Lithuanian Nationalists Research Articles

Lithuanian nationalists in the Eastern United States 1941–1943: from the Lithuanian American National Association to the Lithuanian American National Center

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama JAV lietuvių tautininkų rimčiausia problema – atskirų grupių konsolidacija. Susiskaldymas kliudė ne tik visoms JAV lietuvių patriotinėms srovėms bendradarbiauti, bet ir patiems tautininkams veikti. Dėmesys kreipiamas į JAV rytų valstijų tautininkų bandymą Antrojo pasaulinio karo metais suvienyti savo jėgas, siekiant visos JAV lietuvių tautininkų srovės vienybės. Tuo tikslu Niujorke-Brukline veikusi Lietuvių amerikiečių tautininkų sąjunga (angl. Lithuanian American National Association, 1940–1943) 1943 metais perorganizuojama į Lietuvių amerikiečių tautininkų centrą (angl. Lithuanian American National Center), viliantis, kad šis centras (toliau – Centras) taps vienijimosi ašimi. Pakeitus vadovybę pavyko vietos tautininkų jėgas konsoliduoti. Tačiau ir toliau buvo prieštaravimų su JAV vakarų valstijų tautininkais, kurie nuo 1941 metų birželio 7–8 dienos telkėsi naujoje organizacijoje – Lietuvai vaduoti sąjunga (angl. Leaque for the Liberation of Lithuania) Klivlende ir rodė didesnį aktyvumą. Ir vieni, ir kiti siekė vadovauti JAV lietuvių tautinės srovės judėjimui, tai ir buvo viena iš nesusikalbėjimo priežasčių. Nors organizacijos iki pat 1949 metų liko gana savarankiškos, bet bendri Lietuvai vaduoti veiksmai buvo geranoriškai derinami. Keliama problema – istorikų dar nenagrinėtas klausimas, o panaudoti šaltiniai pirmą kartą įtraukti į tyrimą.

Augustinas Voldemaras and Soviet-Lithuanian Relations in 1926-1929

The article analyzes the nuances of the changes in Soviet-Lithuanian relations after the coup d'etat staged in December 1926. The coming to power of the leaders of the Lithuanian Nationalist and Republican Union A. Smetona and A. Voldemaras initially contributed to the situation of uncertainty in bilateral relations. Moscow was extremely concerned about Voldemaras' desire to exacerbate the Polish-Soviet contradictions in order to solve the Vilnius problem in Polish-Lithuanian relations. The Soviet diplomats feared that Voldemaras could provoke an armed conflict with Poland and that the Soviet Union would inevitably be involved in the conflict. On the other hand, Soviet diplomacy was interested in maintaining both the independence of Lithuania and the maintenance of some tension between Poland and Lithuania, as this situation created obstacles to Poland’s spread of influence throughout the Baltic East. By the late 1920s, it became apparent to Moscow that dissatisfaction with Voldemaras’ policy in Lithuania had reached its climax and that Voldemaras was to be forced out of Lithuanian political life in the near future. As a result, a few months before Voldemaras’ resignation, the political leadership of the USSR categorically opposed contacts with him by the leadership of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs.

Literature and Its Authors in the Interwar Lithuanian Radio Programs

In the article, the author discusses the presentation of the Lithuanian literature by the State Radio Broadcast “Valstybės radiofonas” in 1926-1940. The author presents specific literary radio program genres (recitations, radio drama, lectures, and commemorations), identifies those Lithuanian authors who received the most attention, examines the image of the national writer and the function it played in radio lectures and programs, and the ways in which the writers themselves took part in the radio programs.Radio lectures dedicated to Lithuanian writers and literature and commemorations of the writers’ anniversaries had consistently strengthened the point of view of the Lithuanian Nationalist and Republican Union towards literature and attributed educational function to it. This function is particularly noticeable in the interpretations of the works and biographies of the three authors most often discussed on the air: Maironis, Kudirka, and Vaižgantas. These writers were treated as heroes, whose example was fostered to follow. The image of national writers was employed to create the personal cult of President Antanas Smetona. In accordance with this image, the political leader was presented as the successor of the activities of the writers’ who occupied a significant place in the society.In addition to this ideologized attitude to literature, another approach, which created preconditions for more independent literary processes and more critical reader, began to emerge. Interwar radio broadened the usual forms of literary communication and provided a platform for discussing literary news and a stage for the youngest writers who made their debut in the late 1920s and 1930s. Radio programs dedicated to literature (such as literary evenings and book reviews) demonstrate both the emerging reflection on literary processes and the more critical listener, and testify to the growing autonomy of literature.

