1977

The political year of 1977 was essentially marked by the organizing of an anticipated parliamentary election (six months after a local poll) and by the forming of a new government coalition. The aftermath of these elections and the reactions to the forming of the Tindemans Vcoalition cabinet were the main factors which conditioned the evolution of partie in the course of that year.