Lithuanian Case Research Articles

EVALUATION OF BUILDINGS’ REDEVELOPMENT ALTERNATIVES WITH AN EMPHASIS ON THE MULTIPARTITE SUSTAINABILITY

The authors analyse the problem of derelict buildings’ redevelopment by means of multi criterion decision‐making techniques. The aim of the research is to rank derelict buildings’ redevelopment alternatives from the multiple sustainability approach. Moreover, handling of MCDM techniques is discussed. The MCDM techniques used are: technique for order preference by similarity to ideal solution (TOPSIS) and compromise ranking method (VIKOR). A Lithuanian case study is presented to illustrate similarities and differences of ranking results using these methods in particular situation. The comparisons of the results after multiple criteria analysis implementation are made in the paper and scientific recommendations for a sustainable redevelopment of derelict buildings in Lithuanian rural areas are suggested on a basis of calculations.

Įnirtęs nykštukas : tautinių demokratų politinės pažiūros

One of the leading political groups in the Second Polish Republic, the National Camp, showed great interest in the problem of mutual relations between Poland and Lithuania. The National Democracy thought that the project of creating a common Polish-Lithuanian country meant the failure of the national programme. "Zeligowski's rebellion" and the creation of Central Lithuania on October 12, 1920, were evaluated negatively. The National Democracy was standing against the federal plans of Jozef Pilsudski but it made an exception for the Lithuanian case. The National Camp was of the opinion that the traditional union between Poland and Lithuania should be rebuilt but only in the context of the incorporation of the area of Vilnius into Poland and the acknowledgement of the Polish character of Vilnius.

Lithuanian Linguistic Nationalism and the Cult of Antiquity

Abstract. To a large extent, the Lithuanian nationalist movement of the late nineteenth century was founded on language. Although this is typical of many nationalist movements, the Lithuanian case was special because of the amount and type of attention that was focused on the Lithuanian language, and the qualities that were ascribed to that language. This article discusses the influence that scholarly research into the Indo‐European language family, in combination with the romantic nationalism typical of the nineteenth century, exerted on Lithuanian nationalists, and considers the symbolic importance of the Lithuanian language for this movement as a whole.

An analysis of bias insamizdatsources: A Lithuanian case study

An analysis of bias in<i>samizdat</i>sources: A Lithuanian case study

The Protest Uses of Symbolic Politics in the USSR

Previous articleNext article No AccessArticlesThe Protest Uses of Symbolic Politics in the USSRDavid KowalewskiDavid Kowalewski Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 42, Number 2May, 1980 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2130468 Views: 20Total views on this site Citations: 8Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1980 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Nicholas Michelsen The Political Subject of Self-immolation, Globalizations 12, no.11 (Oct 2014): 83–100.https://doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2014.971540Vjeran Pavlaković Croatia, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and General Gotovina as a Political Symbol, Europe-Asia Studies 62, no.1010 (Nov 2010): 1707–1740.https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2010.522426James C. Franklin Contentious Challenges and Government Responses in Latin America, Political Research Quarterly 62, no.44 (Sep 2008): 700–714.https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912908322405James C. Franklin Shame on You: The Impact of Human Rights Criticism on Political Repression in Latin America, International Studies Quarterly 52, no.11 (Mar 2008): 187–211.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2007.00496.xDavid Kowalewski Protest symbology: Political content and demonstration outcomes, Aggressive Behavior 12, no.33 (Jan 1986): 183–195.https://doi.org/10.1002/1098-2337(1986)12:3&lt;183::AID-AB2480120305&gt;3.0.CO;2-0Thomas Oleszczuk An analysis of bias in samizdat sources: A Lithuanian case study, Soviet Studies 37, no.11 (Nov 2007): 131–137.https://doi.org/10.1080/09668138508411572David Kowalewski, Paul Schumaker Protest Outcomes in the Soviet Union, The Sociological Quarterly 22, no.11 (Dec 2016): 57–68.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1981.tb02208.xDavid Kowalewski, Paul Schumaker Protest Outcomes in the Soviet Union*, The Sociological Quarterly 22, no.11 (Dec 1980): 57–68.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1980.tb01935.x

The Limits of Detente

1IKE many other observers, Karl Marx noted that from time of Peter Great Russian foreign policy showed a ^general tendency merely to expansionism, but to un power. He put this even more strongly in a speech of January 1876, when spoke of Russia's lodestar being the empire of world. Engels, too, wrote of her dreaming about universal supremacy. They were referring to any fixed plan, or wholly explicit intention, but rather to spirit and character of Russian State. The extent to which this general tendency (though, of course, with different content) still subsists, and degree to which it is expressed in actual practice, are clearly cen tral to any but a superficial estimate of Soviet foreign policy. Even under Tsars expansion was constant. There were periods of stasis, even of withdrawal. The provisions of Treaty of Paris, which limited Russian naval power in Black Sea, were repudiated until opportunity at last arose in 1871. And comparably, Soviet Union abandoned expansion for more than a decade before 1939. The assurances given that this would be permanent were various and formal. In sensitive matter of Baltic re publics, for example, a series of treaties provided against any conceivable Russian pressure. The renunciation of rights of sovereignty forever in a treaty signed (to take Lithuanian case) on July 12, 1920, was followed on September 22, 1926, by a nonaggression pact, twice renewed in thirties, guaranteeing Lithuanian sovereignty in all circumstances. This was strength ened in 1933 by a convention defining aggression, which said that no considerations of a political, military, economic or any other nature would justify it. Even when, on October 10, 1939, Lithuania signed under pressure a Mutual Assistance Pact, under which Soviet troops set up bases in country, its Article 7 guaranteed that this would not in any way affect sovereign rights of contracting parties, in particular their state organi zations, economic and social systems, military measures and, in general, principle of nonintervention in internal affairs. An nexation came following summer (and is one of Stalin ist measures repudiated by Khrushchev: he wept but