The Tactics of the Women‘s Movement in the 4th Parliament Election

1927 was significant for the women’s movement because it was necessary to review the goals and their implementation methods in the women’s movement while adapting to altered political conditions. On 6 December 1928, the government issued an order that made it necessary to reregister organisations and pointed out that members of an association could be persons who were 21 or older. In this political environment, the activities of the Lithuanian catholic women’s organisation became more passive and shifted towards the areas of culture and education. It passed on taking care of women’s affairs to other women’s organisations. During the 30s, it underwent a crisis, and the Lithuanian Women’s Council was positioned not as a political or charity organisation but as an ideological organisation that had a goal of educating and encouraging women to be interested in culture, develop their sense of responsibility (for the society, family and country) and protect women’s affairs. Financial support from the government allowed the Council to develop relations and represent the Lithuanian women’s movement on the international scale. This was an important factor of the development and unification of the women’s movement but not its trengthening. The active Lithuanian Women’s Union was forced to limit its activities after the upheaval. During the 30s of the 20th century, Lithuanian women’s movement displayed consolidation of all three areas (catholic, democratic and social-democratic) when attempting to solve issues related to women’s representation in the 4th Seimas, prostitution, position of women and children in families, piece and other issues. Lithuanian history does not include very many analyses of elections to the 4th Seimas and the tactics applied by the Lithuanian Nationalist Union that limited all possibilities for female representatives to become members of the parliament. This shows that this political power created a mirage that was dispersed on the day of the election to the 4th Seimas, even though it allegedly satisfied the requirements of the women’s movement and showing the society it was represented. The article analyses the inability of women’s organisations to agree and suggest a representative to the Council of Lithuania as well as its weak representation of women in self-management. The article also discusses its causes and consequences.Aim of the article – having revealed the limitations of women’s activities in the national life during the 30s of the 20th century, to analyse the reasons of the defeat of the women’s movement in the 4th Seimas

Historical Articles in the Lithuanian Periodical Press, 1904–1918: A Quantitative Approach

The paper is focused on historical articles in the periodical press of 1904 to 1918 from a quantitative point of view. This period was significant because the year 1904 marks the beginning of the legitimate Lithuanian periodical press and also the period of Lithuanian political diversification, while 1918 starts the period of the Republic of Lithuania. History was an important part of the Lithuanian national movement and it helped to create the Lithuanian identity. On the other hand, the historical significance of historical articles in the Lithuanian periodical press is usually overrated or unclear. This study shows that during this period, historical articles make up only about 1.8 per cent of the whole list of topics of articles. Meanwhile, such themes as politics, economics, religion, and literature were much more popular. However, it also shows clear progress of Lithuanian historical articles from only 27 articles in 1904 to 358 articles in 1918. This progress was uneven and we can distinguish four quantitative upswings: in 1905, 1910, 1914, and 1918. Analysis of the most common topics in Lithuanian historical articles showed that the history of the Lithuanian countryside was the most popular. Thus, the history of places close to most of the Lithuanians living in the countryside was more common than the history of the Lithuanian cities. The most popular periods of Lithuanian history was the period from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries and the history of the nineteenth century. Among historical events, the most popular were the Battle of Žalgiris, the abolition of serfdom in 1861, and lifting the ban on the Lithuanian press in 1904. Foreign history was also quite popular in Lithuanian periodicals. The article also deals with the relation of different Lithuanian political ideologies to historical articles. While two right-wing political groups, Lithuanian nationalists and Lithuanian Christian Democrats, wrote widely on historical topics and especially liked the period of the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries and the nineteenth century in Lithuanian history, the Lithuanian left-wing or centre-left political parties, Lithuanian Social Democrats and Lithuanian Democrats, wrote about the past and overall history of Lithuania much less: they were mostly interested in the history of the nineteenth century and in foreign history.

Cultural memory in Lithuanian periodical press during World War II

During World War II Lithuania was ruled by three completely different political regimes. In the first year Lithuania was authoritarian state ruled by group of nationalists, in 1940 Lithuania was occupied by Soviet Union and in 1941 State was occupied by Nazi Germany. All these political powers was undemocratic and propagated their ideologies. One of the most important aspect of every ideology is to suggest new concept of time. This change of perception of time could be seen in the change of cultural memory. Article try to analyze this change using the most popular Lithuanian periodical press of the period. This research analyzed main historical periods and the most popular themes represented in the main newspapers. Using theories of Anthony D. Smith and Raoul Girardet research showed what historical periods was seen positively and what negatively, what was main historical heroes and enemies; also how foreign history was represented in the periodical press. The quantitative content analysis showed that while representations of history in the so called independent Lithuania and in Lithuania occupied by Nazis was quite similar, historical representations during first Soviet occupation was unique. Qualitative content analysis showed that there was three very different paradigms of cultural memories, represented in periodical press. Lithuanian nationalist mostly tried to promote Lithuanian medieval times and especially Lithuanian dukes and historical capital Vilnius, also they tried to justify their politics creating myth of great welfare during their rule. They praised Soviet history, criticized Poland and poles, but wrote about most of the countries quite neutral. During Soviet occupation all Lithuanian history was harshly criticized and showed as negative times, this regime promoted only few Lithuanian heroes who died young or was known for their left wing politics. Main historical past represented in the newspapers was history of Soviet Union, other countries was ignored. Main enemies of Soviets was Lithuanian gentry, and Lithuanian rulers of the past. During Nazi occupation there was more Lithuanian national history than German history, but the main appreciable historical periods was Lithuanian prehistory and the 19th Century. Regime promoted history of Lithuanian culture and language, but tried to ignore Lithuanian state. Foreign history was mostly binary – propaganda criticized Soviet Union as well as Tsarist Russia, USA and United Kingdom, but appreciated history of Italy, Japan, Finland, Turkey, Spain etc. Main historical enemies were of course Bolsheviks and Jews.

Działalność Augustinasa Voldemarasa jako kreatora litewskiej polityki zagranicznej wobec Polski, Niemiec i ZSRR w latach 1926–1929

Following the coup d’état of December 1926, Lithuania found itself governed by the leaders of the Lithuanian Nationalists, Augustinas Voldemaras and Antanas Smetona. The article discusses Voldemaras’ foreign policy during the important for Lithuania years of 1927 and 1928. It was the period of attempted reconstruction of Polish-Lithuanian relations, mainly in the context of Vilnius region, secret negotiations with the Germans to secure additional financial support for the young Lithuanian state, and policy of détente with the USSR which made it possible for Lithuania to gain a powerful ally in the argument with Poland.

Amerikos lietuvių konferencijos 1943 metais vaidmuo

The Lithuanian-American Conference that took place 1943.9.1-2 in Pittsburgh was referred to as the Lithuanian-American Congress in later historiography. Since delegates from the influential and patriotic U.S. Lithuanian nationalist movement did not participate in that conference, it had less weightier consequences than a Congress might have had. The Conference was called in response to the successes of the Allies (the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain) on the European Front and in response to the emerging opportunity to liberate Lithuania from the Nazi occupation. The fact that Leonardas Šimutis, Pijus Grigaitis and other stalwarts of the Lithuanian-American Council (ALT) took the lead in calling this conference reflected their desire to retain and strengthen their own position as leaders of the diaspora community in the struggle for Lithuanian independence. In that period the Lithuanian nationalists in America attempted to unify their ranks so they could effectively participate themselves in efforts to reestablish Lithuania’s independence. But it proved difficult to unite all the Lithuanian patriotic forces in the United States, mainly because the diaspora nationalists (first of all the editor of the weekly “Dirva” newspaper Kazys Karpius) felt offended by the stalwarts of the Lithuanian American Council (ALT), particularly the socialists. The latter did not support President Antanas Smetona, demanded that upon liberation a “democratic Lithuania” be established, incessantly castigated the previous authoritarian regime, and failed to invite the nationalists’ political organization, the Union to Free Lithuania, to the conference. The still active Lithuanian Communists in the United States fully rejected participation in the conference, which their newspapers “Vilnis” and “Laisvė” denounced as an effort to revive “Fascist rule in Lithuania.”[...]

ИСТОРИОГРАФИЯ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ПРАВООХРАНИТЕЛЬНЫХ ОРГАНОВ СССР В СОВЕТСКОЙ ЛИТВЕ В 1940-1945 ГГ.

The article presents a historiographical survey of the scientific papers devoted to the history of Soviet law-enforcement activity in Soviet Lithuania in 1940-1945. The authors analyse domestic and foreign publications on this issue. The findings lead to the conclusion that certain aspects of the Lithuanian history of the Second World War period, such as Lithuania’s entry into the Soviet Union in June, 1940, its Nazi occupation in June, 1941, the Lithuanian nationalists’ collaboration, are still relevant and require further research.

Zamach stanu na Litwie w 1926 r. i jego konstytucyjnoprawne następstwa. Oktrojowana ustawa zasadnicza

The article (the second in turn – from the planned cycle of three) shows the consequences of the 1926 coup d’etat in Lithuania. The focus is primarily on the legal aspects. Presented and evaluated is also the constitution (Basic Law) – adopted by President A. Smetona shortly after the coup – in 1928. Therule of Lithuanian nationalists ( tautininkai ) after 1926 is also generally characterized.

Guarding the honor of the nation and the prosperity of the state: National Defense of Lithuania ‘Iron Wolf’ (1928-1930)

ABSTRACTThe radical right, semi-clandestine, and paramilitary organization called the National Defense of Lithuania ‘Iron Wolf’ (1928–1930) is, perhaps, the best known and the only example of an attempt to introduce a fascist form of governance in interwar Lithuania. Established and controlled by the Lithuanian Nationalist Union (Lietuvių tautininkų sąjunga) authorities, its first and foremost task was to protect the new nationalist regime from its political opponents, spread propaganda, as well as report any acts of societal disloyalty and disobedience. The short-lived organization was shut down due to conflict between the highest authorities and the threat that ‘Iron Wolf’ was beginning to pose to President Smetona’s rule.

Zamach stanu na Litwie w 1926 r. i jego konstytucyjnoprawne następstwa. Antecedencje i przebieg zamachu

The article presents the circumstances of the 1926 coup d’etat in Lithuania, the events preceding the coup, his course, but also the consequences. The focus is primarily on the legal aspects, like functioning in practice the democratic constitution of 1922. The article is the Urst in a series of three. In the following will be presented next Basic Law –adopted by President A. Smetona in 1928, another constitution of 1938 and the general system of government by Lithuanian nationalists.

‘Lithuanian Nationalists’ against ‘Imperial Russians’? Generational Conflicts between Senior Lithuanian Army Officers

With the creation of the Lithuanian armed forces in the early 20th century, the question ofhaving officers loyal to the idea of the nation-state inevitably arose. It became especially relevantduring the Wars of Independence that followed the First World War. Due to the need tocreate the armed forces urgently, individuals from different backgrounds and with differentexperiences joined the corps of officers in the emerging Lithuanian army. Therefore, a varietyof tensions of a political and social nature arose between them, which in some cases grewinto open conflict. The article examines the question of whether these conflicts were based ondifferences in officers’ education, social background, national engagement or experience. Canwe explain the conflicts between the officers by the generation gap? And what role was playedin these conflicts by the experience of military service acquired by some officers in the ImperialRussian army, including experience in the First World War? KEY WORDS: Lithuanian army, Russian army, officer corps, relations between officers and politicians,generational conflicts, prosopography.

Censorship of Public Lithuanian Theatre Evenings in Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Imperial Russia

The goal of this article is to examine the censorship of public Lithuanian theatre evening repertoires under imperial Russian rule in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The author offers a short history of theatre censorship in imperial Russia and identifies the general principles that guided state censors. Drawing on archival material, she reconstructs how the repertoires of public Lithuanian theatre evenings was censored. She examines specific edits that have been preserved in copies of censored plays and compares banned and approved plays, identifying specific requirements that were made of Lithuanian playwrights: state censorship prohibited the expression of nationalist aspirations in any form, and the performance of any works that portrayed the Russian people in a negative light.Lithuanian works were censored somewhat more lightly than Russian plays of the same period, particularly after the Revolution of 1905. This loosening of censorship reflects the general tendencies of softening censorship, a process to which Eduard Volter, a censor who was sympathetic to the Lithuanian nationalist movement, contributed. Volter viewed Lithuanian historical dramas in formal terms and did not withold permits for performances of plays that might inspire patriotic feelings.The author of the article comes to the conclusion that theatre censorship during this period was ineffective: it does not appear to have had a significant effect on Lithuanian playwrights, as censorship guidelines were not applied to the texts of published dramatic works. This was a result of Lithuania’s particular, northwestern situation. Because of imperial Russia’s ban on Lithuanian-language publications, most earlier plays had been printed outside of the Russian Empire; moreover, the organizers of public Lithuanian theatre evenings had the experience and alternative of holding secret Lithuanian events prior to 1904. In the Lithuanian consciousness, because the organization of Lithuanian theatre evenings was associated with a stance of defying official policy, censorship rules were not always adhered to. While censorship sought to control Lithuanian theatre evenings repertoires, it ultimately reinforced the politicization of Lithuanian theatregoers.

The Emergence of the Lithuanian Radical Right Movement, 1922–1927

The article discusses the origins and development of the interwar Lithuanian radical right-wing movement before the coup d’état of December 1926. During the second half of 1922, the first sporadic outbreaks of Lithuanian ultra-patriotism occurred. They were carried out by veterans of the independence wars and students – both representatives of the “tautininkai (patriotic) stream.” In parallel, during the period 1923–1927, another two separate groups started operating as right-wing political parties: the pro-fascist movement coordinated by the Christian Democrats, and the “Secret Officers Union” allied with the “Lithuanian Nationalist Union” (Tautininkai). These three groups and their interrelations comprised the core of the early Lithuanian radical right. By focusing on the destabilizing role of war veterans, the author is explicit about the connection between the war and the radicalization of politics in interwar Lithuania.

Pепрезентации “Литвы” в культурных и политических контекстах первой половины XIX века

SUMMARY: The article traces the process of transformation of the idea of Lithuania in the lands of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania during the first half of the nineteenth century. The Grand Duchy had all but disappeared within the Polish kingdom in the eighteenth century, and the partition of Poland seemed to be delivering the final blow to the medieval and early modern concept of Lithuania. Incorporated into the Russian Empire, the lands of the Grand Duchy were redistributed among new provinces in such a way that administrative borders would not coincide with historical ones. Later on, the very mention of Lithuania was prohibited in the names of provinces and titles of periodicals. And yet, precisely during this period, when even the cultural elite of the region was exclusively Polish-speaking, a radical transformation of mental mapping took place. The archaic concept of a historical region inhabited by a multiconfessional and multicultural population, “Lithuania” was reinvented as a national territory of the Lithuanian ethnic nation. This transformation proceeded over several stages, and was influenced by the rise of a Herderian linguistic understanding of the nation, a Romantic obsession with nativism, and the development of population statistics. Russian imperial anti-Polish policies helped the process of differentiation of the Lithuanian cultural elite from the former common Polish public sphere. Parallel to this, the Lithuanian lower classes were differentiated from the local Slavic population, and for the first time was imagined as belonging to the same horizontal community of solidarity as the elite – the community of culturally, historically, and territorially defined Lithuanians. The scene was set for the rise of a modern Lithuanian nationalist movement.

Jeszcze w sprawie Wilna w okresie międzywojennym

For a long time in the Lithuanian historiography the question of Vilnius was highlighted as a local problem of Lithuanian-Polish relations. In the historiography of the Second Republic of Lithuania this problem acquired a broader context. The events of 1919–1920 gave the problem of Vilnius an international status during the period between the world wars. After the League of Nations intervened, the question became not only European but also problem of world scale. Traditionally, in the Lithuanian historiography the question of Vilnius included chronological frame between October 8, 1920, when the treaty of Suwalki was breached, and March 19, 1938, when the Polish ultimatum was accepted. For the long time this period was treated by historians as monolithic. However, during that period despite the constant confrontation one can also see some brighter moments. There were more of these moments in the beginning of the 1930’s when it became clear that the question of Vilnius lost its importance in the international community. The period between June 12, 1934, when S. Lozoraitis became the foreign minister of Lithuania and July 1936, when his second meeting with his Polish counterpart failed, can be called the period of a thaw possibility in the relationships between Kaunas and Warsaw. In an attempt to analyze the problem more objectively, it was necessary to look for a new point of reference. It was found in the document signed by A. Smetona and K. Bizauskas on August 22, 1939, which quite unexpectedly revealed some new aspects of Lithuanian nationalist foreign policy. In this document the president of Lithuania appoints the advisor of Lithuanian Mission in Poland Antanas Trimakas to the post of a general consul in Vilnius with the area of jurisdiction including the voivodship of Vilnius and Bialystok. It is possible to state with reference to the norms of international law that by this act A. Smetona recognized Vilnius and Vilnius region as part of Poland. Therefore we should expand the chronological frame of Vilnius question from October 8, 1920 until August 22, 1939.

Nationalism and family ideology: The case of Lithuania at the turn of the 20th century

At the turn of the 20th century, many European countries paid increasing attention to the family as a social institution. The interest itself was closely related to the rise of nationalism in Europe, and consequently, the family was supposed to serve its goals. Similar to German, Italian or French nationalists, Lithuanian-speaking intelligentsia were aware of the importance of the family in developing a strong nation. Nevertheless, unlike Westerners, the Lithuanian nationalists did not connect the family ideology with pronatalistic discourse. Lithuanian family ideology was not focused on procreation as its main goal. Only a nationally conscious wife and children raised in the Lithuanian spirit were considered to be the most solid base for a strong nation.

Retorsijos įkaitai : lenkai Lietuvos respublikoje 1918-1940 metais

According to the official census from 1923, the Republic of Lithuania was inhabited by 65,600 Poles, constituting 3,2% of its whole population. The results of the census were harshly criticised even during the period between the wars. The representatives of the Polish minority pointed out that because of political and national reasons the authorities wanted to prove a lower percentage of the Poles in the society. Based on the statistics from the parliamentary elections (Seimas), the Poles estimated their number at 202,000 (10%). The Polish population appeared in Lithuania as a result of the process of Polonisation lasting from the 16th to the 19th century. Lithuania stayed in the union with Poland. In the 20th century, an independent Lithuanian country emerged. Its authorities decided that the results of cultural and linguistic Polonisation were detrimental to Lithuania. Lithuanian nationalists regarded the Poles in Lithuania as 'polonised Lithuanians'. Their national identity was ignored and only their Lithuanian descent was emphasized. The aim of the national authorities was to re-Lithuanise this group of citizens. Because of these reasons the use of the Polish language was restricted and the authorities were reluctant to open Polish schools. Part of the Polish minority reacted towards the building of the independent Lithuanian state in 1918-1920 with hostility. The group opted for the reestablishment of the union with Poland. In 1919, Polska Organizacja Wojskowa (Polish Military Organisation), consisting of the members of the Polish minority, unsuccessfully attempted a coup. The detection of the plot worsened the situation of all Poles in Lithuania. In 1920s, an agricultural reform was made in Lithuania, which seriously limited the economic role of the gentry who were mainly Poles. The situation of the Polish minority was also connected with the conflict between Lithuania and Poland lasting during the whole discussed period. One of the pressure methods used by Poland was the repressions against the Lithuanian minority in Poland. Lithuania retaliated on the Polish minority. The years 1927-1928 and 1936-1938 were especially difficult in that respect. Nevertheless, the Polish minority managed to create a rich political, social and cultural life. In the years 1920-1926 two up to four Polish members were elected for the Lithuanian Parliament. "Pochodnia", an educational organisation, was established, whose main aim was to open and maintain Polish schools. Newspapers were pub lished, including the most important "Dzien Kow ienski" (since 1935 "Dzien Polski") and "Chata Rodzinna".

When is a Nation? Comparing Lithuania and Georgia

The article uses a constructivist reformulation of the question 'when is a nation?' as a parameter of comparison for the analysis of nationalist discourses on history in post-socialist Lithuania and Georgia. It shows that Lithuanian nationalists, by means of a critical reassessment of national history, described the nation as something that still had to be created, whereas Georgian nationalists referred to the unchallenged image of a glorious past and so treated the nation as something to be simply picked up from history. It is also argued that these diverging historiographical narratives correspond to different conceptualisations of the notion of the nation. While Lithuanians nationalists conceptualised the nation in the tradition of the French Revolution as a category that aims at the reconfiguration of state-society relations, Georgian nationalists identified it with traditional modes of organising social relations.